My Life

My Life - Oswald Mosleysupport without question, but neither Britain nor Europe should be dragged at theheels of American adventures in regions remote as southern Asia, which are in noway our business, and this should be made crystal-clear. It is desirable and possiblethat the making of a great European power will enable the restraining hand of a strongand experienced friend to replace the helpless bleep of the accompanying satellite.When European power is fully developed the American presence in Europe will beunnecessary, and this will facilitate the achievement of many objectives of Europeanpolicy. Inevitably, the emergence of Europe as a great power will create a third forcein the world. I have always been an ardent protagonist of that idea. This does notmean that we would then desert America in face of aggression, or refuse commonarrangements to meet that contingency, but that Europe as a great power shoulddeliberately try to hold the balance of the world, and our vast experience in foreignaffairs will enable us to do it, once power reinforces knowledge. We have deeperroots in historical experience and far wider and more tested contacts than America,and they can be of service to us both when we exchange the position of a campfollower for that of a colleague.Spheres of influenceI have long suggested a division of the world into three main spheres of influence toreplace the make-belief of a world force in the present United Nations, which byreason of its inherent divisions can never function effectively. Keep the UnitedNations by all means as a debating assembly and a point where cultures can meet,animosities be mollified and personal friendships formed; clear, strong debate inpublic and good, friendly manners in private can do much to clarify confusion andovercome hostility. But reality can never be built on illusion, and it is a patentabsurdity to believe that anything effective can be done by the United Nations when itcomes to action.The realities in terms of action are the great powers, and it is a humbug to pretendanything else; the facts survive either illusion or deceit. Two real powers exist in theworld, America and Russia, and this result of the last war will prevail until theemergence of a third power in united Europe and possibly of a fourth in China. Thedanger of a new war will also continue until the strength as well as the wisdom ofEurope can hold the balance of the world. That is why, since the war, as before it, Ihave stood for the strong armament of Britain and as soon as possible of a unitedEurope, unless and until we can achieve that most desirable objective, universaldisarmament. The most likely means of obtaining disarmament is through thecontinual drive of dynamic policies from a united Europe; until then we must arm,because in an armed world European strength is the only alternative to servitudeunder America or death under communism.My position in the wider sphere of European and world politics today is the same asin the limited region of national policy before the war. I believe Europe should bearmed, but not looking for trouble in affairs which are none of our business. Above all,we should avoid the elementary stupidity of enquiring where the strong opponentwishes to move and then running around the world to stop him doing it. That is thesurest way to produce an explosion, and world war with nuclear weapons is not aremediable error.This principle applies even more to China than to Russia, which in terms of392 of 424