My Life

My Life - Oswald Mosleyour average vote in local elections nearly doubled it. The proportional representationof the Continent made these small votes effective in obtaining members of parliament,while our English system made a vote for us a pure demonstration without practicaleffect.We have been faced with the handicap of our voting system as well as the absence ofcrisis. The only test vote in anything approaching the crisis conditions which haveprevailed in other countries was in the microcosm of the small ward of Moorfields,East London, in 1955 when a few typically English people became really enraged byexecrable housing conditions. Again, this small event illustrates a large fact: partyallegiances can dissolve under stress, and people will then vote for real change. Theestablished order has little idea how quickly a modern electorate can change whenconditions become really bad in a situation of crisis. It is an illusion to believe that ina time of continuing crisis a new party cannot be created to win power by votes of thepeople. We have proved before that it is possible, and could make it a fact in thegraver crisis of the future.Nevertheless, I remain more than ever convinced that the English way is preferable, aconsensus of a whole people for national action in peace such as we have known sofar only in time of war. I withdrew from party warfare when I began to write this book,and Union Movement has since been conducted by a Directory of five members; theycontinue vigorously to advocate new policies throughout the country. I detachedmyself from party politics in order to advocate a policy and action which is beyondparty. If this again proves impossible, a new party may have to be created drawn fromevery vital element in our people; it would include those who have given loyal serviceto the old parties, but who may turn from them in disillusionment, and my friendsthroughout the country will make a contribution which the future will at least provedisinterested. In such a crisis the boundaries of party will disappear and men andwomen will come together in new alignments. Before this possibility is evendiscussed, everything should be done to secure a consensus, a temporary union of thewhole people for national action as in time of war; when crisis is overcome normalparty and political life can be resumed.It is not my habit to keep options open; I always have a clear order of priorities. Mydesire through most of my political life has been a union of the nation for thereconstruction of the national life which I believe to be a vital necessity. Thisconsensus of the nation is much the most desirable thing, because it unites and doesnot divide. I tried for it long ago, and only turned to other methods when the attemptfailed in the conditions of that time. If it is impossible to achieve for great andnecessary purposes a union of everything vital to the nation, drawn from politics, thebusiness world, the trade unions, the universities, the Civil Service, the fightingservices, a true consensus of our people—then something else must be tried. If it beimpossible to unite, the division of conflict must be risked. Then a new, grass-rootmovement of the people must come from the still-living earth in the final test of crisisto win by its passionate dedication a majority of the people to give it power. Nationalunion made possible by the particular instinct of the British genius in adversity ispreferable, but division and strife, with all the bitterness which should be avoidable, isbetter than acquiescence in decline and death.My order of priority therefore is perfectly clear, there is no difficulty of choice or388 of 424