Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...
Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ... Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...
Islam in Contemporary Central Asia 1 3 5these policies, new meanings of Islam and of being Muslim emerged in CentralAsia: Islam became a facet of national identity even as Islamic norms of behaviorlost their authority over the public realm. This represents a new chapterin the very long history of Islam’s presence in Central Asia. It also provides av e ry important contrast to other traditionally Muslim societies, where Islam interactswith nationalism and modernity in different ways.Islamization of Central AsiaCentral Asia has long been an integral part of the Muslim world. Arab armiesconquered the cities of Transoxiana in the early eighth century, turning the regioninto the frontier of the Muslim world. Over the next two centuries, theurban population, mostly speakers of Persian, converted to Islam, and thecities very soon became connected to networks of Muslim culture and of Islamiclearning. Indeed, some of the most important figures in Islamic civilizationoriginated from Transoxiana. After the Qur’an, the second most importantsource of Islamic law are the h a d i t h , the written traditions of the Prophet.Sunni Muslims hold six compilations of h a d i t h to be authoritative. Two of thesix compilers, Imam Abu Isma‘il al-Bukhari (810–870) and Abu Isa Muhammadal-Tirmidhi (825–892), were from Transoxiana, as were the influential juristsAbu Mansur Muhammad al-Maturidi (d. circa 944) and Burhan al-DinAbu’l Hasan al-Marghinani (d. 1197). So too were the great scientist Abu Nasral-Muhammad al-Farabi (d. circa 950), known as “the second teacher” (afterAristotle), and the rationalist philosopher Abu Ali Ibn Sina (known in theWest as Avicenna, 980–1037)—all of them figures of central importance in theh i s t o ry of Islamic civilization in its so-called classical age. They were part ofbroader networks of travel and learning, which served to make the cities ofTransoxiana part of the heartland of the Muslim world. This position was furthercemented by the emergence, at the end of the tenth century, of Bukharaas the seat of the independent Samanid dynasty, which patronized the developmentof “new Persian” (written in the Arabic script) as a literary language( F rye 1965).The surrounding steppe, with its largely Turkic-speaking nomadic population,remained a borderland. Conversion to Islam was a gradual process thatlasted into the eighteenth century, although the fourteenth century was of crucialimportance. Conversion to Islam on the steppe was the work of Sufi masterswho made Islam meaningful to the population by synthesizing Islamicthemes with nomadic myths of origin. Observers have conventionally held thissyncretism to be evidence that steppe nomads were only “superficially Islamized”or that they were Muslims in name only. This view has resurf a c e dforcefully after the collapse of the Soviet Union and is sometimes applied to all
1 3 6Islam i n World Cult u r e sCentral Asians. At its base lies the questionable assumption that “real” Muslimsare those who practice Islam in the same way as it is practiced in the MiddleEast. This argument has been convincingly dismantled by the recent work ofDevin DeWeese (1994) and a number of other scholars, who have shown thatthe syncretism worked both ways and that the native worldviews and myths oforigin were thoroughly Islamized. The evidence of steppe epic tradition, narrativehistory, and hagiography shows that for steppe Muslims, Islam becamethe ancestral religion, and conversion to Islam came to be seen as the foundingmoment of the community as such. Islamic, ethnic, and communal identitieswere completely intertwined in local sacred history. Islam was thus absolutelycentral to nomadic conceptions of identity. If Islam was the ancestralreligion, however, it followed that local customs (as the legacy of the ancestors)were ipso facto Islamic. These customs were Islamized, to be sure, buttheir meaning was specifically local.The dichotomy between the cities and the steppe should not be overdrawn.The same processes of Islamizing local culture by localizing Islam can be obse rved among the sedentary population. The Turkic-language chronicle F i r-daws ul-Iqbal (The Paradise of Fame), compiled in Khiva in the late eighteenthand early nineteenth centuries, also asserted that the people of Khorezm, asdescendants of Japheth, the son of Noah, had been Muslim since creation.Along the way, various generations had lapsed into infidelity, but they hadbeen brought back to the path of Islam by divinely guided ancestors, the last ofwhom was Oghuz Khan (a mythical figure). In dispensing with the historicalnarrative of the Arab conquest of Central Asia and the process of conversion,the F i rdaws ul-Iqbal asserted that the people of Khorezm were innately Muslim(Munis and Ogahiy 1999; see also Khalid 1999).The difference between the cities and the steppe lay in the different formsthe transmission of Islam took in each, and even here the two were interconnected.In the cities, the transmission of Islam revolved around m a d r a s as (institutionsof higher education roughly the equivalent of seminaries) or in Sufilodges ( k h a n a q as) . Bukhara, in particular, was renowned for its m a d r a s as, whoseproliferation after the sixteenth century gave the city legendary status as“Bukhara the Noble.” At the turn of the twentieth century, the city was supposedto have 300 m a d r a s as and 360 mosques, one for each day of the year.The actual numbers were much smaller (lectures were given in 22 m a d r a s as inthose years), but the city attracted students from all over Central Asia and beyond.For our purposes, the important thing to note is that m a d r a s as as well ask h a n a q as were patronized by rulers and other benefactors through the use ofendowed property ( w a q f ) . This patronage created a large and influential groupof scholars ( u l a m a ) as the authoritative interpreters of norms of Islam as it waslocally understood. On the steppe, this group was absent. Religious authoritywas much more diffuse and was not connected to the interests of an influential
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<strong>Islam</strong> <strong>in</strong> Contemporary Central Asia 1 3 5these policies, new mean<strong>in</strong>gs of <strong>Islam</strong> and of be<strong>in</strong>g Muslim emerged <strong>in</strong> CentralAsia: <strong>Islam</strong> became a facet of national identity even as <strong>Islam</strong>ic norms of behaviorlost their authority over the public realm. This represents a new chapter<strong>in</strong> the very long history of <strong>Islam</strong>’s presence <strong>in</strong> Central Asia. It also provides av e ry important contrast to other traditionally Muslim societies, where <strong>Islam</strong> <strong>in</strong>teractswith nationalism and modernity <strong>in</strong> different ways.<strong>Islam</strong>ization of Central AsiaCentral Asia has long been an <strong>in</strong>tegral part of the Muslim world. Arab armiesconquered the cities of Transoxiana <strong>in</strong> the early eighth century, turn<strong>in</strong>g the region<strong>in</strong>to the frontier of the Muslim world. Over the next two centuries, theurban population, mostly speakers of Persian, converted to <strong>Islam</strong>, and thecities very soon became connected to networks of Muslim culture and of <strong>Islam</strong>iclearn<strong>in</strong>g. Indeed, some of the most important figures <strong>in</strong> <strong>Islam</strong>ic civilizationorig<strong>in</strong>ated from Transoxiana. After the Qur’an, the second most importantsource of <strong>Islam</strong>ic law are the h a d i t h , the written traditions of the Prophet.Sunni Muslims hold six compilations of h a d i t h to be authoritative. Two of thesix compilers, Imam Abu Isma‘il al-Bukhari (810–870) and Abu Isa Muhammadal-Tirmidhi (825–892), were from Transoxiana, as were the <strong>in</strong>fluential juristsAbu Mansur Muhammad al-Maturidi (d. circa 944) and Burhan al-D<strong>in</strong>Abu’l Hasan al-Margh<strong>in</strong>ani (d. 1197). So too were the great scientist Abu Nasral-Muhammad al-Farabi (d. circa 950), known as “the second teacher” (afterAristotle), and the rationalist philosopher Abu Ali Ibn S<strong>in</strong>a (known <strong>in</strong> theWest as Avicenna, 980–1037)—all of them figures of central importance <strong>in</strong> theh i s t o ry of <strong>Islam</strong>ic civilization <strong>in</strong> its so-called classical age. They were part ofbroader networks of travel and learn<strong>in</strong>g, which served to make the cities ofTransoxiana part of the heartland of the Muslim world. This position was furthercemented by the emergence, at the end of the tenth century, of Bukharaas the seat of the <strong>in</strong>dependent Samanid dynasty, which patronized the developmentof “new Persian” (written <strong>in</strong> the Arabic script) as a literary language( F rye 1965).The surround<strong>in</strong>g steppe, with its largely Turkic-speak<strong>in</strong>g nomadic population,rema<strong>in</strong>ed a borderland. Conversion to <strong>Islam</strong> was a gradual process thatlasted <strong>in</strong>to the eighteenth century, although the fourteenth century was of crucialimportance. Conversion to <strong>Islam</strong> on the steppe was the work of Sufi masterswho made <strong>Islam</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>gful to the population by synthesiz<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Islam</strong>icthemes with nomadic myths of orig<strong>in</strong>. Observers have conventionally held thissyncretism to be evidence that steppe nomads were only “superficially <strong>Islam</strong>ized”or that they were Muslims <strong>in</strong> name only. This view has resurf a c e dforcefully after the collapse of the Soviet Union and is sometimes applied to all