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My Life

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<strong>My</strong> <strong>Life</strong> - Oswald Mosleymean that government should itself conduct the whole country directly, asmanagement conducts a business; namely, universal nationalisation or interference,the last thing the business world wants. The job of government is to make possible thejob of industry, not to do it. This bedrock fact must stand out of the spate of nonsensenow talked about government and industry.The main passages of my opening statement before the Select Committee on June 4,1931, ran as follows: 'These proposals are not advanced in the idle and mischievousdesire to assail venerable institutions or time-honoured traditions. They are advancedas the minimum reforms which we believe to be necessary to meet the nationalemergency which begins to threaten the whole structure of the State. We hold that it ispossible to reconcile the requirements of the modern world and of the present crisiswith the preservation of popular liberty and the original and proper function ofParliament. This is the objective of our proposals for Parliamentary reconstruction.'The original and, as we conceive it, the proper function of Parliament was to preserveliberty and to prevent abuse of power by the control of an elected Parliament over theexecutive. That essential function we propose to retain. 'Under these proposalsParliament would at any time have the power to dismiss the government of the day byvote of censure. While that power is retained, it is absurd to speak of dictatorship. Noman or government can be a dictator who is subject always to instant dismissal by ahigher authority. At the same time, however, we hold that it is necessary to affordgovernment far wider powers of rapid action than it at present possesses, so long asthe Executive retains the confidence of Parliament. In brief, we believe that while agovernment is entrusted with the task, it should be given a fair chance to do it. To thatend we advance the following concrete proposals:1. General Powers Bill'The first act of a government of action should be the presentation of a GeneralPowers Bill to Parliament. That Bill would confer on the government of the day widepowers of action, by order, in relation to the economic problem. Orders under the Actwould be laid on the table of the House for a period of ten parliamentary days. Ifunchallenged during that period by a substantial body of members, they would havethe force of law. If challenged, any orders would be discussed in a brief debate, and a"yes" or "no" decision would be given by Parliament. The House would have thepower to accept or to reject an order, but not to amend it.2. Government'The power of government by order would be vested in an emergency Cabinet of nomore than five Ministers, without portfolio, who would be charged with theunemployment and general economic problem. The normal Cabinet would be retainedfor less frequent meetings in order to ensure proper co-ordination and consultationbetween the departments of government.3. Budget and Supply'The main powers of legislation required by modern government would be vested in itunder the foregoing proposals by a General Powers Bill. The problem of budget andsupply still remains. It is recognised that the power to refuse supply and to rejecttaxation is one of the oldest of parliamentary rights, and constitutes a considerablepower of Parliament over the executive. These rights would be retained by the222 of 424

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