My Life

My Life - Oswald Mosleymore advanced measures I believe to be ultimately necessary—notably Europe aNation—will not be accepted until the necessity arises with the stimulus of crisis. YetI have rebutted the suggestion I desire this to occur; it is no more true of me than ofthe doctor who diagnoses the need for an operation. It is my duty to state my opinionthat more drastic measures will be necessary, but I still may hope to be proved wrongin the view that so serious a crisis will happen. It would mean a hard, tough time forall of us. No one but a fool will choose the hard way if easier means are available. Asfor my personal position, I may be forgiven the claim at this stage of my life to havebeen proved right so often by subsequent events that I can now well afford with somecontent to be proved wrong in this particular respect. Like everyone else, I wouldrather continue in a happy life than have the barren satisfaction of being proved rightby adversity.Nevertheless, it is clearly my duty to warn that we may come in the end to a supremenational crisis, for the basic reason that this island will not be able indefinitely toexport nearly a third of its total production in face of all the factors already discussed.Our long delay in entering Europe and the missing of so many opportunities gives usno easy escape from this situation. We shall certainly find the door of Europe closedto us until we can produce real evidence that we enter as good Europeans and not asAmerican agents, and we may even then find considerable reluctance to open thedoors of institutions which have learnt to get along quite well without us. We couldhave led to almost any conclusion in 1948, when I first said Europe a Nation—Franceand Germany were then divided and both looking to Britain for a new inspiration —now we stand instead at the end of the queue.It is possible that the result of so many errors and this long neglect of action mayfinally produce such a crisis that Britain must live for a short time on a siege economy,a system very close to that employed in time of war. The period must be limited andthe operation clearly defined. I am convinced that our people would support such aneffort as in time of war, if they understood it was necessary both to get Britain on itsfeet again and to secure its entry into Europe. The end would be not destruction, butconstruction of the highest standard of life and the finest civilisation we have everknown. In a grave crisis all purchasing power may have to be frozen above the levelnecessary to give everyone just an adequate standard of life; wages, profit, interest,rent and everything else, while we sell the large surplus of our production thus createdon foreign markets, not only to pay for our essential imports but also to achieve ourobjective. In this event we should be such a nuisance to other trading countries that agood many doors would be open before long rather than allow the process to continue.Britain can, if necessary, operate effectively not by political withdrawal but byeconomic dynamism, and our impact on world markets could then be considerable.One thing is clear: Britain will go into Europe when this nation is awake and means togo there. We belong there and no power on earth can stop us; also when we are trulyEuropeans we shall be welcome. Naturally we do not want to do anything harmful toothers, but we should take vigorous action if necessary, rather than have Britain gounder. Strong will in leadership evoking the strong will latent in the British peoplecould in a relatively short time transform the European and world situation. Our greatpeople should always be gentler and more patient than other peoples in trying toobtain our necessary ends by persuasion, but should be firmest of all when gentlenesswill not work; when will, strength, vigour are the need of the hour.417 of 424