Non-conventional uses of the Pluperfect entional uses of the ...

Non-conventional uses of the Pluperfect entional uses of the ... Non-conventional uses of the Pluperfect entional uses of the ...

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QUADERNI DEL LABORATORIO DI LINGUISTICA – VOL. 9,2/2010b. * Last Tuesday, John has broken his left arm while jumping over a fence.c. Last Tuesday, John broke his left arm while jumping over a fence.d. Martedì scorso, Gianni si è rotto / si ruppe il braccio sinistro saltando una siepe.As has been repeatedly pointed out, a sentence such as (b) is ungrammatical in mostEnglish dialects, for the current relevance associated to the Present Perfect isincompatible with the concomitant localization of E within the same sentence (itmight, though, be stated in a syntactically separate sentence). The Simple Past in (c)amends this fault, for its semantic representation does not presuppose the presence ofthe R component, at least in the approach proposed by Bertinetto (1982; 1986): theEng. Simple Past merely implements a deictic relation between S and E and thusallows the explicit localization of the latter component. The reason why R and Ecannot both be localized within the boundary of one and the same sentence (with, tothe best of the present knowledge, only one very specific exception, as shown inBertinetto 1982 and 1986) is a poorly understood fact, which this paper does notaddress. Suffice it to say that it is an observationally very robust datum and it will thusbe taken for granted in what follows. Sentence (d) is the Italian translation of (c), withone notable difference: the sentence contains two alternatives, the Compound and theSimple Past (in this order), which in the given context turn out to be equivalent. Thechoice between the one and the other form is largely dependent on the languagevariety spoken by the individual speaker (Bertinetto & Squartini 1996). Needless tosay, these two tenses are not equivalent in every context, but the point at issue here isthat, given the appropriate context, they may turn out to be interchangeable. Thisshows that in at least some cases, and in the relevant language varieties, the It.Compound Past, by losing the R component, replaces the original semanticrepresentation – that of the prototypical present-perfect – with the one pertaining to theaoristic (purely perfective) past, as shown in the following diagram:(a) present-perfect____E__________S,R____(b) aoristic past____E___________S____Interestingly, in Ancient Italian a somehow opposite tendency was at work, for theSimple Past could often be used instead of a PPF. This can still be observed in modern6

QUADERNI DEL LABORATORIO DI LINGUISTICA – VOL. 9,2/2010literature, although much less frequently. Example [4] shows this with the first twoSimple Pasts, whose temporal localization is the same as that of the following PPF: 8[4] Renato Fucini, All'aria aperta (1887), Roma, Newton Compton 1978 (p.154)Purtroppo il dottore non sbagliò SP-1 quando, dopo aver tentato ogni mezzosuggeritogli dalla sua scienza, dichiarò SP-2 incurabile il fanciullo e gravissime eirrimediabili le lesioni prodotte alla spina dalla caduta. « Forse vivrà, » aveva detto PPFil dottore, «vivrà per mezzo di cure speciali ed assidue, ma di una vita languida edolorosa; e non potrà mai servirsi delle sue gambe ». E il presagio non fallì SP-3.[Unfortunately, the doctor did not make a mistake SP-1 when... he stated SP-2 ...“Perhaps he will survive», the doctor had said PPF ... This prediction came out true SP-3.]It would be farfetched to state that the above-mentioned Simple Pasts project anadditional R component in their semantic representation. It is a fact, however, that thelatent presence of this component may be reconstructed due to context redundance.Coming back to the issue of the aoristic PPF, it should be mentioned that Bertinetto& Squartini [1996], in a study devoted to the assessment of the Simple vs. CompoundPast usage in a number of geographically-distinct varieties of Italian, sporadicallycollected unexpected examples of Aor/PPF in the questionnaire responses. Thisinvariably occurred in contexts which forced an aoristic, rather than perfect, view. Thisconfirms the impression that this marginal use of the PPF has found its way in theItalian colloquial register. This is not the only case in the Romance area: Cotte[1987:102] reports that French children frequently say hier il avait plu instead of hieril a plu ‘yesterday it rained’. Needless to say, the frequency with which the Aor/PPFshows up in the different types of text might dramatically differ, but this is beyond thescope of this paper, which focuses on literary texts.Given this state of affairs, one might wonder whether the expansion of the PPF intoan aspectual territory that used to be alien to it involves its eventual loss of semanticidentity, similarly to what happened to the present-perfect in several languages (suchas the Fr. Passé Composé or the South. Germ. Perfekt, at least as far as oral usage is8The English translations are merely suggestive and limited to the essential features. They should beregarded as a help to the reader unfamiliar with the original language.The reader should also be awarethat the tenses’ labels accompanying the English forms in some cases simply repeat the labels of thecorresponding Italian forms for ease of the reader, rather than mirroring the actual grammatical value ofthe translation.7

QUADERNI DEL LABORATORIO DI LINGUISTICA – VOL. 9,2/2010literature, although much less frequently. Example [4] shows this with <strong>the</strong> first twoSimple Pasts, whose temporal localization is <strong>the</strong> same as that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> following PPF: 8[4] Renato Fucini, All'aria aperta (1887), Roma, Newton Compton 1978 (p.154)Purtroppo il dottore non sbagliò SP-1 quando, dopo aver tentato ogni mezzosuggeritogli dalla sua scienza, dichiarò SP-2 incurabile il fanciullo e gravissime eirrimediabili le lesioni prodotte alla spina dalla caduta. « Forse vivrà, » aveva detto PPFil dottore, «vivrà per mezzo di cure speciali ed assidue, ma di una vita languida edolorosa; e non potrà mai servirsi delle sue gambe ». E il presagio non fallì SP-3.[Unfortunately, <strong>the</strong> doctor did not make a mistake SP-1 when... he stated SP-2 ...“Perhaps he will survive», <strong>the</strong> doctor had said PPF ... This prediction came out true SP-3.]It would be farfetched to state that <strong>the</strong> above-mentioned Simple Pasts project anadditional R component in <strong>the</strong>ir semantic representation. It is a fact, however, that <strong>the</strong>latent presence <strong>of</strong> this component may be reconstructed due to context redundance.Coming back to <strong>the</strong> issue <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> aoristic PPF, it should be mentioned that Bertinetto& Squartini [1996], in a study devoted to <strong>the</strong> assessment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Simple vs. CompoundPast usage in a number <strong>of</strong> geographically-distinct varieties <strong>of</strong> Italian, sporadicallycollected unexpected examples <strong>of</strong> Aor/PPF in <strong>the</strong> questionnaire responses. Thisinvariably occurred in contexts which forced an aoristic, ra<strong>the</strong>r than perfect, view. Thisconfirms <strong>the</strong> impression that this marginal use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> PPF has found its way in <strong>the</strong>Italian colloquial register. This is not <strong>the</strong> only case in <strong>the</strong> Romance area: Cotte[1987:102] reports that French children frequently say hier il avait plu instead <strong>of</strong> hieril a plu ‘yesterday it rained’. Needless to say, <strong>the</strong> frequency with which <strong>the</strong> Aor/PPFshows up in <strong>the</strong> different types <strong>of</strong> text might dramatically differ, but this is beyond <strong>the</strong>scope <strong>of</strong> this paper, which foc<strong>uses</strong> on literary texts.Given this state <strong>of</strong> affairs, one might wonder whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> expansion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> PPF intoan aspectual territory that used to be alien to it involves its eventual loss <strong>of</strong> semanticidentity, similarly to what happened to <strong>the</strong> present-perfect in several languages (suchas <strong>the</strong> Fr. Passé Composé or <strong>the</strong> South. Germ. Perfekt, at least as far as oral usage is8The English translations are merely suggestive and limited to <strong>the</strong> essential features. They should beregarded as a help to <strong>the</strong> reader unfamiliar with <strong>the</strong> original language.The reader should also be awarethat <strong>the</strong> tenses’ labels accompanying <strong>the</strong> English forms in some cases simply repeat <strong>the</strong> labels <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>corresponding Italian forms for ease <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> reader, ra<strong>the</strong>r than mirroring <strong>the</strong> actual grammatical value <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> translation.7

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