Education, Employment and Earnings of Secondary School-Leavers ...
Education, Employment and Earnings of Secondary School-Leavers ... Education, Employment and Earnings of Secondary School-Leavers ...
2. BackgroundIn the aftermath of Tanzania’s independence in 1962 education policy focussed onexpanding access to basic education as a key component of the government’s socialisteconomic and social development strategy. 2 Tanzania achieved rapid success, withenrolments in primary schools increasing four-fold during the 1970s, reachingprimary gross enrolment rates of 100 per cent by the early 1980s (MOEC BEST1985). 3 These dramatic increases in primary education access were not matched byincreases in secondary school enrolment. The access to the latter was restricted bothbecause of resource constraints arising from primary school expansion, and becausethe Government restricted the establishment of private secondary schools in anattempt to reduce inequality of access. 4 Rising primary school enrolments with limitedsecondary school expansion resulted in a decline in the proportion of primary schoolleaversprogressing to secondary level. The proportion of standard VII leaverscontinuing to secondary school plummeted from over one-third in 1961 to under onefifthin 1967, and by 1980 was only seven per cent (see Knight and Sabot (1990)).The war with Uganda and its consequences were largely responsible for theTanzanian recession experienced during the late 1970s and early 1980s. Theeconomic downturn and the subsequent adjustment policies led to major declines inprimary school enrolment rates, which by 1990 had declined to approximately 70 percent. The impact was very different for secondary schooling. Parental pressure andconstrained government finances led to an easing of restrictions on private andcommunity schools during the 1980s (see Samoff (1987)). As a consequence,secondary school enrolments doubled between 1984 and 1990 (MOEC BEST, variousyears), largely because of increases in the number of private schools, but also throughrising numbers of community-built government schools.2 At the time of independence secondary and tertiary education were strengthened to provide skilledmanpower for public administration.3 The primary gross enrolment rate for Tanzania is defined as total primary school enrolment dividedby the seven to 13 year old population.4 Parents demanding greater secondary school access tended to be concentrated in particular areas ofthe country and allowing private schools to be established in these areas would have led togeographical inequities in secondary school provision. See Samoff (1987) for a detailed account ofthese issues.3
Despite large absolute increases in the secondary school system through the 1980sand 1990s, enrolment rates remained amongst the lowest in the world and comparedunfavourably with other countries in the region (six per cent in Tanzania as comparedto 27 per cent in sub-Saharan Africa in 2000 (UNESCO 2003)). An even smallerproportion is selected into senior secondary schooling. For instance, in 1999 only 27per cent of junior secondary school graduates went onto the senior level (MOECBEST 2000). 5 Progression from senior secondary school to university is also severelyrestricted and while tertiary enrolments more than doubled over the 1990s, less thanone per cent of the school aged population received tertiary education. As Table 1shows, the Tanzanian education system is highly selective, with large numbers ofcompleters at each level failing to continue with their education. Only two per cent ofthe population aged 25 or over had completed the full six years of secondaryeducation. It is also interesting to note that in a nationally representative surveyundertaken in 1993, based on approximately 5,000 households and 30,000individuals, not a single respondent had completed a university degree.[Table 1]Labour force surveys undertaken in 1991 and 2000 provide some indication of thenature of the labour market that increasing numbers of secondary school completersand university graduates entered during the course of that decade. The economicallyactive population in Tanzania almost doubled during the 1990s, although this rise wasnot matched by a growth in wage employment opportunities. By the end of the 1990sthe share of wage employment in the economically active labour force had declinedfrom eight to six per cent (Planning Commission 1993 and 2000). The majority of theincrease in the economically active population was absorbed into the traditionalagricultural sector, with some increases in non-traditional agricultural selfemployment.Based on this limited evidence it seems likely that over the 1990s therising number of secondary school leavers and university graduates entering thelabour force exceeded the growth in wage employment opportunities. It also appears5 The secondary school system in Tanzania is split into junior secondary (Forms I-IV) and seniorsecondary (Forms V-VI).4
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Despite large absolute increases in the secondary school system through the 1980s<strong>and</strong> 1990s, enrolment rates remained amongst the lowest in the world <strong>and</strong> comparedunfavourably with other countries in the region (six per cent in Tanzania as comparedto 27 per cent in sub-Saharan Africa in 2000 (UNESCO 2003)). An even smallerproportion is selected into senior secondary schooling. For instance, in 1999 only 27per cent <strong>of</strong> junior secondary school graduates went onto the senior level (MOECBEST 2000). 5 Progression from senior secondary school to university is also severelyrestricted <strong>and</strong> while tertiary enrolments more than doubled over the 1990s, less thanone per cent <strong>of</strong> the school aged population received tertiary education. As Table 1shows, the Tanzanian education system is highly selective, with large numbers <strong>of</strong>completers at each level failing to continue with their education. Only two per cent <strong>of</strong>the population aged 25 or over had completed the full six years <strong>of</strong> secondaryeducation. It is also interesting to note that in a nationally representative surveyundertaken in 1993, based on approximately 5,000 households <strong>and</strong> 30,000individuals, not a single respondent had completed a university degree.[Table 1]Labour force surveys undertaken in 1991 <strong>and</strong> 2000 provide some indication <strong>of</strong> thenature <strong>of</strong> the labour market that increasing numbers <strong>of</strong> secondary school completers<strong>and</strong> university graduates entered during the course <strong>of</strong> that decade. The economicallyactive population in Tanzania almost doubled during the 1990s, although this rise wasnot matched by a growth in wage employment opportunities. By the end <strong>of</strong> the 1990sthe share <strong>of</strong> wage employment in the economically active labour force had declinedfrom eight to six per cent (Planning Commission 1993 <strong>and</strong> 2000). The majority <strong>of</strong> theincrease in the economically active population was absorbed into the traditionalagricultural sector, with some increases in non-traditional agricultural selfemployment.Based on this limited evidence it seems likely that over the 1990s therising number <strong>of</strong> secondary school leavers <strong>and</strong> university graduates entering thelabour force exceeded the growth in wage employment opportunities. It also appears5 The secondary school system in Tanzania is split into junior secondary (Forms I-IV) <strong>and</strong> seniorsecondary (Forms V-VI).4
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