My Life

My Life - Oswald Mosleyunder severe economic pressure, which is nearly always unemployment.There is no doubt from the reception we got in North Kensington that the sympathy ofthe people was with us, that they liked my policy and me, but they were practically allenjoying full employment and the high and increasing wages of the affluent society.Most of them, too, had either personal or childhood memories of unemployment, themisery and mass starvation of the thirties. They might be very angry at the conditionsgratuitously imposed upon them by the old parties through sudden mass immigration,but they would think twice before upsetting the apple-cart of the affluent society. Thethought that dad was on the dole and any mischance occasioned by a vote might putthe elector there, could be a stronger influence on polling day than the new socialhabits of the neighbourhood, however remote from reality was the apprehension. Aglance at the television set and car on hire purchase, and indignation would cool at thethought of possibly losing them through the uncertainty of some big change. Keepyour fingers crossed and do not move until you have to, is a natural reaction of anyelectorate which, in newly comfortable condition, has bitter memory of the recent past.The father of a fine young man who later was an enthusiast in our cause in anotherconstituency said to me soon after this period: 'He is earning £50 a week now, butwhen I was on the dole I had to bring that boy up on two bob a week'. Most peoplethink twice before they risk change, and I do not blame them; it is only relatively fewwho in the stress and preoccupation of their daily lives can look ahead and see what iscoming. This issue in North Kensington must remain for the present uncertain. Thearea at that time combined the conflicting factors of the affluent society with thepeople's irritation at sudden mass immigration and the concomitant complications ofsome of the most highly organised gangsterism yet seen in Britain, later revealed incertain aspects by public enquiry, but at that time rampant under the nose of supineauthority.After the North Kensington election our meetings continued to be large, orderly andenthusiastic. There was in this respect no repercussion of any kind from this contest. Itwas not until nearly three years later, in 1962, that the whole situation changedabruptly, and the reasons were not far to seek. In March of that year we had theconference in Venice, which perturbed the Italian Communist Party sufficiently to bethe occasion of the attack on me which resulted in my successful lawsuit against thepaper Unita. Clearly this conference had sent a shock-wave through the closely knitframework of the European communist parties.Something even more significant to their apprehension happened two months later inthe local elections in Britain. Test fights were made throughout the country in themost diverse possible places and conditions, on the initiative of our local branches andwith their own personnel and resources; the result was to give Union Movementcandidates a national average vote of 5-5 per cent, which on the proportional systemof the Continent at a parliamentary election would have given us some thirty seats inthe House of Commons. It is true that new parties tend to poll slightly more in localelections than in parliamentary constituencies at a general election, nevertheless thiswould seem a significant event to the political expertise of the Communist Party.Unlike the vote for new parties in the proportional system of the Continent, this votecould not possibly have the practical result of securing any representation. It was ademonstration by people willing to throw away their vote without any practical effect,379 of 424