My Life

My Life - Oswald Mosley25 - Policies for Present and FuturePart OneAFTER the war my policies were deliberately in advance of the time, and I did not fora moment deceive myself that they could all immediately be implemented. The readerat this stage of the story may be willing to credit me with a residue of realism behindall my intransigence; in the end there must always be a considerable element ofcompromise to get practical things done. Moreover, in my experience of Britishpolitics there have always been several ways of doing what was necessary. Thetrouble so far has been the resistance to getting anything done in time. These policiestherefore are a sign of direction, not a final encampment. At this point it was indicatedthat someone should try to see a glimpse of light through the surrounding gloom ofpassion and confusion. My key policies were Europe a Nation, the use of the wagepricemechanism first by British government and ultimately by European government,and of course always the linking of science with an effective machine of government.It may be convenient in a review of these ideas to consider external policy before thehome policy, on whose success all else depends.I was the first to use the phrase Europe a Nation, in 1948, and it was preceded by myadvocacy of an 'extension of patriotism' (1946). I wrote in Europe: Faith and Plan(1958): 'Europe a Nation is an idea which anyone can understand. It is simple, butshould not on that account be rejected; most decisive, root ideas are simple. Ask anychild: what is a nation? He will probably reply, "a nation has a government!'" This isthe right answer, for a nation consists of a people or of peoples who have decided tohave the same government. I believed and I still believe this is the way in whichEurope will be made; no lesser idea will arouse the enthusiasm of the peoples to makechanges so far-reaching. Yet it is probable that neither this nor any other idea willawaken the will to bold reform until the urge of economic necessity is felt. At amoment of supreme crisis the will to Europe a Nation can arise everywhere from thesoil of Europe, like a primeval fire. First must come the idea.The tragic paradox of our existing situation is that the fear of losing our individualcultures is the main impediment to a true union of Europe, while in practice nothingless than the power of united Europe can protect and maintain our present nationalcivilisations. Not only are the industries of our relatively impotent and divided nationstaken over by the power of the dollar, but the culture of the large and the powerfultends to absorb the small and the weak. This is the inevitable penalty of being adependent of America as the only alternative to being the victim of Russia. A union ofequal peoples within Europe a Nation would save us by an adequate power ofeconomy and defence from all necessity of dependence, and would expose us to nomore imposition of each other's cultures than we can freely enjoy or reject at present.The desire for this independence is felt in varying degree by the peoples of Europe atpresent; they will the end but reject the means. Independence from America or theother large external power can come only from a near equality of strength. Otherwisewe can have much posture of independence, but no reality. It is impossible to deploythe policy of Europe without the means of Europe. An attempt by any of our relativelysmall European countries to pursue a policy for which alone the power of a unitedEurope is adequate must fail because the strength and substance are lacking. No mancan play the part of a giant with the muscles of a pigmy. All European countries are390 of 424