IWGIA, Indigenous Women.pdf - PRO 169

1-2 /04 INDIGENOUSAFFAIRSINDIGENOUS WOMENIWGIAIndigenous Affairs 4/03 1

contentseditorialKathrin WessendorfafricaSAN WOMEN TODAY: INEQUALITY ANDDEPENDENCY IN A POST-FORAGING WORLDRenee SylvainTWA WOMEN IN THE GREAT LAKES REGION“WE WANT OUR CHILDREN TO KNOW HOW TO TAKETHEIR FUTURE INTO THEIR OWN HANDS”Dorothy JacksonFEMALE GENITAL MUTILATIONNaomi KipuriTAMACHEK WOMEN IN THE 21ST CENTURYSaoudata AboubacrineamericasINTERVIEW WITH NINA PACARIQUEBEC NATIVE WOMEN:COUNTERING VIOLENCEMichèle Rouleau481422283236THE DISPARATE TREATMENT OF NATIVE AMERICANWOMEN IN THE UNITED STATES39asiaasiaINDIGENOUS WOMEN AND ACTIVISM IN ASIA:WOMEN TAKING THE CHALLENGEIN THEIR STRIDEJannie LasimbangINDIGENOUS WOMEN ANDTHE ARMED CONFLICTS IN NEPALStella Tamang40462 2IndigenousIndigenousAffairsAffairs1-2/044/03

EDITORIALEDITORIALKathrin WessendorfPhoto: Jan Kjær, Mellemfolkeligt SamvirkeThe Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues wasestablished in 2001 and will hold its 3 rd session inNew York in May this year. At its 2nd session, thePermanent Forum decided to make Indigenous Womenthe focus of attention for 2004.This issue of Indigenous Affairs brings togetherarticles by indigenous and non-indigenous authorsthat describe the situation of indigenous women indifferent parts of the world. The articles reflect on thesituation of indigenous women, who are often doublydiscriminated against as indigenous people and aswomen.Many indigenous societies have traditionally egalitariangender patterns in which men and women complementeach other in their work and within the family.Many of the articles stress the fact that it is the influenceof majority societies, through colonisation and repression,that has restructured these egalitarian roles. Manyindigenous women now find themselves confrontedwith unequal conditions imposed by the dominantsociety and subsequently taken up by their own communities.In Sápmi, the influence of the majority societyon indigenous culture has led to the man’s rolebecoming that of “bread winner”, while the woman’srole is now confined to the home. Whereas the traditionalideal is that women and men are equal, thereality in current Sami society is different. Nevertheless,as Jorunn Eikjok describes in her article, the Samiwomen’s movement was severely criticized by Samisociety for following the majority society’s ideals: “…the attitude was that women who struggled for equal genderrights had misunderstood the Sami woman’s role, and wereless Sami than they ought to be”. The Sami women werealso criticized by non-indigenous women for theirfocus on indigenous issues, “We were unpopular amongour fellow sisters in the wider community for bringing inour ethnic and cultural identity as women. Our brothersridiculed us because gender was irrelevant for them”, saysJorunn Eikjok from her own experience. Societal changethrough colonization and the introduction of Christianityis also at the core of the article on Greenland. Menhave been placed in a position where their traditionalhunting activities are now classified as labour externalto the house, whilst women’s traditional work is nowclassified as “housewife’s work”. The San in theOmaheke region of Namibia have lost their land andare working for white farmers and on cattle posts,4 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

women suffer through the conflict taking place in theircountries, being victims of ethnic discrimination andphysical violence, often being sexually molested or rapedby several parties to the conflict. Furthermore, rapedTwa women are often ostracized by their own communitiesthrough fear of their being infected with HIV.Rape is also used as a way of controlling and systematicallyhumiliating a people. Women may becometargets of rape and sexual harassment in order to subdueand break indigenous communities in conflictsituations. In her article, Jannie Lasimbang notes thatwomen activists are often particularly at risk of beingtargeted by the military. A specific example is given byStella Tamang, who writes about indigenous women inthe conflict between the military and the Maoist movementin Nepal. One consequence of violent conflict isan increase in the number of female-headed householdsdue to men migrating or being involved in theconflict. Women have to fend for themselves and theirchildren, and they become the only providers for theirfamilies.Women play a critical role in ending conflicts andare often instrumental in peace-building processes.Women come together to promote peace and reconciliation,often putting themselves in danger to get the mento stop fighting. However, women are againmarginalized in the peace talks and autonomy processes.This leads to the conclusion that women’s role inthe struggle for peace does not automatically result intheir greater role in formal peace processes or in postconflictsocieties.Indigenous women are also particularly exposed toviolence in non-conflict situations due to ethnic discrimination.In the case of the San in Namibia, thewidespread belief that San women are promiscuousand therefore do not “feel raped” when assaulted increasesthe particular vulnerability of indigenouswomen. In the U.S., indigenous women have historicallybeen – and remain - subject to racism and genderbias in the area of health care services and preventivehealth treatment, as described in the information basedon an article by Mililani Trask.Besides being exposed to “outside” violence, indigenouswomen are often victims of severe domestic violence.Frustration based on marginalisation, loss ofculture and discrimination leads to less sustainablecommunities and a higher degree of violence withinthem. Violence is often related to alcohol consumption.Domestic violence and alcohol-related abuse are mentionedin many of the articles in this issue of IndigenousAffairs. Michèle Rouleau introduces us to the QuébecNative Women’s organisation, which particularly promotesnon-violence in indigenous communities andfamilies. The organisation was founded in 1974 andhas since then registered substantial success throughpromoting the issue and “breaking the silence” arounddomestic violence.A statement from the South-east Asia and Pacificparticipants at the “Indigenous Women overcomingviolence workshop” in Chiang Mai, Thailand, September2003 stated, “Violence against women is not just adomestic concern. Rather it is a serious social issue and anKhasi women at market. Photo: Christian ErniCeremonial cooking in the Lisu-Forest. Photo: Christian Erni6 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

SAN WOMEN TODAY:INEQUALITY AND DEPENDENCYIN A POST-FORAGING WORLDRenée SylvainWomen in a government resettlement camp. Photo: Renée Syvain8 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

Woman in the squatters’village. Photo: Renée SyvainPeople around the world are familiar with the famous “Bushmen” 1 of the Kalahari Desert. Movies,such as The Gods Must Be Crazy, paint a pictureof a group living in harmony with nature, free from thetroubles and complications of the “modern” world.Similar portraits are presented to audiences of educationaland documentary programs in the West. TheBushmen – now known as “San” – have been heavilyshrouded in stereotypes that define them as isolated“contemporary ancestors”. Even more ethnographicallyaccurate depictions misrepresent thelives of the Kalahari San by sustaining the commonperception that they continue to live a foraging lifein the bush. In fact, the hunter-gatherers presentedin popular media are only a small minority of theapproximately 100,000 San in southern Africa. MostSan today have been dispossessed of their land, andmust work either on the cattle-posts of Bantu-speakingagro-pastoralists, or on the commercial cattleranches owned by the descendants of white settlers.Others live in government settlement areas wherethey have few opportunities to make their own living.In this paper I will examine the effects of colonisationand incorporation into a capitalist economyon a group of San in eastern Namibia. I will focus,in particular, on the ways that their incapsulationinto a colonial and neo-colonial cultural politicaleconomy has altered San gender relations. Amongthe most devastating effects of this incapsulation hasbeen the increase in violence against San women. 2Gender egalitarianism among foragingSanIn order to appreciate the current situation of Sanwomen in a post-foraging world, it is useful to comparethis context with a foraging one. Among foragingJu/’hoansi, hunting was mostly a male activity. Althoughmeat was (and is) the most highly valued fooditem among the Ju/’hoansi, bush food (roots, tubers,nuts and berries) provided the bulk of the caloriesconsumed by the band. Gathering bush food wasprimarily women’s work. Women’s work was notseen as demeaning; men would also gather food, cookand look after children. Women’s gathering activitieswere generally recognised as important to the band’ssurvival.Lee 3 describes the foraging Ju/’hoansi as “fiercelyegalitarian” – they had no formal or centralised leadershipstructures. Usually whoever emerged as a leaderdid so because everyone agreed that this person wasa particularly competent hunter or had good judgment.Even when leadership was assigned by generalagreement, such roles were informal. Most decisionswere made collectively, with women and men participatingin decision-making processes.Marital residence was uxorilocal (the husbandlived with the wife’s family). A potential son-in-lawwas required to live with his future wife’s family for anumber of years in order to perform “brideservice”. Tofulfill his brideservice obligations, a prospective sonin-lawwas required to hunt, gather and generallysupport his prospective parents-in-law. This enabledIndigenous Indigenous Affairs Affairs 1-2/04 1-2/04 9 9

the girl’s parents to ensure that their prospective son-inlawwas a good provider and would treat their daughterproperly. When the young man proved himself capableand caring, the marriage was approved by his parents-inlaw.Brideservice and uxorilocal marital residence helpedto keep the relationship between San husbands and wivesrelatively balanced.Although the gender egalitarianism found amongforaging San can be overstated 4 , San women in the foragingcommunities described by Lee did seem to enjoy ahigher status than women in agricultural and industrialsocieties. This was largely because their contributions tothe band’s subsistence were recognised and valued, andbecause they enjoyed the support and backing of their kin.San women in the Omaheke Region, on the other hand, donot have the benefit of these sources of status and support.The Omaheke region: a post-foraging worldAs a result of German (1884-1915) and then South African(1915-1990) colonisation, the Omaheke San lost theirtraditional foraging territories to white settlers and otherAfrican groups. Unable to hunt and gather, the majorityof Omaheke San are now generational farm workers anddomestic servants on white-owned farms or on the cattleposts of Bantu-speaking cattle-herders. Many OmahekeSan, especially those too old or too sick to work on farms,live in extreme poverty in peri-urban squatters’ villages orin government resettlement camps.San in the Omaheke live in a number of sites off thewhite farms. An estimated 31 % live in the “communalareas”, where they work for Herero and Tswana stockowners, and where they typically receive meagre rations,and sometimes only alcohol, for their labour. 5 San areconspicuous in the government resettlement camps in theregion, where monthly distributions of drought relieffood are available; but here they have few prospects forgenerating an income. There is also a squatters’ village onthe outskirts of the Epako township near the municipalityof Gobabis, where a small but fluctuating community of“urban-San” live.The contemporary gender division of labourLife on the farms is organised according to the farmers’racial and gender ideologies. The farmers’ racial ideologiesdefine the “Bushmen” as the least civilised race ofAfricans. Many farmers told me quite bluntly, “You cantake the Bushman out of the bush, but you can’t take the bush outof the Bushman”. The farmers claim that the San, as formerhunter-gatherers, are innately and incorrigibly nomadicand therefore “unreliable” workers. Furthermore, asformer foragers, working with cattle is “not in the Bushman’snature”; neither is domestic service. Farmers’ wives toldme that the “Bushmen” don’t like the smell of soap, areinnately unhygienic, and, since their ancestors lived “likeanimals in the bush”, they have no notions of domesticorderliness. These racial stereotypes justify paying Sanfarm workers less than half of what non-San farm workersearn, and San domestic servants less than one-fifth ofwhat domestic servants from other ethnic groups receive.The same stereotypes also explain why the San are thefirst to be laid off when drought hits or market conditionsdeteriorate.When the San became incorporated into the whiteeconomy, they also became subject to European ideologiesdefining “proper” gender roles. The farmers’ genderideologies organise the socio-political world on the farmsinto male and female zones: men function in the productiveworld of wage labour, and women are relegated to the“domestic sphere”. Women are usually paid much lessthan their male kin and until about 10 years ago weren’tpaid wages at all. This is because the farmers see the menas the breadwinners, and San women as appendages oftheir male kin. Unlike in the foraging context, where women’swork was not considered “beneath” men to do, on thefarms domestic tasks are very definitely considered “beneath”men, and usually are not considered work at all.Adopting farm work and domestic service involved achange in the way work was organised and valued amongthe San. San women cannot live on a white farm unlessthey are living with their husbands or fathers who workfor the farmer, and they do not get wage-earning opportunitiesunless they are recruited when the farmer approachestheir husbands or fathers to hire them for domesticservice. This has caused very pronounced genderinequalities to emerge among the San themselves.Gender and generational inequalitiesIncorporation into a white-dominated farming economyalso reordered familial relations. This is most obviouswhen we look at marriage. Farm work makes traditionalbrideservice impossible because the men cannot leave thefarms where they work to live with their future in-laws. Soonce young women get married, they immediately moveaway from their own families to live on the farms wheretheir husbands work. San women thus became subject totheir husbands’ control, since they don’t have the supportand backing of their own families, and because theirhusbands are the only ones with access to the means ofsubsistence — that is, wage work. Also, divorce hasbecome quite difficult since San women have no means ofearning an independent living. It is possible for Sanwomen to return to the farms where their parents live, butfarmers discourage too many of their workers’ dependantsfrom living on their farms; a large number of unemployedresidents places economic stress on the hostinghousehold, and leads to tensions between the farmer andhis workers.10 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

As the San are laid off in ever-growing numbers,they are forced to go “on the road” to look for work,and so move further away from their parents andother kinfolk. As a result, elders are losing theirinfluence on the younger generation. Also, since theindependence of Namibia in 1990 brought about theliberalisation of trade markets and the introductionof labour legislation, many farmers have been loadingtheir pick-up trucks with elderly San workersand dumping them in squatters’ villages and resettlementcamps in order to avoid the cost of maintaining“surplus” people on their farms. Thus, elderlySan have been made “redundant” in the Omahekeeconomy, and are losing their former status as wiseand politically influential members of their community.Conflict and violenceSan women that I interviewed on the farms explainedto me that wives must always do what theirhusbands say (of course they don’t). San women,they explained, are “under” their husbands – thehusband is the” boss”. During a group interviewconducted on a white farm in 1997, I was told by oneyoung San womanShe [a wife] must always listen to him [her husband].She must do things which he tells her to do...if he saysyou must do something for him then you must do it.And you don’t come to sit and talk about it. Then it isonly fighting ...[the husband is the boss] because youare under him and you must listen to him...it was alsolike that [in the old times]. You must always listen toyour husband...it is right. It’s like a rule.Woman in a white farm. Photo: Renée SyvainThe other women in the group all nodded their headswhile she said this. While I was in the Omaheke, Ifrequently encountered San women with black eyes– usually given by their husbands. Wife-batteringwas most often associated with drinking, and wasusually “provoked” by a wife’s “disobedient” behaviour.San husbands are known to get physical iftheir wives resist their plans to quit their jobs andleave a farm. San women resist such moves becauseleaving a farm usually means a dramatic decline intheir standard of living. But in these cases the “fighting”usually involves shoving and pulling, and thewomen often shove back. Where fights involvepunching, kicking, or stabbing, alcohol was alwaysinvolved. The following cases illustrate the commonscenarios.In 1997 I visited a farm where the white farmerregularly supplied his workers with alcohol as aform of payment; he also beat them with walkingsticks and chained them around their necks. The SanIndigenous Affairs 1-2/04 11

on this farm were quite desperate, extremely impoverished,unhappy – and frequently inebriated. In September1998, a young San farm worker got extremely drunk and,after arguing with his pregnant wife, he picked up a knifeand stabbed her to death. Although I was unable to verifythe information I was given about this incident, San Ispoke to told me that the argument erupted because thewife was reluctant to leave the farm and go “on the road”.In January of 1997, a San farm worker returned hometo his shack in the workers’ compound on a white farmafter drinking heavily with friends on a nearby farm. Hegot into an argument with his wife. In the ensuing fight,their infant was killed. The husband and wife had differentstories to tell the court. The wife claimed her husbandwas drunk and tried to kick her in the head, but missed herand kicked the baby suckling at her breast. The husbandclaimed that the wife was drunk and dropped the baby,and that he had attacked her because he came home to findher in bed with another man. The judge in the case decidedthat the wife’s infidelity provided sufficient provocationfor the attack, and acquitted the husband. 6The judge’s decision in this case reflected a ubiquitousattitude that encourages proprietary behaviour amongmen toward their wives, and this certainly affects womenfrom all ethnic groups in Namibia. However, San womenare particularly disempowered by these attitudes becausethey belong to a landless ethnic underclass and sohave few social or economic resources to resist ideologiesthat define them as the “property” of their husbands.The problem of family violence among the San is notconfined to fights between husbands and wives. Thereare increasing numbers of incidents of younger San,particularly men, attacking parents and grandparents.N!uka, a San woman I spoke to in July 2001, describedwhat was happening to San families in the urban squatters’village where she lived. She told me that young Sanmen were getting involved in local gangs, drinking, smokingdagga (marijuana), and engaging in criminal activities.This behaviour, according to N!uka, was causingyoung San men to behave disrespectfully toward theirparents and their elders generally. She told me:Your own child that you took care of is going to be withthe other boys, and then he is going to make a mess of you.My grandfather, if he goes to get his pension, on the way,even my own son will rob him and take his money. Wedid not grow up like that. There is no respect ... Theadults are afraid of their children, if they say anything,they will be beaten. If you say, “don’t do that”, then youwill be beaten up by your son.N!uka lives in the township of Epako located fourkilometres east of Gobabis. The residents are primarily“black” Africans – Damara, Herero, Tswana, and Ovambo– but there is also a fairly large population of Namas anda smaller community of San. The two most importantsources of income for the San in Epako are domesticservice and old-age pensions. Most San women comprisea “second-tier” domestic labour force, doing laundry orraking yards for Herero and Tswana neighbours in returnfor a small wage, some food or home brew. Since San menhave difficulty competing with Herero, Tswana, Damaraand Ovambo men for higher-paying jobs in constructionwork, most do odd jobs as handymen or work in thegardens of their non-San neighbours – also in return fora small wage, food or home brew.Just after independence one of the only ways to makemoney in the township was to establish cuca shops, wherehome brew (called tombo) is made and sold. Tswanas,Hereros and Ovambos quickly cornered the market inillicit beer brewing, since they had access to the cashneeded to purchase the supplies. The San have few similaropportunities to earn money through informal sectorwork. Instead, non-San generate income for themselvesby selling home brew to San, who purchase the beer to“kill the hunger”. In the township, tombo is often thecheapest and most readily available source of sustenance.Increasingly, San are working for non-San inreturn for tombo, which is found in abundance at the cucashops run by non-San gang leaders.Young San men are joining township gangs lead byHerero and Ovambo men, who recruit the San to robmoney, sell drugs, and run other minor errands. Whileyoung San men work as “go-fors” or “foot soldiers” forgang leaders, young San women perform domestic tasksand occasionally provide sexual services in return fortombo or a little bit of money. San women in Epako are atan extremely high risk for rape, especially on the weekends,when the heaviest drinking takes place. Assaults onyoung San women are most commonly associated withdrinking and socialising at the cuca shops, and so oneoften hears the question, “What was that girl doing in sucha place?” This rhetorical question reflects the commonattitude that women’s conduct and mobility must be“policed” by the threat of sexual assault. Although this isa threat faced by all women, San women are particularlyvulnerable because of a widespread belief that “Bushmen”women are highly promiscuous and generally sexuallyavailable – when they are assaulted, they don’t “feel”raped.On the farms, San women’s subordination is largelyowed to highly regulated social and labour relationsordered according to the farmers’ racial and gender ideologies.In the township, on the other hand, San women’svulnerability is a result of violence and intimidation thatemerge where ethnic tensions and struggles for survivalare played out in an unregulated and lawless socioeconomicenvironment.ConclusionAs a result of incorporation into the farming economy Sanwomen have become economically dependent and vul-12 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

nerable to violence. Although the cases outlined aboverepresent extremes in violent behaviour that are owedlargely to drinking, San women are also vulnerable to lessextreme forms of coercion because of their economicallydependent status. Since San women have no independentaccess to employment or residence rights on a farm, andearn only supplementary wages in return for domesticservice, they are highly dependent on their men folk, whofarmers treat as the primary breadwinners. San men are,by most accounts, increasingly willing to resort to violence,and often batter their wives to assert their authority.Similarly, elders are not respected to the same extent thatthey were in the past, since they are often felt to beeconomic burdens by impoverished kinfolk who mustsupport them, and are seen as “superfluous” by whitefarmers. Traditional attitudes toward elders were characterisedeither by respect or by very close affectionaterelationships. However, as N!uka’s comment indicates,traditional attitudes are dissolving, and older San areincreasingly targets of younger San seeking easy cashand acceptance into non-San gangs. With the decline inthe status of elders, traditional values that accorded Sanwomen higher status decline as well.Sustaining and exacerbating these gender andgenerational asymmetries are, (1) the psychological distressthat comes with poverty; (2) the generally exploitativeand abusive relationships between the San and non-San in the region; (3) the addiction to alcohol that afflictsmany San of the younger generation, especially (but notexclusively) San men; and (4) the increasing participationof younger San men in criminal activities as a means ofgetting money and coping with the generally violentenvironment in which they live.Although their traditional sources of status and supporthave largely been eroded, San women are not simplypassive victims of male dominance and ethnic marginalisation.They are crucial actors in maintaining kinand community connections among the widely scatteredfarm San. Also, an increasing number of San women fromall over Namibia are becoming involved in communityactivism as members of the Working Group of IndigenousMinorities in Southern Africa (WIMSA), and San womenfrom the Omaheke Region are working with the OmahekeSan Trust (OST). San women are participating in WIMSA’strainee and internship programs, where they receive onthe-jobtraining in administration and development issuesat WIMSA’s head office. San women are also participatingin an Oral Testimony Collection Project, which isdesigned to accumulate historical information that mayfacilitate San struggles for rights and resources. Accordingto WIMSA’s Report on Activities (2001-2002), Sanwomen in the Omaheke Region are being trained as“community mobilisers”, a job that involves improvingSan school attendance and increasing awareness amongeducators about the issues San children face at school.San women face problems that are unique, and thatcannot be adequately addressed by focusing either ontheir ethnic marginalisation “as San” or on their subordination“as women”. Their marginalisation, exploitationand subordination are owed to the collusion ofgender, racial/ethnic and class inequalities that alsoproduce conflicts and tensions among the San themselves.It is therefore imperative that “women’s issues”and “minority issues” be broadened to include the distinctiveexperiences of women who are members of indigenousminorities. ❑Notes1 The term “Bushmen” is widely regarded as racist and sexist,and the term “San” is now used by many anthropologists,local activists and NGOs to refer collectively to the manylinguistic groups of former foragers in southern Africa.2 See also Gaeses 1998.3 Lee 1997.4 See Becker 2003.5 Suzman 1995.6 Menges 2000a and 2000b.ReferencesBecker, Heike. 2003. “The Least Sexist Society? Perspectives onGender, Change and Violence among Southern African San.”Journal of Southern African Studies, 2003: 29(1): 5-23.Draper, Patricia. 1975. “!Kung Women: Contrasts in SexualEgalitarianism in Foraging and Sedentary Contexts.” In: R.Reiter (ed.). Toward an Anthropology of Women. New York:Monthly Review Press.Gaeses, Elfriede. 1998. “Violence against the San Women ofNamibia.” In: Angeline van Achterberg, (ed.). Out of the Shadows:the First African Indigenous Women’s Conference. Amsterdam,The Netherlands Centre for Indigenous Peoples. Pp. 92-98.Lee, Richard. 1979. The !Kung San: Men, Women and Work in aForaging Society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.Lee, Richard. 1993. The Dobe Ju/’hoansi. (2 nd edition). Forth Worth,Harcourt Brace College Publications.Menges, Werner. 2000a. Domestic, alcohol abuse leads to baby’sdeath. The Namibian, January 27 2000. Web document, http://www.namibian.com.na/Netstories/2000/January/News/abuse.html. Accessed July, 2001.Menges, Werner. 2000b. Farmworker “not guilty” kicking babyto death. The Namibian, February 3 2000. Web document,http://www.namibian.com.na/Netstories/2000/January/News/abuse.html. Accessed July 2001.Shostak, Margorie. 1981. Nisa: the Life and Words of a !KungWoman. Cambridge MA, Harvard University Press.Suzman, James. 1995. Poverty, Land and Power in the OmahekeRegion. Windhoek: Oxfam (UK & I).Renée Sylvain is a Canadian anthropologist teaching at theUniversity of Guelph, in Guelph Ontario. Between 1996 and2001 she did research among the San (Bushmen) in the OmahekeRegion of Namibia. Her recent work, largely done on resettlementcamps and in squatters’ villages, focuses on San tourism,indigenous identity politics and human rights in southernAfrica.Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04 13

TWAWOMENINTHEGREATLAKESREGIONWE WANT OUR CHILDREN TO KNOW HOW TOTAKE THEIR FUTURE INTO THEIR OWN HANDSDorothy JacksonTwa women at Kalehe, DRC. Photo: Dorothy Jackson14 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

Twa woman at Nyaruhengeri, Rwanda. Photo: Dorothy JacksonWe parents, we have lived a miserable life. We don’twant our children to live as we do today. We want ourchildren to get a living like other people, so that oursituation … and the problems we face don’t get passedonto the next generation. We want them to know thetruth and their rights ... to study and progress, andknow how to take their future into their own hands. Ourtime was a time of ignorance … because we didn’t knowour rights we were subjected to many constraints andmany problems. Twa widow, Gitega, BurundiThe Twa:a discriminated indigenous peopleThe Twa of Burundi, eastern Democratic Republicof Congo (DRC), Rwanda and southwestUganda were originally a high altitude forestpeople living in the mountains around Lakes Albert,Kivu and Tanganyika. Their total population is estimatedat less than 100,000. 1 In most of their traditionalterritory the Twa have lost their forest lands andresources through encroachment by farming and herdingpeoples, commercial development projects andconservation. As the Twa were forced into contactwith the dominant society, they were increasinglyexposed to widespread ethnic prejudice and discriminationfrom neighbouring ethnic groups. Twa peoplewere considered stupid, dirty, immoral and even subhuman,they had to keep themselves segregated fromother groups, and their rights as humans and ascitizens were denied. 2 These attitudes are beginningto change but are still prevalent.The Twa are now one of the most disadvantagedgroups in the Great Lakes region, in terms of landownership, where there is already severe competitionfor land. Many Twa are landless squatters on neighbouringgroups’ lands. Some Twa have managed toobtain land outside the forest, mainly through giftsfrom their erstwhile patrons, the former traditionalrulers or Mwamis, and latterly through small-scalegovernment land distribution or NGO land purchaseschemes. However statistics from Burundi andRwanda show that Twa farm plots are significantlysmaller than those of the dominant groups 3 , and theland is often of poorer quality. Furthermore, many Twacommunities have lost land by selling it to neighboursfor a pittance in times of hunger, or because neighboursor local government officials have expropriated it. 4In parts of eastern DRC where forests still exist andhave not been given over to conservation, Twa are stillable to maintain a partially forest-based economy, andthe culture that goes with it. But in most of the region,Twa now eke out a living by labouring for others, byselling traditional pottery (which is no longer profitablebut is culturally very significant for the Twa), andby opportunistic searching for food, including begging.The combination of lack of land and deep-rootedethnic discrimination means that the Twa have veryfew natural, financial or human resources they canturn to for their livelihoods, and the institutionalframeworks of the countries they live in have, untilrecently, been oblivious to their needs. As a result, theTwa are among the poorest people in the region, withvery unequal access to education, health services,housing and justice. 5 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04 15Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04 15

Regional conflictThe problems that Twa communities face are intensifiedby the violent conflict that has ravaged the region frombefore the time of independence. The most recent conflicthas its roots in the 1994 Rwandan genocide, in which800,000 Tutsi, moderate Hutu and Twa were killed in 3months by “Interahmwe” Hutu extremists, who then fledinto neighbouring countries, especially DRC. Determinedto root out the Interahamwe, Rwanda backed two rebeluprisings in eastern DRC, but the new DRC regime thathad seized power from the enfeebled President Mobutuof Zaïre reneged on its promise to assist Rwanda andasked Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe to help crush therebels. By early 1999 there were eight armies and at least12 other armed groups active in DRC, mostly in the east.Twa communities reported pillaging and burning oftheir settlements, forced labour, torture and murder.The Rwandan-backed forces retained control of easternDRC, and Ugandan-backed groups were active furthernorth against insurgents that were attackingUganda. Two rebel groups fighting the Burundi governmentalso operated out of DRC. The presence of thesearmed factions in DRC was used by neighbouring governmentsto justify their continued occupation of DRCwhile at the same time exploiting DRC’s rich mineraland forest resources. 6 During 2003 the conflict abated asrebel groups were incorporated into power-sharing governmentsin DRC and Burundi, and foreign forces withdrew.However, one rebel faction is still attacking theBurundi government and although the DRC war isofficially over, the government does not have control ofthe east and northeast, where the population continuesto suffer atrocities.The effects of the conflicts on the civilian population,including the Twa, have been devastating. In Burundithe conflict caused over 200,000 deaths, massive populationdisplacement and destruction of the country’sinfrastructure. In DRC, some three million people havedied as a result of disease, hunger and horrific violence,including sexual violence against women, and alsomen. 7 In the Ituri region a vicious conflict in whichmilitias tried to exterminate whole tribes has causedover 50,000 deaths since 1999 and the displacement ofTwa dancing at Nyaruguru, Rwanda. Photo: Dorothy Jackson16 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

over 500,000 people. 8 Reports of abduction, cannibalism,rape, child rape, summary executions and torturewere investigated and confirmed by the UN mission inDRC. The Mbuti “Pygmies” were one of the main groupssubjected to summary executions, and testified that actsof cannibalism were committed against members of theirfamilies. 9The situation of Twa womenThe problems that Twa communities face as an indigenouspeople, in particular the denial of their land rightsand the ethnic discrimination they face, and the devastatingconsequences of living in an area battered by violentconflict, are problems experienced by both Twa men andTwa women. Twa women however, have the added burdenof discrimination due to their gender and, in manyinstances, the problems faced by Twa in dealing withdominant society are even greater for Twa women.ConflictLike other women in the region, Twa women are veryvulnerable in situations of violent conflict. The destructionof infrastructure such as health centres means thatwomen’s reproductive health suffers: they cannot getprenatal health care and more women and babies die fromgiving birth at home. They are less able to protect theirchildren from illness or to care for sick children. Thedestruction of schools means that women’s low educationalattainments are further compromised. As in otherethnic groups, Twa women are the mainstay of the family’seconomy 10 . The threat of attacks by belligerents stopsthem from going out to labour for others, or to work in theirown fields, and their villages and fields are raided for foodby armed groups. Livestock is pillaged, eroding any meagrecapital that families have built up.The conflict took away more than five people in myfamily. Some were disembowelled in the bushes whereTwa women at Nyaruhengeri, Rwanda. Photo: Dorothy JacksonIndigenous Affairs 1-2/04 17

they had fled, and others were killed in the camps fordisplaced people. Now I am like a woman who has neverhad children ...The conflict had a terrible impact – itcaused starvation, poverty. When we came back to thehouses which we had fled, they had been stripped ofeverything. Our houses were burned, we roamed aroundaimlessly, we didn‘t know where to go ... even our fieldshad been ravaged ... Ever since then we are traumatisedwhen we hear of more fighting. We have started developmentactivities, but we can’t do anything about thefact that our fields are on the edge of the marsh where thebandits hide, and which becomes a battlefield for thebelligerents. Even though we have sown and planted, wedon’t harvest, as our crops are taken by belligerents.Twa woman, Kigarama, BurundiIn DRC where violence is still rampant, particularly in theforest areas controlled by different armed gangs, womenlive in a constant climate of fear, frightened they will beheld up by armed men seeking to sexually molest them orrape them, frightened even to go to market because of thenumerous military check points where money is demandedof them, thus eroding any profits they make at themarket. Girls are told to go to school in large groups toavoid being singled out for rape.My little sister was ill and needed to go to the healthcentre. On the road she encountered some Katangais whohad come out of the forest. When they saw her, they calledher over. One of them said, “Take this money and buycigarettes for me”. She refused, saying that she was illand needed to get to the health centre. The man said, “No,come here”. He intimidated her, so she came immediately.He took her and put his gun down saying, ‘Today youwill be my wife, and if you dare to refuse you’ll see theconsequences”. Then he raped her. Twa woman, Iusi/Kalehe, DRCBoys and men are less intimidated by the militia. Althoughthey of course are also at risk of being killed, theycan cross military barriers with fewer problems and areless at risk of sexual violence. Years of efforts by women’srights NGOs to promote women’s empowerment havebeen undermined by the upsurge in male violence againstwomen in the conflict zones.Conflict and AIDSThe horrific sexual violence inflicted on women of allethnic groups has increased HIV infection rates in theregion. 11 Raped Twa women are often ostracised by theircommunities who fear that they are infected with HIV, 12and the women are not confident enough to take legalaction against their aggressors. The Bukavu-based Twawomen’s organisation UEFA (Union des FemmesAutochtones) has begun a programme to document sexualviolence against Twa women, provide counselling andreconciliation of fractured families, and offer practicalsupport for small-scale farming activities. There are nostatistics for the levels of HIV infection among Twa menand Twa women. Twa communities are aware of thedeadly nature of HIV/AIDS but many see it as a sicknessaffecting other ethnic groups, with whom they don’t havemuch contact, and so are not at risk. In fact AIDS hasalready reached Twa communities.Twa women are exposed to particular types of riskthrough the cultural practices of non-Twa groups. Twawomen’s low or non-existent bride price means that non-Twa men can acquire Twa women at little cost. 13 In manycases these relationships are liaisons of sexual conveniencefor non-Twa. The Twa wife may find that her mandoes not provide for the family’s upkeep, and she isscorned by his community, and so eventually returnswith her children to her own community, possibly infectedwith HIV. A widespread belief among dominantgroups in the region is that sleeping with a Twa womanwill cure a man of backache. A variant of this belief is thatsex with a Twa woman protects against HIV/AIDS.Whether these are genuine beliefs or excuses for casualsex on “medical” grounds, such practices further increasethe risks of HIV infection among Twa women.Bakiga like to sleep with Batwa girls. They may meet ina bar, and end up having sex, they just use them, don’tmarry them. Sometimes, even if he has AIDS the Bakigathinks, “I am sick anyway, let me give it to anotherperson”. Twa male youth, Rubuguri, UgandaLandThere is very little published information about Twapeoples’ customary land rights in areas where they haveaccess to forests. However, it is probable that they have orhad similar systems to other central African forest-basedhunter-gatherers. These peoples consider themselves tobe in an intimate, nurturing relationship with the forest,and cannot conceive of individual ownership of land.People are free to use the natural resources they need, andcan hunt and gather over wide areas to which they haveaccess through their membership in clans, and relationshipsthrough marriage and friendship. Women can accessforest resources freely, and independent of theirrelationships with men.The Twa that have lost their forest lands and now liveon the margins of the dominant society have land tenuresystems that resemble those of neighbouring farming andherding peoples, in which land is held through membershipin clans, but through the male line only. Thus, in nonforestTwa communities, men are considered to be theowners of family plots. The convention is that Twa sonsinherit the land from their fathers, and divorced or widowedTwa women can be evicted from the family land.18 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

However, in practice there is considerable variation inTwa women’s ability to control family property and itseems that the customary laws may be interpreted moreflexibly in favour of women than in non-Twa communities.14Nevertheless, the poor land security of the Twa as awhole is even worse for Twa women, as they have fewerrights to land than Twa men under individual propertyrights regimes, and their rights are weaker than under theforest-based communal land tenure systems that the Twaprobably had previously. As land reform and distributionprogrammes become implemented in the areas whereTwa live, the risk is that legalising land titles will exacerbatethis trend by vesting formal ownership in the husband,thus strengthening his power to manage the landas he wants or to dispose of land unilaterally, unlessspecific measures to safeguard women’s land security areimplemented or innovative collective property rights systemsare developed.Legal protection for women’s land rightsIn Rwanda and Uganda, new inheritance laws protectwomen’s rights to inherit land, to remain in the family homeafter the death of the husband and to have more equitablerights to the children, providing their marriages are legallyregistered. In Uganda, this includes customary marriage.These provisions could increase Twa women’s land security,but very few of them are legally married at present.Generally Twa couples have “serial monogamous”marriage patterns, in which partners meet, live togetherfor a while, and then separate; both men and women arefree to choose new spouses. Such relationships are quitecommon among hunter-gatherers and reflect the relativelyegalitarian gender relations in these groups, whichaccept the right of women to make their own choices aboutrelationships. This contrasts with societies where womenare controlled by men and forced by societal norms andlaws to remain in abusive relationships. 15Twa society has several positive aspects for Twawomen. Parents value daughters and sons equally. Twawomen are not controlled by their fathers or uncles, cangenerally choose their marriage partners (except in therelatively rare cases of abduction), and have the right toleave their husbands if they wish. Women control howthey spend the money they earn, and some manage theirhusband’s earnings too. Their husbands generally valuetheir wives’ role as the mainstay of the family’s subsistenceeconomy, and the division of labour between menand women is quite complementary. Within their communities,Twa women are outspoken and play a prominentrole in decision-making. However, all is not perfect inTwa society: women suffer emotional and physical damageas a result of their husbands’ alcohol abuse 16 (aphenomenon that is disturbingly widespread in manyindigenous societies that are facing cultural collapse),they intensely dislike being in polygamous marriages(few Twa men can in fact afford to take on more than onewife), and their land rights are becoming weaker thanmen’s.Given the egalitarian elements that already exist inTwa society, it would be valuable to consult with Twacommunities to find out whether civil marriage is the bestway to empower Twa women in their marital relationshipsand protect their rights to land and property. Forexample, it could be more difficult or expensive for a Twawife to end an abusive relationship if she is legally married.There may also be traditional Twa institutions andcustoms that can be strengthened to protect women’srights, while validating Twa culture.Participation in civil societyThe discrimination that the Twa have experienced fromother ethnic groups in all aspects of their lives has contributedto their strong sense of exclusion and their feelingthat their participation in civil society is not welcomed.The Twa live in their own communities, separate from thesettlements of other ethnic groups. In the few instanceswhere Twa and non-Twa live interspersed, such as in theplanned villages (Imidugudu) in Rwanda, there are oftentensions because non-Twa object to the lifestyle of theTwa, for example, the smoke from the firing of their pots.Twa may be arrested by local officials on arbitrary accusationsof theft, damage to crops and even rape by theirneighbours, and they are routinely paid less than non-Twa for agricultural wage labour. Alcohol abuse, povertyand feelings of alienation from society can encourageTwa men, especially youths, into delinquency, whichonly increases the mistrust of other ethnic groups.We have conflicts [with non-Twa] around land. We areclaiming the land of our ancestors which has been takenby the Hutu. We have lodged a complaint with the[provincial] governor. When we greet and are greeted byour neighbours it’s superficial... really we don’t understandeach other’s cultures and our way of expressingourselves. When we fled and sought refuge [from theconflict] with our close neighbours, even they drove usaway saying that we had come to steal from them.Recently, a Mutwa bought a new wrap for his wife. Shewas arrested when she went to the market on the groundsthat she could not have bought this wrap herself, shemust have stolen it. Since we started development activities[our neighbours] are jealous. That’s why they enterour fields to ravage everything we have planted. If theybehave like this without consideration to us, it shows thedifferences between us, the marginalisation and discriminationthey impose on us, and the bad relationswhich should not exist. If they can’t respect our property,and we can’t help each other mutually, we cannot saythere are good relations between them and us. We liveIndigenous Affairs 1-2/04 19

like that – like cats and dogs. Twa woman, Kigarama,Burundi.Twa women’s participation in civil society is still verylimited. Very few are members of local women’s groups.In Rwanda and Uganda, progressive pro-women policiesare being implemented by government and NGOs, butwith virtually no input from Twa women, who remainlargely ignorant of women’s support programmes. Littleeffort is made to ensure that such initiatives reach Twawomen, and there is no monitoring of which ethnic groupsuse women’s support services. Twa women are less likelythan Twa men to attend meetings organised by localauthorities because of their family responsibilities, andbecause they lack confidence to express their views outsidetheir own communities. In many cases, Twa women’smain source of support is from the Twa NGOs andsupport organisations that visit their communities andprovide training and information.There are no Twa in higher political positions withingovernment, except in Burundi where power–sharingagreements underpinning the 2000 Arusha peace accordprovide for three Twa senators. One was killed in anambush, leaving two of the seats occupied, one of them bya Twa woman. Burundi is also unique in having a femaleTwa MP, Mme Libérate Nicayenzi, who was co-opted tothis position when her Twa husband, also an MP, wasmurdered. Rwanda’s new constitution provides for eightplaces in the senate for “representatives of historicallymarginalised communities”. There is no doubt the Twafulfil this criterion, but of the four senators so far appointednone are Twa.Very few Twa are represented in local government andcommunity administrative structures in the region, becauseof their reticence in putting themselves forward forselection. They feel that their illiteracy and poor clothing,and ethnic stereotypes that the Twa are unable to keepconfidential information, will make others reject them asleaders and ignore their views. 17 Some Rwandan Twacommunities have even chosen a non-Twa as theirnyumbakumi, the person who is the spokesperson for 10households. It is very rare for Twa to have decisionmakingpowers over mixed ethnic constituencies. Theseobstacles are even harder for Twa women to overcome.However, with the encouragement of Twa organisationsand support NGOs more Twa, including women, arebeginning to put themselves forward for positions in thewider community. Young widows, divorcees and singlewomen seem to be more willing to take on these rolesperhaps because they are used to fending for themselves.I am a member of the women’s council on my colline [nexthighest administrative unit above the cell] composedonly of Twa. I am also on a council composed of Hutu,Tutsi and Twa ... I am in a mixed choir and I direct agroup of women singers. The men who gave me thisresponsibility appreciate my ability. I try to reconcileconflicts. I try to separate quarrelling husbands andwives, when others may not be able to. Twa widow,Gitega, BurundiRaising Twa educational levels would contribute to Twawomen’s empowerment by increasing their self-confidenceand countering negative perceptions by other ethnicgroups. Twa primary school attendance is muchlower than that of the national population; for example,in Rwanda the net primary enrolment rate is 48% for Twachildren compared with 73% nationally. 18 At secondaryschool, Twa girls’ attendance drops off dramatically asfamilies’ scarce resources are invested in boys; there areno Twa girls at university. Twa literacy rates are muchlower than the national population (28% versus 73% inBurundi, 23% versus 77% in Rwanda 19 ), and Twa womenare less literate than men. Twa women are enthusiasticparticipants in literacy classes. Their reasons for learningare related to having control over their affairs and increasingtheir status, rather than acquiring written knowledge- they want to be able to read information signs and avoidbeing mocked by others for using the wrong door, forexample, and also to be able to read private letters withoutrecourse to an intermediary.Twa organisationsThe Twa have set up 11 active NGOs and communitybasedorganisations in the region, running projects ineducation, income generation and health, gathering dataon the Twa situation, providing Twa communities withinformation, and advocating for Twa rights. In the field,these organisations work mostly through communityassociations – groups of Twa who work together onspecific activities and pool any earnings in a commonfund. Twa women outnumber men among the beneficiaries.The associations usually chose women as treasurersbecause they are more reliable than men in handlingmoney, but men are usually chosen for the highest-rankingposition of president.This pattern is repeated in the Twa organisations.Except in the one organisation that specifically addresseswomen’s issues, men tend to hold positions as managersand spokespersons, while women have lower rankingpositions as secretaries and coordinators of projects seenas applying particularly to women and children, such ashealth and education work. Twa organisations makeefforts to recruit equal numbers of male and female fieldworkers and community volunteers, but males are morenumerous. These disparities may be difficult to avoid,given Twa women’s lower levels of education and familyresponsibilities that make it harder for them to do fieldwork, but gender stereotyping seems to be involved aswell.As yet the Twa organisations have few programmesspecifically addressing Twa women’s marginalisation in20 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

civil society as well as within their own communities andorganisations. This is understandable given that few ofthe staff members of Twa organisations have receivedgender training and links with women’s rights organisations,who could inform the Twa organisations aboutmore radical approaches, are just beginning to be developed.ConclusionThe main problems faced by Twa women arise from thepolitical, social and economic marginalisation of the Twaas an ethnic group, resulting in landlessness, poverty andexclusion from society. As women, they are also morevulnerable in conflict situations, have weaker land rightsand participate less in public life than men. Within Twasociety, women have many freedoms but suffer particularlyfrom family neglect and domestic violence resultingfrom their husbands’ alcohol abuse.Efforts to improve the situation of Twa women in theGreat Lakes countries are currently being made throughthe Twa movement, rather than the women’s rights movement.Both are dynamic movements committed to thesupport of their respective constituencies. Collaborationbetween them, both at national and local levels, woulddramatically improve the prospects for Twa women. ❑Notes1 This paper does not cover those hunter-gatherer groups inother parts of DRC who are also known as Twa. Populationestimates comprise an estimated 30,000-40,000 in Burundi,16, 000 in DRC (Lewis 2000.), 3,500-4,000 in Uganda(Jackson 2003) and 33,000 in Rwanda (CAURWA 2004a).2 Barume 2000; Jackson 2003; Kenrick and Lewis 2001; Lewisand Knight 1995; Lewis 2000; Woodburn 1997.3 Jackson 2003: 6; Nkurunziza 2002: 73-75; CAURWA 2004b.4 CAURWA, 2003.5 CAURWA, 2003.6 United Nations Security Council, Document no. S/2002/1146.7 United Nations Security Council 2002; The Economist 2004:8-9.8 Human Rights Watch, Ituri, 2003.9 IRIN, 15 January 2003; IRIN, 28 January 2003.; HumanRights Watch, 2003; CAMV 2003.10 Jackson 2003: 9 -10.11 IRIN, 10 July 2002.12 Jackson 2003: 1513 In contrast, marriages between Twa men and non-Twa womenare only common among urban, educated Twa men, whocan afford the bride price for non-Twa women.14 Jackson 2003: 7-815 Jerome Lewis, personal communication, August 200316 Jackson, 2003: 11-1317 Nkurunziza 2002: 84-96, and 11318 CAURWA 2004. The enrolment rates are likely to be lower inBurundi and DRC where educational systems are severelydisrupted, but possibly higher in Uganda, due to the introductionof free primary education.19 Nkurunziza 2002: 63, CAURWA 2004.ReferencesBarume, Albert Kwokwo. 2000. Heading towards Extinction?Indigenous Rights in Africa: The case of the Twa of the Kahuzi-Biega National Park, Democratic Republic of Congo. Forest PeoplesProgramme and IWGIA.CAMV. 2003. Violations flagrantes de droits des autochtonesminoritaires Pygmées Batwa à l’est de la RD-Congo: Janvierà Juin 2003, camvorg@yahoo.frCAURWA. 2003. Mémorandum Adressé Aux Décideurs Politiques :La loi Foncière et la situation foncière des Batwa au Rwanda.CAURWA, Kigali.CAURWA. 2004a. Enquête sur les Conditions de Vie Socio-économiquedes Ménages des Bénéficiaires de CAURWA. First draft,January 2004CAURWA. 2004b. Enquête sur les Conditions de Vie Socio-économiquedes Ménages des Bénéficiaires de CAURWA.Human Rights Watch, Ituri. 2003. Covered in blood. EthnicallyTargeted Violence in Northeastern DR Congo. vol. 15, no. 11(2003) (A),http:hrw.org/reports/2003/ituri0703/DRC0703full.pdf;IRIN, 10 July 2002. Congo-DRC-Rwanda: Conflict fuelling spread ofHIV/AIDS,http:www.irinnews.org/print.asp?ReportID=28742IRIN, 15 January 2003. DRC: MONUC confirms cannibalism inMambasa, Mangina,http:www.irinnews.org/report.asp? ReportID= 31724IRIN, 28 January 2003. DRC: Pygmies demand a tribunal for crimes.Ituri’,http:www.irinnews.org/print.asp?ReportID=31962Jackson, D. 2003. Twa women, Twa rights in the Great Lakes Regionof Africa. Minority Rights Group International, 2003Kenrick, J. and Lewis, J. 2001. “Discrimination against theForest People (‘Pygmies’) of Central Africa.” In: MarianneJensen and Suhas Chakma (eds.). Racism against IndigenousPeoples. IWGIA, 2001Lewis, J and Knight, J. The Twa of Rwanda. Assessment of theSituation of the Twa and Promotion of Twa Rights in Post-WarRwanda. World Rainforest Movement and IWGIA, 1995Lewis, J. 2000. The Batwa Pygmies of the Great Lakes Region.Minority Rights Group, 2000Nkurunziza, S. 2002. Towards Social and Economic Inclusion ofMinorities: A case of the Twa People in Burundi. UnpublishedMSc thesis, University of Dublin. Pp.The Economist, Coping with Conflict. January 17, 2004: 8-9.United Nations Security Council. 2002. Final Report of thePanel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resourcesand Other Forms of Wealth of the Democratic Republicof Congo. 16 October 2002, Document no. S/2002/1146.Woodburn, J. I. 1997. “Indigenous discrimination: the ideologicalbasis for local discrimination against hunter-gatherer minoritiesin sub-Saharan Africa.” Ethnic and Racial Studies, 20/2:345-361.Dorothy Jackson is the Africa Programme Coordinator for theForest Peoples Programme (an NGO working to promote rightsof forest peoples worldwide) and its charitable wing, the ForestPeoples Project. She has worked with Twa people and organisationssince 1992, to support their advocacy and human rightswork, sustainable livelihoods activities and organisationaldevelopment. www.forestpeoples.orgIndigenous Affairs 1-2/04 21

FEMALEGENITALMUTILATIONNaomi Kipuri22 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

IntroductionFemale Genital Mutilation is the currentterm for what used to be called”female circumcision”.The latter termtended to equate the practice with the circumcisionof males, which seems to have noadverse effects upon those who undergo theoperation and remains a significant rite ofpassage in many communities.A rite of passageMany ethnic groups in Kenya, as in otherparts of Africa, know both male and femalecircumcision. According to the demographicHealth Survey 1998, more than 55% of Kenyancommunities still practise it. While accuratestatistics are not available, a surveycarried out by Maendeleo ya Wanawakeindicates that, among the Samburu community,over 95% practise FGM. This seems totally with actual observation among themajority of indigenous communities. In communitieswhere the practice is popular, theoperation is carried out as part of a rite ofpassage during adolescence, to mark theend of childhood and to usher in adulthood.Preparations for the ritual last manymonths and involve the whole community.For men it involves the removal of all or partof the foreskin as the candidate displaysbravery by not flinching throughout theoperation. Bravery is valued since the youngmen would then be expected to take chargeof all the community’s security requirementsuntil other young men are initiated to taketheir place. For men, the rite has remainedpart of an elaborate ritual involving instructionin relevant issues for an adult of a givencommunity.Girls, on the other hand, are not expectedto be as brave as warriors. The operationcan be as minor as cutting off a smallpart of the tip of the clitoris, or quite major tothe extent that the entire clitoris as well asother outer parts of the vagina are cut off.Once they have recovered from the operation,the girls are prepared for marriage.Among communities where the operationis performed at childhood, boys areoften circumcised when they are only a fewdays old (usually 8) while girls are operatedat the age of about eight years.As a rite of passage, male circumcision isstill perceived as a positive and necessary1. Pokot2. Samburu3. Turkana4. Borana5. Rendile6.Maasai7. Ogiek6(Aproximate location ofindigenous communities)part of living cultures. However, this is no longer true of female circumcision.While men spend months, and sometimes years, receivinginstruction in adult behaviour, all that is left for the girl is a mere cutbefore she is bundled off to a husband or left to continue her schooling,perhaps among age-mates for whom the operation is but an embarrassment.It is also noted that in cases where the girls who undergo theoperation are in a minority, the shame causes some of them to drop outof school and opt for early marriage.Why certain communities practise FGMIn the East African region, FGM is justified from a number of perspectives:• Some communities argue that it is a necessary rite of passage intowomanhood. They do not see any other way of marking the end ofchildhood and the beginning of adulthood;• It ensures cleanliness;• It offers better prospects for marriage;• It widens the birth canal;Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04 23

• It prevents promiscuity and excessive clitoralgrowth;• It preserves virginity for those who insist on virginitybefore marriage.History of FGMFemale circumcision has always been perceived negativelyas a ”savage” practice by outsiders. This has beentrue from the colonial period through to the present.However, for many years before and after colonialism, thepractice continued among Kenyan communities withlittle hindrance. Since the colonial government offeredlittle or no public education, it was only the missionariesand churches that could be said to have done someawareness raising around the practice. It was thus theywho first began campaigns against the practice amongtheir followers.Missionary churches banned it, and excommunicatedAfrican members who perpetuated the practice. In manycases, church membership dropped drastically whendeclarations of loyalty were instituted within their congregationagainst the rite. Among the Maasai, the Anglicanand Presbyterian Churches denied Holy Communionto those of their members who allowed their daughtersto undergo female circumcision, as it was referred to inthose days. On a general level, it was reported that mostProtestants opposed FGM while the majority of Catholicsand Muslims chose not to interfere with the non-spiritualaspects of their followers.African communities also defied some rules and movesagainst FGM because they saw them as a wider scheme bythe colonizers to control and oppress them. In this respect,attempts (particularly by the government but also byreligious organizations) to stamp out the practice simplyresulted in the popularisation of the rite among communitiesthat practised it.Another reason for its popularisation during the fightfor independence was that the rite was a requirement formembership of some African Associations, where theuncircumcised were seen as anti-freedom. After independence,there was little talk of eradicating the circumcisionof girls. This was probably because the first Presidentof the Republic saw it as a politically sensitive issueand so he adopted a policy of ”say nothing do nothing”.Since everyone went through the rite in those days, thefew who did not were initially shunned by the communityand they found it difficult to attract marriage partners. Inother instances, those who had avoided it earlier werelater circumcised at marriage or during the delivery oftheir first baby. This was because, in societies that observethe rite, in symbolic terms to become a mother a womanfirst has to be initiated into adulthood through circumcision.Women were also hesitant to give it up because ofthe strict penalties imposed on defaulters by variouscommunities. In a community where circumcision wasthe order of the day, girls who refused to undergo the ritualbecame outcasts.Throughout the colonial period and the early yearsafter independence, therefore, all the campaigns againstFGM were ineffective for several reasons:• Where the churches restricted their followers fromchurch attendance, they simply ignored it and wentto church whenever they felt like it because theynever took church teachings seriously;• In some cases, women from communities that did notobserve the practise were the ones employed tocampaign against the practice; the campaign was notvery effective because they were perceived as beingignorant about other people’s cultures;• In cases where public pronouncements were made asdirectives against the practice, they were similarlyineffective. A case in point was when the formerPresident warned against the practice in his ownhome district of Baringo. The response was that theincidence of girls undergoing the operation simplyshot up. The reaction of most people was that thePresident could rule the country but should notinterfere with what goes on inside people’s ownhouseholds.In those early years, FGM was seen as a private affair. Agemates would talk of occurrences using circumcision datesas reference points: ”It happened the year we were circumcised.”The real impetus for the movement against FGM waspropelled into the national limelight when President Moistarted to speak against practices such as early marriageand female circumcision. He also allowed movementsopposed to the rite to operate freely. During one of histours in Baringo District in 1982, he said that if anyonewas heard of or caught circumcising girls in that district”he will be on fire”. Unfortunately, it was not until late 2001that the practice was legally criminalized through parliament,when an Act was passed banning it.The World Health Organisation (WHO) has also classifiedFGM as a form of violence against girls and womensince it has serious physical and psychological effects.Kenya was among ten African countries to receive technicaland financial assistance from the WHO for the eradicationof FGM. Since then, the country has shown tremendousprogress towards realising this goal. The government,NGOs and women’s organizations have all madeefforts to raise public awareness of the dangers of FGM.Church-based organizations such the National Councilof Churches (NCCK), World Vision International (Kenya)and others have also intensified their campaign againstthe practice.FGM has been widely criticized by women leaders andother national organisations that state that it is a violationof women’s rights as it exposes them to physical andpsychological torture.24 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

Countries in Africa where FGM is practicedPastoralist areas where FGM is still practiced. Photos: Marianne Wiben JensenIndigenous Affairs 1-2/04 25

FGM as a Health issueThe health aspect of the operation has been more recentlyre-examined.Circumcision was usually performed by old womenusing old knives that were not sterilised and with noanaesthetic. The severity of the operation depends on thetype of procedure. Type one consists of cutting off the tipof the clitoris. Type two involves removing the clitoris oreven the entire clitoris plus the labia minora (the adjacenttissues sometimes referred to as the inner lips). Type threeis called infibulation or pharaonic operation and it involvesthe removal of the clitoris, labia minora and labiamajora (the outer lips) and the raw edges are then sewntogether leaving only a tiny opening for urination andmenstruation flow. Type four, which is rarely practisednow, involves enlarging the vaginal opening by cuttingthe perineum.Short-term health effects such as haemorrhage, shock,pain and various risks of infection including tetanus,hepatitis and AIDS have come to be associated with thisoperation. Deaths due to the unhygienic conditions duringthe operation have also been reported. At the sametime, long-term effects of FGM have been recounted, oneof which is difficulty and pain during labour as well asthe tearing of muscles during delivery. On top of all this,from a human rights perspective, the girls who undergothe operation have recently been portrayed as victimswhose rights are being violated since the rite is carried outagainst their wishes or without the girls being providedwith adequate information as to the side effects or possibledangers of the operation. In this way, pressure hasbeen exerted to reduce the incidence of this rite or to stopit altogether. But whereas other aspects of culture are fastchanging and some are being shunned altogether, eventhe severity of the cut has remained in this case. From thisperspective, the rite is increasingly being perceived as arelic of culture that must be done away with.Legislation against FGMWhile other control measures have continued againstFGM, there has always been a feeling that legislation wasthe only way in which government could demonstrate itscommitment against the practice. According to the ParliamentaryBill, those who practice female genital mutilationand those who marry off under-age children risk stiffpenalties and will face a 12-month jail term or a Ksh50,000 fine or both if convicted. The penalty is faced bythose convicted of FGM and child marriages as well as bythose who deny their children an education.At the turn of the new century, lawmakers, civil society,the government and other pressure groups began topush for action on the part of government to stamp out thepractice of FGM. A parliamentary motion drafted by amale legislator calling for the abolition of the practice inall its forms failed to pass through Parliament the firsttime it was introduced because legislators from communitiescondoning the practice did not support it. Theirhands tied by fear of scandalising their constituents,politicians supported the continued existence of thispractice in a most vocal manner.Many of the parliamentarians who opposed the motionwere from indigenous pastoralist communities whoare socio-economically and politically marginalized andare still tenaciously clinging to their cultures, despiteWestern onslaughts. These areas are furthermore remotewith poor infrastructure. After a lot of discussion, however,the motion was eventually passed in 2001.Despite all the discussions, pressure and legislation,the incidences of female circumcisions have been risingin some districts, including Nyamira, Kissi, MeruSamburu, Transmara, Narok and Kajiado. A combinationof factors may be responsible for this. There has been anincreased need for people to assert their identity and beproud of being different as a reaction against a movetoward uniformity on the part of the state. It has also beenobserved that the UN Decade for the World’s IndigenousPeoples has given indigenous peoples the confidence tocome out and be counted as different. This differencemeans re-asserting cultural differences, of which circumcisionis an integral part. Another possible reason is thatthere are increasing incidents of adolescent pregnancies,alcohol abuse, rebellion among teenagers and other habitsthat parents perceive as anti-social behaviour, andthese make some indigenous parents (who would otherwisehave abandoned the practice) feel that a return toculture would instil discipline in their children. Thesecretary of the League of Kenyan Women criticised fellowwomen who forced their daughters into it. The formerMP said, ”The practice is harmful and the Kisii community hasno choice but to discard it”.Much criticism is also heard in Meru District: elderscondemned an incident in which a woman in Meru NorthDistrict was forced to circumcise herself, to appease herin-laws. The mother of one mutilated herself to save hermarriage after her husband abandoned her for not beingcircumcised. The elders urged the Meru community todiscard the outdated practice. Some communities in thearea have insisted on FGM as a sign of womanhood whilethe chairman of the Council of Elders asked the Meru todiscard FGM saying, ”It is retrogressive and harmful to thedevelopment of the girl-child and the community”. In thesame vein, police arrested a woman who circumcised adiabetic schoolgirl, who later bled to death in hospital.The woman was charged with murder. Another incidentis that of a man who beat up his 13-year-old daughter forrefusing to be circumcised. The provincial administrationis always warning residents against violating children’srights, adding that the government will punishsuch people.However, in Marakwet District (which is predominantlyoccupied by the Kalenjin community), statisti-26 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

cally, fewer girls are now being circumcised. A nongovernmentalorganisation spearheading the campaignagainst female genital mutilation in the area said, ”Thenumber of girls undergoing the rite has declined by more than50 % over the previous year”. Marakwet Women and Girlsproject co-ordinator said, ”Less than 100 girls were circumcisedthis season compared to more than 300 the same season inthe past”. She attributed the decline to intensive campaigningagainst the practice by non-governmental organisationsoperating in the area. Her organisation hadrescued more than 70 girls from forced circumcision, themajority of whom had now undergone an alternative riteof passage. She says, ”Reduced incidents of FGM in KerioValley have been achieved through the joint efforts of myorganisation, World Vision, SNV and other organisations”.The alternative riteWhile there have been enough reasons against continuingFGM, the difficulty has remained as to how to discontinuethe age-old practice when nothing has been developedto replace it. Because the rite is deeply rooted in somecommunities, to suddenly abandon it altogether hasproved difficult in many cases. For this reason, somegroups have experimented with various ways of easing itin in socially acceptable ways. One of the methods initiatedamong the Meru has been referred to as an alternativerite of passage or an Intellectual Female Initiation (IFI).This rite has since spread to other parts of the country.Many girls have opted to undergo an alternative rite ofpassage, which includes training in HIV/AIDS, nutrition,home economics, child rights, hygiene, career choice,the disadvantages of female genital mutilation andchanges in cultural trends. More than 1,000 girls fromTunyo, Tot and Tirap divisions of Marakwet District havealso (like the Meru) benefited from the programme, whichwas initiated four years ago. There is a great potential forthis alternative rite to be replicated among other communities.The main problem is that the small grassrootsorganizations who might have more impact usually donot have the means, and those who have the means are notalways acceptable.Difficulties encountered in discontinuingFGMOne of the reasons why it has become difficult to eradicateFGM is because it has deeply held cultural values attachedto it. Again, the practice is carried out in remoteareas where, even if policing were done, accessibilitywould still remain a major hindrance. For example, nomajor intervention has taken place in Samburu District tocurb the practice. The few organisations in the district thatare fighting the practice are ill equipped both financiallyand in terms of human resources. Failure to report FGMincidents has also made the fight against the practiceineffective in legal terms. The chairperson of the NationalCouncil of Women of Kenya (NCWK) urged Kenyanleaders and especially men to speak out against FGM. ”Ifour leaders stopped shying away from speaking against thevice, the fight against it would have been more fruitful,” shesaid.ConclusionFrom the above, it is clear that attempting to eradicateFGM in Kenya has been a challenging task. Many lessonshave been learnt through these efforts. While legislatingagainst the practice has achieved some positive results, ithas also proved that the forces of the law cannot be reliedupon per se to change a community’s way of life andthinking. It has also been seen that, in cases where toomuch force and pressure has been exerted, the practicegoes underground and is performed in secret. Since manyof the girls are young, they may not know how to seekassistance and by the time they know they could, it is toolate. It must therefore be seen as only a first step in a seriesof actions to discourage the practice. At the same time, ithas become apparent that constant pressure and persuasionneed to be applied continuously by all stakeholdersuntil success has been achieved.As the Minister for Health once put it, ”Diplomacy isstill the best approach and we must rely on the goodwill of thecommunities practicing FGM to want to discard it”. It is truethat the rite is still a culturally bound affair and becauseof this it is the cultures and beliefs of people that need tobe influenced in order to reduce the incidence of FGM.In the final analysis, it has been proved that the initiativesof women from communities that practise FGM havebeen sustainable in helping to disseminate the right messagesin culturally appropriate ways. Such initiatives arebound to bear fruit and ought to be supported.As discussions continue, the rite ceases to be a strictlyprivate affair. Nowadays it is being discussed openly,analysed and its relevance in modern society questioned.As this happens, the discussions, often couched in criticism,have tended to influence some potential candidatesto resist attempts to have them undergo the operation nomatter how significant it is in their respective communities.❑Naomi Kipuri is a Maasai from Kajiado district of Kenya. Ananthropologist by training, she taught at the University ofNairobi and is now a development consultant. She is particularlyinterested in development concerns relating to humanrights and the rights of indigenous peoples.Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04 27

TAMACHEK WOMENIN THE 21ST CENTURYSaoudata Aboubacrine28 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

Parade in traditional costumeat the Essakan Desert Festival,Timbuktu. Photo: IncomindiosThroughout North and West Africa, the Touareg(who also call themselves Tamachek) have longbeen confronted by enormous socio-economic, legal and politicalbarriers. They are often deprived of their fundamental rights andfreedoms and are among the most disadvantaged and vulnerable peopleson the planet. They have lost control over most of their ancestral lands,have little or no say in decisions affecting them and are subject to projectsand decisions that are ill-adapted to their needs or even harmful to theirhealth, economic, social and cultural life. The conditions of the Touaregpeople are experienced all the more acutely by Tamachek women.The traditional situation of Tamachek womenWomen are traditionally the guardians of culture and the guarantorsof the community’s unity and honour. They learn very early on tochoose their words wisely and to consider their options carefullybecause a decision will generally be imposed on them when consensuscannot be reached. Young girls may receive several suitors.Monogamy is the rule, even if it is common to remarry, and nomadiclife - where famine follows abundance - prohibits large families. Thewoman reigns over the universe of the tent and, in cases of divorce, itis often the man who is forced to leave, not the woman. The bearer ofknowledge, she instils society’s values in her children from a very earlyage, teaching them music, poetry, writing and divination. When themen used to be away for long periods of time, grazing their animals,trading or waging war, it was the women who were the guardians ofculture and tradition in the camps.Separate ownership of goods is the only matrimonial systemrecognised among the Touareg, although a number of common goods areallocated to household needs. It is quite clear that in all cases, even if thehusband is formally head of the household, decisions are taken jointly.In economic terms, the woman owns her own assets, and she enjoysthese freely without anyone (father, brother or husband) questioningthis. Throughout her married life, the Touareg woman collects valuablejewellery, to be passed on exclusivelyto her daughter or daughters.Once married, the woman continuesto manage her dowry, which she retainsin case of divorce. It should, however, benoted that divorced women are grantedno alimony. This is awarded to youngchildren, only when the mother does nothave the means to provide for them herself.Moreover, custom has it that if themarriage breaks down, custody of thechildren will be divided according to theirsex or by agreement. It is generally thefather who has custody of the boys, andthe mother of the girls. The children’sinterest would appear to be taken intoaccount. The father will take responsibilityfor his sons’ education while the motherwill ensure that her daughters are givena “model” education. Visiting rights areinviolable and it is not uncommon to seeone or other parent making a lengthy stayin the camp where their children are livingin the custody of his or her ex-spouse.Tamachek women todayTamachek (or Touareg) women today findthemselves at the crossroads of history consistingof three paths: that of a mythicalpast, that of a troubled and disrupted presentand, finally, that of an uncertain future.If one does not take care to avoid this,there is a great temptation to continue to(left) Saoudata and Mary Simat (Ipacc Vice-President) at the Ipacc Executive Committeemeeting in Ouagadougou, February 2004. Photo: IpaccIndigenous Affairs 1-2/04 29

In the Tin Hinan tent at the Essakan Desert Festival, Saoudata coordinates activities(cultural, and the promotion and dissemination of human and indigenous people’s rights). Photo: Incomindioshold women up as the guardians of outmoded tradition,placing them on a pedestal in order to keep them in checkso that they remain the required paragon of virtue. Subtlyor unconsciously, Tamachek women are being drawninto an unclear game on the pretence of an ambiguouspreservation of tradition. They have lost their customs,and their present reality is such that they can no longerposition themselves in relation to so many modernchanges. They have obligations within society but theconditions for fulfilling these obligations are not met.They have, for example, a duty to provide for their familybut very often do not have the economic resources to do so.Tradition has it that women are generous, receptive,welcoming, and available to receive visitors or help familymembers. But it is extremely difficult to maintain thesegood values when the environment of the past, with all itsmeans and possibilities, no longer exists, either in asettled location or even in most of the camps.Analysing the causesThe problems facing Tamachek women are due to variousfactors, the roots of which can be traced back to colonisationand decolonisation, which caused remarkable disruptionto the Touareg way of life in general and women’sstatus in particular.During colonisation, men - if not entire families - weremassacred or deported, often leaving the women to runtheir families on their own. Decolonisation failed to takeaccount of the Touareg’s traditional organisation andway of life. On the contrary, a new and totally foreignway of life was imposed on them. This is why theeducation system, for example, the basis of developmentfor any people, failed completely in the Tamachek environment.It failed to correspond to their reality in anyway.The traditionally “privileged” position of Tamachekwomen also changed. Harmfull customs that put women’sdevelopment dangerously at risk in an increasinglymale-dominated society should not be overlooked: early,often forced and frequently endogamous marriage, medicallyunassisted childbirth, a lack of family planningknowledge and an absence of sex education or informationon reproductive health issues, prohibitive dowries,frequent divorces and common repudiations, and a failureto educate girls. All these were factors in themarginalisation of Touareg women.The difficulties these women experience today are alsolinked to imbalances that have arisen within societyfollowing the numerous conflicts of the last few yearsbetween armed Touareg movements and some Sahelianstates, along with measles, meningitis and cholera epidemics,and the years of drought that ravaged the Saheland the Sahara. All these factors have had a direct impacton women’s situation: many have found themselves alonewith dependant children. Others have been forced intoexile, and live in refugee camps or shanty towns aroundthe cities, where they do not have the means to provide fortheir families. Such is the case, for example, of the womenof Dapoya in Ouagadougou (Burkina Faso), Touaregwomen who survive by working as guards on buildingsites and from handicrafts etc.Meeting with and living alongside other cultures doesnot necessarily promote the position of women, and leadsboth women and men to believe that the behaviour ofothers is best. This encourages men into polygamy andwomen into accepting it. They begin to think that, to be agood mother, they must be extremely obliging to theirhusband. There are even rare cases of girls being circumcisedthrough the influence of neighbours who traditionallycarry out this practice. To this must be added increasedilliteracy due to the very low level of schoolregistration among women, and the fact that they are30 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

The IPACC delegation being welcomed by members of Tin Hinan, Ouagadougou,Burkina Faso. Photo: IPACCignorant of their most basic rights. Even when they areaware of their rights, a kind of cultural modesty preventsthem from claiming these rights through the justice system.Another problem is a lack of supervision, awarenessraising, information, education and organisation, all factorsthat hinder the socio-economic development andpromotion of Touareg women.Development partners are not sufficiently interestedin women’s problems. Development projects often haveeither insufficient information to understand the women’ssituation or they underestimate their difficulties. Infact, interventions on women’s behalf are virtually nonexistent,and projects are often badly adapted to theirneeds. Because of this they do not form a focus of interestfor the women they are supposed to benefit.At national and local decision-making levels, thewomen have no voice: at national level, they are absentfrom state institutions and, consequently, forgotten. Atlocal level, it is the men who are present in all decisionmakingspheres (municipalities, commune, etc.).Solutions and ProspectsDespite all the difficulties encountered by Touareg women– conflict, extreme poverty, exile - some of them havegained an awareness of their situation and have organisedthemselves into cooperatives, associations and networksin order to face up to the future. This awakening ofconscience has come about through the process of adaptingto their current life.The Tin Hinan Association was born of this reality. Itbases its action around human rights and, more specifically,the rights of women, youth and indigenous peoples.Tin Hanan’s strategy has been to support the dynamicsof change and mobilisation around issues of humanrights education and promotion, girls’ education, training,literacy, creating means of existence, improving healthconditions etc.Along with other organisations set up by Touaregwomen, such as Tounfa, Tidawt etc., and women’s organisationsamong other indigenous peoples in Africa(Maasai, Batwa, San, Mbororo, Pokot, etc.), Tin Hinanwas involved in establishing AIWO (the African IndigenousWomen’s Organisation) in April 1998. The aim ofthis organisation is to defend and promote the humanrights and interests of women and indigenous peoples inAfrica.Despite dynamic indigenous female leadership withinthese organisations, the women leaders have come upagainst a number of problems: the weight of culture,unequal opportunities, lack of recognition of some of theirrights, illiteracy, etc. There are many barriers and prejudicesagainst which the women have to fight to becomemore effective in their daily struggle. It is, however, essentialthat indigenous women’s organisations participateeffectively to promote and protect their rights, in the directinterest of their families, their communities, their countryand all humanity. The aspiration to respect human rightsin general, and those of women and indigenous peoplesin particular, cannot become a reality without their involvement.This implies a need to strengthen their organisations’and networks’ capacities at all levels so thatwomen can overcome the obstacles and prejudices inorder to fulfil their potential and aspire to a happinessthat is worthy of its name: the emancipation of all women.❑Saoudata Aboubacrine, Touareg from Mali, is the presidentof the Tin Hinan Association, executive member of the AfricanIndigenous Women’s Organisation and an executive committeemember of IPACC. She lives and works in Burkina Faso.Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04 31

INTERVIEW WITHNINA PACARIErica-Irene Daes and Nina Pacari (right).Photo: Intl. Centre for Human Rights and Democratic DevelopmentA social and political science graduate, Dr. Nina PacariVega Conejo is also a lawyer with a doctorate in case law.She was the first indigenous woman Foreign Secretaryof the Republic of Ecuador, having previously been amember of parliament, a member of the Public ManagementCommittee and a member of the Council of theLegislature of the National Congress, plus second Vice-President of this latter. She was also the Chimborazorepresentative to the Constituent Assembly.Prior to this she was National Executive Secretary ofthe National Council for Planning and Development forthe Indigenous and Black Peoples of Ecuador, CONP-LADEIN.From 1993 to 1996, she was Lands and Territoriesofficer for the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalitiesof Ecuador, CONAIE, having previously worked astheir legal advisor. She has published a number of booksand articles both nationally and internationally and hassat on various executive councils.1. You were the first indigenous woman to hold the postof Foreign Secretary. You were also a member of theAssembly, a Member of Parliament and Vice-Presidentof the Ecuadorian parliament. Would such appointmentshave been possible ten years ago?My involvement in politics was on the basis of a collectivedecision. And the essential justifica-tion behind that collectivedecision was the need to build a political project ofinclusion and equality. During the indigenous uprisingof June 1990, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalitiesof Ecuador called nationally for the country to be reestablishedas an inclusive and plurinational state. At itsThird National Congress in 1993, CONAIE decided thatone of its strategies would be to achieve a presence innational political life and, hence, “to participate in futureelectoral processes, creating the prior conditions” for economic,cultural and political development in line with thereality and needs of Ecuadorians. In 1994, in accordancewith these decisions, the Confederation presented a packageof constitutional reforms to the National Congresswith the aim of achieving the approval of laws enablingindigenous peoples to be directly represented in the Ecuadorianparliament. This proposal was rejected by Congressbut a constitutional reform permitting “the participationof independents” in electoral processes, under thebanner of political parties or movements or not, wasintroduced. This constitutional amendment enabled theConfederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador –along with other organised sectors of the urban socialmovement – to trace the broad outlines of a politicalmovement that became known as the Pachakutik Movementfor Plurinational Unity-New Country (Movimientode Unidad Plurinacional Pachakutik-Nuevo País). This movementparticipated in elections for the first time in 1996. Asa result, various indigenous mayors were elected, forexample in Cotacachi (Imbabura) and Guamote(Chimborazo) and, for the first time, an indigenous womanwas elected Mayoress of Suscal (Cañar). Five indigenouslegislators were also elected (two from the Amazon andthree from the Sierra). The 1998 elections marked the firsttime in Ecuador’s history that an indigenous woman waselected as a National Legislator. 1It would have been extremely difficult for indigenouspeoples, and particularly indigenous women, to becomeinvolved in national politics within a racist society hadit not been for the project of political inclusion that we hadbeen implementing via local government and the politicalspaces we were involved in. Through a process of struggle,progress was made throughout the 1990s and, during thistime, the role of indigenous women became more visible. Itbecame possible to enter them as candidates for differentpositions and entrust Executive responsibilities to them.Had it not been for this whole process of struggle, it wouldnot have been possible to hold such important positions onan individual basis, and far less ten years ago.2. How do you view the changes in Ecuadorian societyin terms of indigenous women’s political participation?These changes have been largely dependant upon the rolethat indigenous women have played. This role must beanalysed and understood within the context of the strugglesof their peoples. The indigenous uprising of June1990 was a determining factor. Indigenous peoples becamepublicly visible with proposals, or as different collectivebodies. These expressions did not include onlymen or only women within them. Participation is on acommunity, a family, basis. The ayllus is present, that is,the mother, father, children, grandparents, community,32 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

village. Each person has a particular responsibility withinthis action. But it is all of them as a group that will moveEcuador’s political project in the right direction. In otherwords, it is for all of us (indigenous men and women) tostrive for our dreams and achieve these objectives.The possibilities offered by IT and media developmentmeant that Ecuadorian society was able to witness women’sinvolvement, and not only in the tasks traditionallyallocated to them. Indigenous women were on the streets,standing “shoulder to shoulder” with their people, theywere in leadership positions, and were also involved indiscussions and dialogue with the government of thetime.Now, for the first time, indigenous peoples (and womenas well) are able to see their own possibilities, capacitiesand potential. But they are also aware of their limitations.They know their problems will not be resolved by individualaction. Solidarity from people who supported thedemonstration enabled strategic alliances to be forged betweenthe poor and the honest business sector. Nationalproposals were beginning to be designed in which all sectorswere identified. For example, the struggle for land andproduction now included a struggle for the food security ofall Ecuadorians; the struggle for recognition of culturalethnicity included gender and generational equality.Through daily action, women were taking a firm rolein leadership, whether through the Leadership TrainingSchool 2 , run by women themselves, in local, provincial,regional or national leadership bodies, or via publicadministration responsibilities, having been duly elected.Gradually, Ecuadorian society has been gaining confidencein the individual roles being played by women, andin the collective roles being played by its peoples. It hasbeen demonstrating greater openness. It is, however, clearthat racism and gender discrimination have not yet beenovercome.3. What obstacles remain? Is there still discrimination?In my opinion, I think the following four areas, althoughnot exclusive, are important:• Different cultural codes.• Organisational structure of a state that is stillexclusive.• Economic situation.• Lack of a consensual national political project.a) Different Cultural Codes. The demands of indigenouspeoples have led to progress in terms of constitutionallylegislating for cultural diversity. These days, Ecuadoriansociety is theoretically defined as multicultural. However,in reality and in practice, this has yet to becomeconcrete. It is rare to find issues of diversity orinterculturality on the public policy agenda. Indigenouspeoples are not perceived as being politically-minded oras having the knowledge to contribute to national oruniversal thinking. Any analysis of the problems or demandsof native peoples takes the logic of domination asits departure point, always reaffirming the rationality ofthe dominant force. This imposition of dominant culturalcodes thus becomes a real obstacle to embracing the oppressedsectors. It is one of the daily battles being fought bythe indigenous movement: to develop, disseminate andinclude our cultural codes in national Ecuadorian life.b) Organisational Structure of a State that is still exclusive.The way the state is organised is not designed witha view to including an ethno-cultural approach. The fewspaces that have been created are the product of theindigenous peoples’ struggle, with no real support fromcentral government being in place. To this lack of supportmust be added a lack of openness in terms of understanding,respecting and being receptive to the content of theproposals indigenous peoples make within these arenas.At national level, the lack of an ethno-cultural approachin public policy, in state projects and programmes, hasalso had an impact on the failure of what we understandas “co-existence in a multicultural society”.c) Economic Situation. Although indigenous peopleshave managed to force their way onto the political scene,the economic situation continues to be a great obstacle,not only to the sustainability and development of theireconomies but also in terms of facing up to the requirementsof the current electoral climate. Government concerns focuson the macro-economy, from which very few Ecuadoriansbenefit. Players in the micro and informal economies arenot even considered in the statistics. This short-sightedvision leads governments to implement policies thatbenefit the same old people. This limited approach toeconomic policy prevents global and integrated actionsfrom being taken. Indigenous peoples are recognised associal subjects but not as economic subjects, despite thefact that 64% of agricultural production on the nationalmarket is generated, along with small farmers, by thisimportant sector of the population. If this limited approachto the economic reality is not overcome, it willremain an obstacle to redirecting social andinfrastructural investment as well as to the creation ofintegrated development policies.Given the indigenous experience in the elections from1996 onwards, their intervention can be deemed as havingbeen crucial. Along with indigenous women, this newpolitical force has had to compete in elections alongsidepolitical parties who are really none other than electoralbusinesses, with huge financial resources but no socialbase. They have also had to overcome enormous discrimination.The great debate during colonial times may havefocused on “whether the indigenous have souls or not”,but the issue highlighted during the elections was“whether the indigenous were capable of public managementor not”. In the case of indigenous women, their tripleIndigenous Affairs 1-2/04 33

discrimination is reflected in their status as women, poorand indigenous. To overcome these barriers and breakwith these prejudices, the new players – particularlyindigenous women – have had to manage ethically, withcreativity and efficiency. And yet discrimination andracism still persist as tools of domination.d) Lack of a consensual national political project. Thisis becoming one of the most serious and marked problemsin Ecuador: the internal failure to recognise its diversityand the need to build a common agenda through dialogue.With the indigenous uprising of June 1990, for thefirst time in the country’s history, CONAIE managed toforce the government to dialogue with indigenous peoples,to understand and resolve their demands. Indigenouswomen’s participation in those demonstrations,and in the ones that have subsequently taken place, hasbeen absolute. In the road closures, the women were therewith their young children, actively involved. However,their participation with “their children in their arms”was criticised by non-indigenous women. They did notunderstand that their struggle was approved by the ayllu,the community, that their struggle related to a life project.4. In terms of the possibility of political participation,is there any difference between indigenous menand indigenous women, between indigenous andmestizo women?I think I should briefly explain the legal context withinwhich women’s participation, indigenous or not, takesplace in the electoral process. Article 102 of the PoliticalConstitution expressly states that, “The state will promoteand guarantee the equal participation of women and men ascandidates in the electoral process (...) and in political parties.”In line with this constitutional provision, legislation waspassed to provide for the gradual incorporation of womenonto the party lists for participation in electoral processes.Hence, during the 2000 elections, the 30% list quota wasachieved. During the 2002 elections it was 35% and it willcontinue to increase by 5% at each election until we haveequal representation of 50%. A study carried out onindigenous women’s candidacies for national-level parliamentaryposts in 1998 revealed that the MovimientoPachakutik put forward one indigenous woman in secondposition on their list and Izquierda Democrática, (the DemocraticLeft – of social democratic tendency) put anotherwoman in twelfth place. As a result, this latter was unableto gain election during the four and a half years of thelegislative period. 3 This situation reveals that indigenouswomen’s participation is still in its infancy, both withinthe “progressive” tendency and within the MovimientoPachakutik itself. Some of the main reasons for this inequalityare the following: 1) Male chauvinism, whichprioritises male participation. 2) Women’s fears. 3) Becominginvolved in an unknown area.Given that indigenous women’s participation takes placewithin the context of a plural political movement in whichnon-indigenous players are also involved, a process ofmutual learning has developed around various aspects,including the following three:• Cultural codes, which both indigenous and nonindigenousplayers bear.• The political project promoted by the politicalmovement.• The style of campaigning.Cultural codes: the basic principles of good governance,such as Ama Shua (do not steal), Ama Llulla (do not lie)and Ama Killa (do not be lazy), are indigenous principles,in which indigenous men and women have played aleading role. Mestizo women actively involved in politicshave taken these fully on board. Likewise it has been up toindigenous women to broaden the horizon to incorporatean inclusive proposal that encompasses non-indigenoussociety and thus non-indigenous women. It is clear thatthere have sometimes been tensions or discrimination. Butthis school of diversity within the political world hasenabled us to mature and recognise our own strengths andweaknesses, and it has also given us a challenge: that of coexistingwith a critical awareness, with an affirmation ofour identity and the perspective of a common project.The political project enables visions to be brought intoalignment and common perspectives and objectives to bereached. This signifies a great step forward in the participationprocess, both for women and for new players ingeneral.The style of campaigning. In terms of relationships withinthe political movement, women’s awareness raising (indigenousand mestizo) and the involvement of new playersaround a common objective, it has to be said that wehave been filled with enthusiasm and hope. Regardless ofthe differences that exist, when a collective process isunderway we are able to join together to form a fundamentalbasis for the exercise of interculturality. It is a fundamentalpart of the process of change. But it is during anelection campaign that racism, discrimination andclientilism come to the fore on the part of candidates fromrival political parties.5. How do you assess your experience in power? Whatlessons have you learned, for yourself, for theindigenous movement and for indigenous women?There is a great difference between power and government.It is at the local level, which is autonomous, that 96indigenous authorities have managed to exercise powerand participatory government with identity, described asalternative. For the first time in Ecuador and Latin America,34 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

an indigenous woman was elected Mayoress in the cantonof Suscal, province of Cañar, in the south of thecountry. Various women have also held public managementresponsibilities as elected councillors. Their form ofmanagement has been positive and is making a contributionto the country.The same is taking place at parliamentary level. Wehave had indigenous legislators since 1996. During the1998-2002 period, there was a female Kichua legislator.The legislative task of indigenous women has been highlightedand recognised by national society. The quality ofindigenous women’s public management has enabled ahigh degree of respectability to be granted to native peoples.At national level, the electoral triumph of the Pachakutik-Sociedad Patriótica alliance enabled two indigenous leadersof great organisational experience to be placed incharge of the Ministries of Agriculture and Foreign Affairs.From a personal point of view, I can say that this wasa very enriching and positive experience. Administrativehandling of institutional affairs, management organisation,policy implementation, international cooperation,to name but a few, were all effective. Most of the disagreementswith the President were rooted in the existence oftwo different visions of political and government action.This dichotomy was explicit in the understanding betweenthe two political forces in government. In the end,it was not possible to implement the ten policy pointsagreed when the Alliance was formed, far less economicpolicy, and so the final break came on 6 August year?Despite these difficulties, the balance has been a positiveone, given that it has enabled us to discover thepotential that exists and its limitations. In any case, it isimportant to note that, to make a political project concrete,it is not sufficient to hold ministries such as Agricultureand Foreign Affairs, however strategic. I believe this is oneof the most fundamental lessons, all the more so if weconsider that structural change has to take place over theshort, medium and long term, always bearing in mind theurgency of the situation of poverty and exclusion.7. You are defending a political project of inclusionand respect for diversity. Do you believe thatindigenous women have (or could) achieve a newway of governing?It is said that women are more sensitive to social issues.Personally, I think that the new players, including indigenouswomen, have devised a Life Project. And thisproject is not limited to the form of governing, particularlywithin the context of a structure that is not so favourable.Hence we must look not only at form but also at content.The policies that are being implemented, the State modelthat is being built or the type of development that is takingplace, these are the essential points. So our great task is tobuild an integral vision that joins the economic with thesocial, the political with the cultural. This vision must notfocus only on the macro-economy but also on the micro.Diversity must be taken as read. The fact that one is awoman or indigenous does not in itself guarantee goodgovernance. It depends, fundamentally, on the politicalproject, the life project.8. What conditions are necessary for indigenouswomen to be able to play their role fully?I think the following are fundamental:• To enjoy full political awareness.• To enjoy ongoing, general and integral training andeducation.• To be the promoters or bearers of a political project.• To influence public policy creation, focusing onethno-cultural, gender and generational perspectivesfrom the sphere of civil society.• To develop individual and collective self-esteem.And, at the end of the day, to never stop dreaming. To haveconfidence in our possibilities and our potential. ❑6. What are the challenges for the coming years, interms of participation?Given the aspects addressed, I think we could highlightthe following challenges:• To fine-tune and agree on an inclusive politicalproject.• To build a state model that responds, through socialinclusion, to the reality, needs and perspectives ofthe country.• To implement an economic development thatguarantees the well-being of all Ecuadorians.• To exercise citizenship and interculturality.• To put an end to racism and prejudice in order tostrengthen trust and credibility.NotesQuito, 8 January 20041 Nina Pacari was elected National Deputy in June 1998 andthen appointed Vice-President of the First Authority of theState in August of the same year, for a period of two years,as established by Ecuador’s Political Constitution.2 The “Dolores Cacuango” School of Leadership Training, attachedto the Confederation of the Kichua Nationality -ECUARUNARI, was set up by women leaders.3 Nina Pacari participated in second place on the national listof the Socialist-Pachakutik (17-18) alliance, an alliance thatgained two seats. Nina Pacari was elected Vice-President ofthe National Congress for the period August 1988 to August2000. Izquierda Democrática gained two seats, and so theindigenous candidate, Teresa Simbaña, being in twelfth place,never reached parliament.Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04 35

QUEBEC NATIVE WOMEN:COUNTERING VIOLENCEMichèle RouleauViolence is a phenomenon which affects all spheresof society at a number of levels. However, in theindigenous environment, it is omnipresent andmany communities have to deal with endemic problemsof violence. Family violence is so widespread in indigenouscommunities, that one does not hesitate to speakabout it as a plague.In Quebec’s indigenous environment, a group ofwomen has been working on these problems for more than10 years. Quebec Native Women (QNW) is an organizationwhich gathers women belonging to the 10 FirstNations of Quebec. This association, which was establishedin 1974, works to defend women’s rights, improvethe living conditions of indigenous families and promotenon-violence. Since it was founded, QNW has workedprimarily for the defense of the rights of indigenouswomen who have suffered discrimination caused by theIndian Act, a federal law which has governed the life ofFirst Nations in Canada since 1876. Under the terms ofarticle 12,1,b of the the Indian Act, Indian women whomarried non-Indian men lost their Indian status. For anindigenous woman, losing her legal status as an Indianalso meant being driven out of her community and beingdisavowed by other members of the community. Thisinjustice added to the already existing discriminationagainst indigenous peoples meant Indian women foundthemselves facing double discrimination. The fight ofIndian women against this discrimination has lasted formany years. And, although the Indian Act was amendedin 1985, following the collective actions taken by groupsof indigenous women, several problems persist. TodayQNW continues its struggle for the defense of Indianwomen’s rights.Over time, QNW has widened its sphere of activity. Atthe end of the 1980s QNW started to look at the questionof family violence. At this time in Quebec, the mobilizationof the groups of women who worked in this field had ledthe provincial government of Quebec to recognize theproblem and to initiate policies concerning marital violence.Indigenous women also began to speak out aboutthis violence which was part of their daily lives. At theQNW general assemblies and other meetings, the questionof family violence came up frequently. Women spokeabout the problems they themselves or others close tothem experienced. They were very worried about the factthat their children were exposed to this kind of situation.Breaking the wall of silenceQNW started to organize workshops and meetings on thequestion of family violence. Violence in the communitieshad hardly ever been talked about before, and QNWwanted people to be able to speak about it more, so that thewomen would be able to break “the wall of silence”. Thusthe idea of a public awareness campaign was born.In 1988, QNW undertook a campaign in three stages.Initially, a poster was produced, illustrated by an indigenousartist-painter which read “Violence is tearing usapart: let’s get together”. These posters were distributedin all the indigenous communities in Quebec, and had agreat impact; people talked about it. Then there weremessages broadcast on community radio stations. Therewere three different messages: a child, a politician, and anelder talking to their communities and telling them thatthere was too much violence in the families and that thismust stop. Thirdly, an information brochure was handedout in the communities.It seemed that this public awareness campaign cameat the right moment. People felt the need to speak out; it isclear that it opened the door to debate and allowed peoplein certain communities, to initiate reflection, organizeawareness activities which reflected their values, theirculture and to do this at a pace which was appropriate forthem. Because, although the majority of the indigenouscommunities are confronted with serious social problems,their realities vary. The reality of the isolated communitiesdiffers largely from that of the more urban communities.36 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

The extent of violenceIn the 1980s, it was not only in Quebec that indigenouswomen were concerned with family violence. Other associationsof indigenous women in Canada also took thesame steps. In 1989, a survey carried out by the OntarioNative Women’s Association showed that 84% of thoseinterviewed said that family violence existed in theircommunity, and 80% said they had been victims of thisviolence personally, whereas the statistics for Canada asa whole showed a 10% incidence of violence in nonindigenousfamilies.In Quebec, there had not been a specific investigationinto family violence in the indigenous environment, butQNW had every reason to believe that the situation wassimilar to that of Ontario. And, the more people spokeabout this question, the more they became aware of theextent and gravity of the problem. It was all the moreworrying to notice the level of people’s tolerance towardsviolence; many families lived in a perpetual climate ofviolence and did not have any hope of escaping it.The backgroundIn order to understand the origins of the social problemswhich confront indigenous communities, it is necessaryto know the history of indigenous peoples. In Canada,the process of 150 years of colonization has had devastatingeffects. At the end of the 19th century, the governmentof Canada adopted the Indian Act, which wasoriginally called “The Act for the Colonization of Savages”.The Indian Act confirmed the lower legal statusof the indigenous peoples and placed the “Indians” -according to the vocabulary used in the law - under theguardianship of the state. Thus, indigenous peopleswere isolated from the decision-making processes concerningthem and found themselves marginalized in asociety with unfamiliar economic, social and politicalstructures. It was under this system of guardianship thatthe Indian reserves were created. The reserves werelands set aside for exclusive use of status Indians withthe aim of settling and indoctrinating the Indians.Acculturation, decline, loss of responsibility and dependenceensued.Another tool of colonization, the so-called residentialschools, were also a source of great harm to theindigenous peoples. In order to educate the Indians andthereby integrate them into Canadian society, the governmentof Canada, with the assistance of religiousinstitutions, founded a system of residential schools. Forthe very large majority of the indigenous people wholived it, the experience of the residential schools wasvery traumatic: they were subjected to ill treatment,violence and sexual abuse. Today, they have to deal withthe repercussions of this institutional violence on theirpersonal and cultural integrity.It is against this background that indigenous communitiesare trying to develop. The system of the IndianAct and the reserves harm the social, cultural and economicdevelopment of the First Nations; worse still, theyencourage divisions and withdrawal . The list of socialproblems, including violence, just keeps getting longer.A holistic approachFamily violence in indigenous communities takes variousforms: physical and sexual agression, psychologicalaggression, negligence and financial exploitation. Itvaries in frequency and intensity. This violence, and inparticular violence towards women, according to someexperts, is characteristic of colonized peoples who turnto violence against their own people.Although some of the more “urbanized” communities,manage rather well, the majority of the indigenouscommunities suffer from a generalized “malaise”. Andthis “malaise” translates into a multitude of social problemsfor which an all-inclusive solution is needed. Thus,in order to find solutions to the problems, QNW hasalways maintained that only a holistic approach, basedon the potential of health of the individual and whichintegrates technical, professional, human, environmentaland spiritual resources can manage to restore thisbalance, necessary to the individual, the family and thecommunity. Maintaining that the problem of familyviolence is not only a problem of women but concerns thewhole community, QNW formed a committee of communityworkers in 1991 in order to share experiences andto work out common strategies. Thereafter, the men wereinvited to take part in an ad hoc committee to discuss thequestion of family violence.Acting with coherenceQNW has often criticized initiatives of the Canadiangovernment which were applied in a uniform way to thewhole country. According to QNW, the solution mustcome from community members, and the role of thegovernment is to support them and not to impose inconsistentpolicies on them. The Association was verycritical of the way in which the Department of Indianand Northern Affairs Canada established shelters forabused women in four communities without consultingthe organizations involved in the family violence files.QNW also intervened with the Canadian government in1992 when it set up the Blue Ribbon Panel on Violenceagainst Women without having consulted the indigenouswomen’s organizations. Following the representationof indigenous women, the minister responsible for thisinitiative set up an “indigenous circle” (made up ofindigenous women) which then joined the committee.The presence of the indigenous circle, made it possibleIndigenous Affairs 1-2/04 37

for the committee to “enter” communities everywhere inCanada and motivated many indigenous women to speakopenly about the problems of violence which they experienced.It was the point of no return, from then on violencecould no longer be concealed. A major milestone wasreached: the communities had made a true awakeningvis-a-vis the problem of family violence.Violence vs. self-governmentIn the mid 1990s, the question of violence began to colourthe debate on self-government of the First Nations inCanada. Women, as well as men, spoke publicly abouttheir concerns about the possibility of the government ofCanada signing agreements relating to self-governmentof First Nations. Several said that it was premature tospeak about autonomy and autonomous indigenous governmentsas long as the indigenous leaders did not careabout the serious social problems which affected thecommunities. Moreover, while working on the question ofthe rights of the individual, of the rights of the equality ofwomen and non-violence, QNW also raised the questionsof ethics, transparency and democracy in the communities.QNW has always deplored the lack of support tovictims and their families. Accordingly, QNW gave itssupport to shelters for indigenous women who werevictims of violence so that they could regroup and prepareto defend their interests.The question of justice, the intervention of indigenouspolice officers in cases of marital violence and especiallythe training of police officers, is also a great concern ofQNW. Since 1997, with the creation of a post of justicecoordinator, QNW was able to work on this issue in amore sustained manner.In order to encourage reflection and the sharing ofexperiences, QNW organized a series of three conferenceson violence on a provincial scale, which attracted morethan 500 participants on each ocassion: In 1995, at “Thisis dawn 1”: the participants were invited to endorse asolemn declaration of engagement in non-violence. In1998, QNW hosted “This is dawn 2” - “Pimadiziwin” (anAlgonquin word which means living in balance). Thetopics of the conference were the residential schools, postcolonialpsychology, justice and healing. In 2001, theconference was called “This is dawn 3” - “Skennen’ ko:wa”(an Iroquois word, resembling the word peace) and dealtwith the topics of peace, non-violence, justice and socialbalance as well as de-victimization.Helping those who helpWhile continuing its awareness campaign, QNW consideredthe question of the support to community workers. Itwas noted that some of these workers have very littletraining, and often find themselves left alone when serioussituations arise. Sometimes they have drug or violenceproblems themselves. There is also a very high rateof “burn out” among community workers. In severaldocuments, QNW insisted on the need to support thesesocial, community and health workers. Also, in the reportsubmitted to the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoplesin 1993, on the question of improving services, QNWrecommended that dialogue among all the workers bemade mandatory and a multidisciplinary approach betaken for indigenous workers and intercultural trainingfor non-indigenous workers.For future generationsThrough the years, Quebec Native Women has developedan expertise and a particular approach to the question offamily violence in the indigenous milieu. Through itswork and its activities, the organization has made asignificant contribution to the development of First Nations.With their courage and their perseverance in thepursuit of greater well-being for their communities, theseindigenous women are bearers of hope for future generations.❑Michele Rouleau is Métis of Ojibway origin. She is a consultantin indigenous affairs and was president of Quebec NativeWomen from 1987 to 1992.38 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

THEDISPARATETREATMENTOFNATIVEAMERICAN WOMEN IN THE UNITED STATESThe United States of America is the wealthiestand most powerful state in the world.Unlike its poorer neighbours in the South, theUnited States enjoys the world’s higheststandard of living.Another distinguishing factor that setsthe U.S. apart from other states is the fact that,since its inception, the U.S. has had whatmany consider to be an enlightened policywith regard to Native Americans as indigenouspeoples.Despite this, Native American women,who may be Alaska Natives, Hawaiians orAmerican Indians, have repeatedly allegedin national and international fora that theyare, and have historically been, subject toracism and gender bias in the area of healthcare services and preventive health treatmentin the U.S. In addition, they assert thatmany of their health problems and those oftheir communities are directly related to environmentalracism, poverty and their inabilityto obtain judicial redress from tribal andstate legal systems.In the United States, provision of freemedical treatment for Indian tribes was initiallyestablished by Treaties between tribesand the U.S. Congress. However, it was notuntil the passage of the Snyder Act in 1921that Congress actually approved the use offederal funds for health services for AmericanIndian tribes.Federal funds are being allocated to theIndian Health Service, which is the principlehealth care provider for “federally recognised”Native Americans.Nevertheless, health statistics leave nodoubt as to the truth of the fact that in theUnited States there exists a pervasive patternof racist abuse that is perpetrated by governmenthealth policies and programmes.However, data and publications also leaveno doubt as to the resistance and capacity ofindigenous women to oppose racism inhealth practices.❑SterilisationBy 1984, 42% of Native American women in theU.S. had been sterilised, as compared to 15% ofwhite women.In Lame Deere Montana, 14% of Indian women ofchild-bearing age were sterilised. The area is rich incoal and other resources and has a long history ofNative resistance to mineral extraction industries.Depo-ProveraDepo-Provera is a contraceptive that is administeredby injection. The use of it has serious sideeffects, including increased risk of breast cancer,bone mineral loss, depression, etc, and the NationalWomen’s Health Network is opposed to itsuse for contraceptive purposes.In 1986, it was revealed that the Indian HealthService had administered Depo-Provera to NativeWomen for 10 years without their informed consent.Many of the women patients were profoundlyretarded.Rape and incest43.1% of Native American children under the ageof 5 live below the poverty level.87% of Indian females in 12 th grade are reportedas having had sexual intercourse. 92% of thesewomen indicated they had been forced againsttheir will to have intercourse. The incidence ofrape among Native women is 3.5 times higherthan that of other women.46% of Native American mothers are under theage of 20 when they give birth to their first child,compared with 22% of white mothers.The information on this page is drawn from an article by MililaniB. Trask “Indigenousness, Gender and the Disparate Treatmentof Native American Women in the United States”.Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04 39

INDIGENOUSWOMENANDACTIVISMINASIA:WOMEN TAKING THE CHALLENGE IN THEIR STRIDEJannie Lasimbang40 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

Khasi woman in Maghalaya, India. Photo: Christian ErniTangkhul Naga woman in swidden field, India. Photo: Christian ErniIndigenous women in Asia have come a long way –playing an active part in almost all spheres of thestruggle for self-determination. Consistent involvementand commitment of women activists as well asordinary women have helped to highlight the situation ofindigenous peoples as a whole. Among the key areaswhere significant changes in the situation of women havetaken place seen over the last three decades are decisionmaking,food security and development, internationalpolicy advocacy work, trafficking of women, conflict situationsand societal change. Significant changes are notconfined to positive trends and will be examined herefrom both a positive and negative standpoint.Women and decision-makingOne of the roles that indigenous women see as crucial forthemselves today is in the decision-making process. Womenhave broken away from their traditional roles as housemanagersand child rearers, allowing shared responsibilitiesin the home and more freedom for other involvements.This has given women more exposure and skills to assumeleadership roles and positions, even though many have tobe encouraged to take up such a role. However over theyears, the dynamics of women’s participation in decisionmakinghave changed due to increased gender-based discrimination.Today, women are still left out, but it is fordifferent reasons. One reason is the lower status of womenin societies that are based on male-dominated/moderndaycriteria such as efficiency, the masculine perspective,aggressiveness and a high level of education. A woman’sability to encompass roles as mother and worker, ratherthan the traditional values such as wisdom and goodleadership, are common criteria for women leaders.Having a role in decision-making - at the community,national and international levels - has both direct andindirect impacts on the status of women in society as wellas on the contribution an indigenous society can make onall issues including human rights violations, food securityand development. Having women participate in decision-makingcan also help change society’s perceptionof gender relations. As an example, the socio-cultural biasof indigenous societies that still limits the freedom ofwomen and equity in ownership of property and opportunitiesmay be much more easily changed if women areinvolved directly in decision-making.In Asia, indigenous women have always played importantroles in decision-making in the community althoughdifferent communities have given different recognitionto these roles. Some examples of women’s decisionmakingroles in traditional societies in Asia include theBali Aga or the Dusun communities in Sabah. In Sabah,the Bobohizans (women priestesses), women healers, andritual specialists are highly regarded and are part of thecouncil of elders in their community. Women are also themain decision-makers on many aspects related to agriculturalproduction for home consumption, education andhealth of the children. However, as mentioned earlier,these have changed somewhat with time.Tomunsi Matanul, 85, is a one of the last fewKadazan bobohizan from Sabah, Malaysia. Shehas been practicing as a bobohizan for 70 years.She says, “One must practice the adat (indigenoussystems) of the elders. In the old days, there was no otherwork except to work for one’s livelihood. We relied onbobohizan for healing as there were no hospitals. Whensomeone fell ill, we used the traditional way of healingand the person recovered… To learn it, we had to use ourminds – we did not write.”Makitaak – 17, PACOS TRUST PublicationWomen, food security and developmentWomen play a crucial role in achieving food security at alllevels – the household, community, national and internationallevel – but their efforts often remain invisible becausewomen’s perspectives are overlooked or not takeninto consideration. This is also the case in policy discussionsand program planning for community development.Women contribute significantly to food security by(left) Kharia woman in Jahrkhand, India. Photo: Christian ErniIndigenous Affairs 1-2/04 41

producing adequate food and ensuring access to good quality food.According to 1995 figures from the Food and Agriculture Organizationof the United Nations (FAO), more than 50% of the food grown in theworld is grown by women. Figures also show that women compose 60%of the labour force in Thailand, 54% in Indonesia, 47% in the Philippinesand 35% in Malaysia. In Nepal, fodder collection for buffalo is exclusivelya woman’s job, while in Pakistan, women carry out 60 to 80% ofthe cleaning, feeding and milking of cattle.Indigenous women in agricultural communities in Asia performmost of the processing and storage of agricultural products, and in manyplaces they market the produce, as well as prepare food and cook for theirfamilies. They also have special knowledge and expertise about thepreservation of biodiversity and plant genetic resources, which is essentialto food security. Yet these knowledge-holders and nurturers ofbiodiversity continue to be sidelined. There is also a failure to recognizethe effects on women when examining economic and trade policies,globalization of food and agricultural industries, structural adjustmentpolicies and the degradation of natural resources.Women activists have worked hard over the last 10 years in negotiationprocesses at the international level to gain the recognition of therole of women in biodiversity related areas. They have also highlightedthe fact that women’s perspectives have to be taken into considerationin development-related fora at the local, national and internationallevel, if development policies and projects are to succeedTagkhul naga woman and boy thresing. Photo: Christian ErniHmong woman selling flowers, Thailand.Photo: Christian ErniIt is hard to believe that the vocal indigenous women’s leader, C.K.Janu, did not have any formal schooling. She has fearlesslychallenged authorities on development issues affecting her adivasior indigenous community in rural India, particularly as anadvocate for women. She has worked relentlessly over the last 10years to organize her community to demand recognition of theirtraditional land and their role in conserving the environment andto ensure that development projects do not displace indigenouscommunities.Women and international policy workIn the past three decades, increasing numbers of indigenous womenfrom Asia have become active in various international fora, particularlymeetings at the United Nations and at conferences organized by UNagencies, international NGOs and governments that look into humanrights, women’s rights, and environment- and development-relatedprocesses. Conscious efforts to provide financial support to womenthrough the UN Voluntary Fund, Human Rights Fund, and othergovernmental aid agencies - have ensured women are given exposureand equal opportunities in such fora. The policies adopted by thesedonors to increase women’s participation and the sustaining role ofmany indigenous and non-indigenous women from donor agenciesshould be commended. Such support has enabled the formation ofwomen’s caucuses, the International Indigenous Women’s Network(IIWN) and the Indigenous Women Biodiversity Network (IWBN).Some of the Asian women who have consistently played an active rolein the international sphere of activism include Joji Carino, Vicky Tauli-Corpuz, Herminia Degawan (all three from the Philippines), Stella42 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

Tamang (Nepal), Chandra Roy (Bangladesh), and Yuki Hasegawa(Japan). Many others from Indonesia, Thailand, India, Burma, Tibet,Malaysia, Taiwan, Pakistan and Sri Lanka have also expressed interestin participating in UN processes and other international meetings butlanguage problems and the political situation in their countries act asbarriers. Women in West Asia and China rarely participate, and if theydo, the issues brought up are either highly politicized or do not focus onindigenous issues. Due to lack of information, some indigenous womenactivists who play a significant role at the local level have an inaccurateperception of international activism or downplay the need to participatein policy advocacy at the international level.Many of the women who are able to be actively involved ininternational work come from communities where women traditionallyplay strong roles. They are also from English-speakingbackgrounds. There is still a need, therefore, for more information,encouragement and financial support for interpreters for those whoface language problems but would like to get involved in internationaladvocacy work and to share their experiences with otherwomen. It is also important to inform women of UN mechanismsthat allow them to report on human rights violations withoutnecessarily having to attend the international meetings. Women’sparticipation must evolve from voicing the situation of indigenouspeoples to participating in decision-making.Yuki Hasegawa, an Ainu from Japan, is determined to bring theissues of indigenous peoples to the international level. Yuki saysthat despite language problems, she hopes one day she will be ableto use international law fully to assert the rights of the Ainu peopleand other indigenous peoples. Speaking at a large indigenouswomen workshop at the World Conference Against Racism inDurban in 2001 was a nerve-racking experience for her, but herdetermination and support from other women gave her courage.Tagkhul naga woman . Photo: Christian ErniWoman splitting bamboo. Sabah, Malaysia.Photo: Christian ErniWomen and human traffickingTireless efforts and commitment by activists have highlighted theplight of women, including indigenous women, trafficked acrossAsia. Women are trafficked to be bonded or grossly underpaidlabourers, prostitutes and even “donors” for organ transplants.However, government authorities usually refuse to acknowledgethe problem and some even brazenly use women prostitutes as anintegral part of the tourist industry and as a means to earn foreigncurrency. Changing social attitudes, declining values and indifference,even among many indigenous societies, have allowed suchvictimization and criminal acts to rise to unprecedented levels.Unfortunately, the ease of travel and communication across bordersover the past two decades has led to the rise in the trafficking inwomen to alarming proportions. Indigenous societies are at a loss tofind solutions for this new problems and the consequent spread ofAIDS. It is tragic that despite efforts by women activists, these issues arebecoming more complex involving syndicates of drug dealers and theauthorities themselves. Women activists allege that no genuine effortshave been made by any government in Asia to resolve the inequities andvictimization that women have suffered for so long. And many indig-Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04 43

enous women involved in NGOs have tended to concentrateon welfare work to help women who become infected withHIV and have steered away from questioning the moralityand ethics of societies that allow human trafficking.Despite this, women continue to raise awareness intheir own communities, to demand stronger and betterlegislation – including setting up judicial institutionsthat transcend national boundaries - and to organizepublic awareness campaigns on human trafficking. Muchmore attention is needed to address this issue and to lookinto new forms of trafficking such as supposedly voluntaryrecruitment of indigenous youths from the ruralareas by seemingly legitimate agencies.Kittiya Shimnee, a Lisu from Thailand, was orphanedat a young age. Her parents died frommalaria after the government moved them to aresettlement area. Kittiya knows how vulnerableyoung indigenous women are when they move tothe cities in search of work or education, so she hastaken a number of youth who cannot afford to payfor their education into her home. She and a groupof women are using their own resources to help theyouth make some income from sewing and traditionalembroidery and to get an education for otheremployment. She says there are more and morewomen who are forced to move from the hills whentheir lands are converted into protected areas orforcibly acquired for development projects.Women and conflict situationsThe political situations in Asian countries today are extremelydiverse – making it hard to generalize about trendsand conditions in the region. A growing number of countriesface political conflicts with escalating violence andmilitarization in indigenous territories. In the past threedecades increasing numbers of indigenous nations - such ascommunities in Burma, North East India, the Chittagong HillTracts, West Papua, Aceh, Mindanao, Tibet and Kashmir -have been subjected to armed conflict and genocide. Womenare often made a target to subdue or break communities, andthe tactics commonly used are rape and sexual harassment ofwomen. In indigenous communities that have retaliated witharmed confrontations, women have become even more vulnerablewhen the men leave their communities. Many reportsshow that women activists are particularly at risk of beingtargeted by the military. There is also increasing recruitmentof women by both the army and armed movements but it is notclear what happens to women prisoners.In areas affected by armed conflict and militarization,women are left to fend for the family as the men are eithertaken as forced labour, have fled from recruitments andarrests or have left to join armed movements. Some womenface constant hardship and worry for the family they haveto look after and for family members who have left. Anotherappalling consequence that indigenous women face inconflict situations is forced religious conversion. Furthermore,in areas that are subjected to years of military operations,army personnel interact freely with communities and,as a consequence, many women get married to these personnel.At the end of the operation or when their husbands aretransferred to another area, many of the women and theirchildren are left behind without any support. Some believethat marriages and religious conversion are part of anorganized military strategy with the purpose to convert anddisrupt indigenous societies, knowing that women have astrong impact on the moral education of children.Women activists in these areas of conflict, realizing theimpact of violence in their communities on their children’swell-being and security, have spoken out against the violenceand atrocities, endangering their own lives. Groupslike the Naga Women’s Union and Mothers’ Associationwere formed as a response to violence by security forces inNorth East India. Many women have also taken up the roleof mediator between security forces and their community.In some cases of inter-ethnic wars resulting from increasingland pressure in the Cordillera region of the Philippines,women who have married into the clan of a warringtribe are asked to initiate the mediation through the bodongor peace pact, a traditional conflict-resolution mechanism.Women and societal changeIn many indigenous societies in Asia, women are stillconsidered to be of lower status then men. Many womencannot inherit property, especially land. The reasoning isthat daughters are expected to be married off and taken careof by their husbands. This puts divorced or widowedwomen, at a disadvantage later in life. Although there aremany exceptions, this is still the prevailing practice inmany indigenous communities. It should be pointed out,however, that women have always respected the conceptof collective or communal properties and land, and thisrefers only to inheritable family properties.Jarjum Ete is the President of the Arunachal Women’sWelfare Society (APWWS), and nobody would believethat she is already a grandmother. A strong advocatefor women’s rights, she feels that the state does notaddress the issue of women’s status adequately. “TheArunachal Pradesh Land Settlement and Records Bill2000 defines a person with disability as either a widow,... an unmarried woman, a divorcee or [a woman]whose husband is a member of the Armed Forces ...”These categories need “supervision” from a man.APWWS has protested, demanding the right to ownershipof land and other properties for women.44 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

Women who choose not to marry and women who cannot,or choose not to, have children are also looked down uponand may not attain high status in society despite theirpersonal abilities. Single mothers (unwed mothers andwomen deserted by their husbands) are not given thesupport they need, and society often harbours negativeattitudes about them despite the suffering some have gonethrough. In the past, women who got pregnant out ofwedlock, including in rape cases, were forced to marry.Although, there is much more understanding and acceptancetoday because of the increasing number of singlemothers, more can be done. A high number of incidencesof domestic violence still occur in indigenous communitiesbut often communities see it as a domestic problemrather than as a crime against women. Traditional courtsor local conflict-resolving mechanisms still tend to reunitecouples in non-reconcilable marriages. It is hearteningthough to see that more and more communities arebeginning to understand family disputes and providesupport for women facing difficulties.The ease of communication and travel has enabledwomen to learn from each other. Despite the fact thatmany women are now taking up decision-making roles atthe community level, it still appears to be difficult to makechanges that will ensure parity between men and womenin society. Some are questioning the norms in society,asking for domestic law reforms to instill positive valuesin society that would improve the lives of women.The issues and needs again…There is a need to look at how the role of women haschanged and to ensure that their communities see theirroles as important enough to merit equal participation indecision-making. Attaining this within indigenous societiesinvolves dialogue, consensus building, acceptance,recognition and finally discarding prejudices againstwomen. Thus, gender relations based on respect, equityand harmony have to be developed or must continue toevolve.Community reflection is also needed to avoid dividingwomen and men into separate sectors. Women’sgroups formed to address issues faced by women tend tostrengthen the capacity of women to handle their traditionalroles in agriculture, education and health of thefamily rather than to lessen the burden of women byencouraging gender equality. Discussion of gender issuesshould be built into all conferences and meetings bydeveloping gender perspectives rather than just holdingseparate meetings for women to discuss issues affectingthem.There is also a need to take the issues beyond communitiesand development programs. Like other processesin the struggle for self-determination, gender issuesneed to be viewed in the context of laws and policies,from the local to the international level. Once again,strong participation by women in such fora is crucial.Women must work in cooperation with men as theycurrently dominate top positions in all United Nationsorganizations and both governmental and non-governmentalagencies as well as representing the main decision-makersand policy-makers of the major financialand trade institutions, development agencies and multinationalcorporations, including the World Bank andthe IMF.Challenges: harnessing traditional wisdomIt is important for indigenous communities to developstrategies to promote openness in society, to harness andrevitalize women’s traditional roles and wisdom and torecognize the need for and ensure women’s participationat all levels. In a society that ensures this, othersocial and economic issues such as social and culturalnorms that are unfair to women will be relatively easierto overcome. Other issues that need reflection are indigenouspolitical rights and the collective nature of muchindigenous knowledge and wisdom.The fact that women are not in decision-making rolescould have an impact on how indigenous societies respondto important issues at all levels. These include thetargeting of women as part of a strategy to disrupt acommunity for example, subjecting women to forcedsterilization, rape and sexual harassment, as well astargeting women for religious conversion in a consciouseffort to exploit women’s roles in a family’sspiritual development. Women’s participation in decision-makingcan be viewed as part of the process ofimplementing the right of self-determination. Whenthere is recognition and active participation of womenin decision-making, other gender conflicts and issuesin a society have a better chance of being reviewed andresolved. Looking at traditional institutions and systemsthat have promoted women’s participation couldprovide important insights, particularly at the communitylevel. ❑Jannie Lasimbang, a Kadazan from Sabah, Malaysia, comesfrom a family of 12, nine of whom are females who are all activein working with indigenous communities both in Sabah andinternationally. She attributes all their sisters’ dynamic involvementto their mother who has provided them with a strongbackground and purpose. Jannie has been working as a researcher,community organizer and later as a trainer in PACOSTRUST from 1985 – 2000. She was elected as the SecretaryGeneral of the Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP) Foundationin July 2000 and is currently based in the AIPP Secretariat inChiang Mai, Thailand.Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04 45

INDIGENOUS WOMEN ANDTHE ARMED CONFLICTS IN NEPALPhotos: Jan Kjær, Mellemfolkeligt SamvirkeStellaTamang46 Indigenous 46 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04 Affairs 1-2/04

IntroductionNepal is a small landlocked country sandwichedbetween the People’s Republic of China in thenorth and the Republic of India in the south,east and west. Recent development indicators show thatNepal is one of the poorest countries in the world. Nepalis a multilingual, multi-religious, multi-cultural and multiethniccountry.The popular people’s movement of 1990 overthrew theautocratic Panchayat System under the absolute monarchyand restored multi-party democracy and a parliamentaryform of government. A new constitution wasframed by an agreement between the King, the NepaliCongress and the United Left Front. This is the 13th yearsince the change, but rather than marching towardsprogress and peace, the country is heading towards armedconflicts and political instability. The armed conflictbetween the government and the rebel Communist Partyof Nepal - Maoist (CPN-M) has now lasted for eight years.Conflicts are mostly concentrated in those areas whereindigenous peoples are the majority. Indigenous peoplesare therefore greatly affected by the conflicts. There arecases of indigenous persons being killed when they cameout of their house to take a sick woman to a traditionalhealer for an emergency during a curfew at night. Arrests,detention, killings, rapes and disappearances are common.In most cases, this conflict has negative impacts onthe human rights situation and economic condition, particularlyfor indigenous women and girls, as they are thetargets of specific forms of violence and abuse.Indigenous women are suffering and are main victimsof armed conflicts, at the same time conflicts are also seenas opportunities to liberate women from historical discrimination,exclusion and exploitation imposed uponthem. Comparatively, their involvements are larger inMaoists’ People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Many questionshave been raised as to why indigenous women are holdingarms and are fighting. Can indigenous women contributeto the peace process? This article highlights the Indigenouswomen’s position in indigenous movements, Nepali womenmovements and Maoist movements. It also analyses the roleof indigenous women in peace negotiation with the conflictingparties at the grass root level and recommends expandingthe role of women in future peace processes.Current conflictsThere has been armed conflict between the governmentand the rebel Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M)for eight years. A second set of peace talks and a ceasefirebetween the Government and the CPN-M broke down inAugust 2003. The fighting came to a stalemate withneither side making any headway. Most of the rural areasof the country are now under the control of the Maoistinsurgents. Government presence is still limited to thedistrict headquarters and a few armed garrisons. Andalthough the security forces – under the Unified Commandof the Army (UCA) - have been making forays intoareas outside the secure zones, they have not been able tohold any territory permanently. For its part, the People’sLiberation Army (PLA) of the Maoists has not been able toprevent incursions by government troops into areas supposedlyunder their control.This seesaw battle has come at a large human cost. Ofthe almost 9,000 people killed in violence related to theIndigenous Affairs 1-2/04 47

CPN-M led “People’s War” begun in 1996, the outbreakof fresh fighting since August 2003 accounts for almost aquarter. Nearly 1500 people, ostensibly Maoists, havebeen killed by the security forces – more than 300 soldiersand policemen have lost their lives and about 300 civilianvictims have also died. According to the human rightsgroup, INSEC, the rate of killings during this last stage hasbeen a mind-boggling 12.2 per day, an escalation unparalleledin the eight years of fighting (Thapa, 2004). It isestimated that 300 children have been killed since 1996when the People’s War began.King Gyanendra dismissed the elected government inJune 2002 and appointed his own cabinet. After thedismissal of the Parliament, he changed the cabinet twice.The Parliament was dissolved one year ago. There is nowno single elected body in the country. Royal ordinancehas become the main source of law in the country. TheConstitution of the Kingdom of Nepal (1991) is no longereffective. All the political parties who were in Parliamentand supportive of the constitution have launched a seriesof protests against the King’s regressive move and hiscabinets. The opposition parties have been threatening tolaunch a movement against the monarchy itself, if theKing does not revert to being a constitutional monarch.Anti-government rallies are routine, and the streets ofKathmandu are full of anti-monarchy slogans. Studentwings of all political parties are on the streets demandingthe republican state be restored. But, instead of beingconciliatory, the King has begun to act outside the boundarieslaid out by constitution.In June 2003, the King appointed a government headedby Prime Minister Surya Bahadur Thapa. It has beenattacked by three fronts in less than a year- the Maoists;his own party, which wants him to quit; and the allianceof five pro-parliamentary parties that want an end to thepresent appointed government of King Gyanendra. Atpresent, there seem to be four parties involved in theconflict with their differing demands and slogans: theKing, the pro-parliamentary parties, the rebel CommunistParty of Nepal (Maoist) and the students and youths.Civil society, particularly indigenous peoples, Dalits andwomen are also asserting their rights in a peaceful movement.Indigenous women in conflict areasConstitutionally, Nepal is a Hindu State. Hinduism hasbuilt-in characteristics that are discriminatory towardswomen, indigenous peoples, minorities and Dalits. Nepalis also a male-dominated and patriarchal society.Women, as the Hindu ethical code says, have to followtheir fathers when unmarried, their husbands whenmarried, and their sons when widowed. They thereforefall into the trap of a traditional division of labour inwhich the women’s role is supportive and men do theintellectual and leadership or decision-making jobs. Thishas been the dominant ideology in male-female relationshipsin practice and laws for the last 235 years. Indigenouswomen are no exception to this. Being inhabitantsof a Hindu country, indigenous women also share thesestate values. Nepal is a feudal country with a Hindufeudal character. There is a saying, “To get a girl is likewatering a neighbour’s tree. You have the trouble andexpense of nurturing the plant but the fruits are taken bysomebody else”. Under Hindu feudalism a daughter isuseful and valuable in her childhood years when she cando chores and serve the household. But according to suchfeudal thinking, it is not worth investing in a girl becauseshe will just end up marrying and going off to live in, andserve, another household.But indigenous women have slightly different positionsin their families and within their communities becauseof their matriarchal heritage. Women make most ofthe important decisions in the family. Some indigenouswomen are spiritual leaders and healers. Women shamansare equally competent and are respected in theircommunities. Indigenous women form the backbone ofthe agrarian economy. Indigenous women are the sourceof food, clothing and shelter. In traditional society, indigenouswomen play a mediating role between the husband’sfamily (home) and the brother’s family (Maiti) andwithin their own families if there is any problem. In spiteof having all these abilities and skills, the situation ofindigenous women has not been improving. They areexploited and discriminated against historically, politicallyand socially, which is clearly visible in the poverty,illiteracy, ignorance and disease found in indigenouscommunities. They do not lack skills and knowledge butthey lack rights. It is not surprising then that this is one ofthe reasons the Maoist movement was triggered in suchvillages.The armed conflicts are centred in the villages anddistricts inhabited by indigenous peoples and these villagesare more and more inhabited only by women, eldersand children, since the men, particularly youths, areleaving the villages both to escape from the conflict andto work as migrant labourers to feed their families. Womenand children are the worst victims of the present situationof Nepal. The Nepali indigenous women are now notonly caretakers and protectors of the families, but they arealso negotiators with the government security forces (UCA)and the Maoists’ People’s Liberation Army (PLA) for theprotection and survival of their families. Most families inthe villages are now headed by women. However, they arenot only victims and passive observers but also importantactors.Gender discrimination and indigenouswomenAccording to the Hindu hierarchy and caste system (Vernasystem), indigenous peoples are placed below the Brah-48 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

min, Chetry and Baisyas and above the untouchables, i.e.,in the second last category of caste hierarchy. Indigenouswomen have had to deal with structural discriminationfor centuries. In Nepalese society, the position of indigenouspeoples and particularly women is lower, althoughthere is no caste system and hierarchy within indigenouscommunity. Culturally, indigenous women have highstatus and freedom in their own communities, particularlycompared to Hindu women, but their social status isbelow the high caste women in the national system.According to Gautam (2001),Gender discrimination in Nepal has actually increased,despite the kingdom’s accession to the Convention onthe Elimination of Discrimination Against Women(CEDAW) and international instruments. According tothe ‘Nepal Human Development Report 1998’, indigenouswomen suffer 23 discriminatory laws in Nepal.Nepal tops South Asia’s gender inequality ratio at 1:6,a notch above India at 1:5. [...] Work burden for indigenouswomen is double than that of other females becauseof the lack of education. This is why all the work they dois physical. Only 3% of indigenous women are literate.With all this discrimination, indigenous women arejoining the Maoists to rebel against all the state laws thatdo not allow them to exercise their rights. A socialstructure of exploitive practices, wife beating and masstrafficking of girls in brothels of India and the Gulf aresome few examples of gender discrimination. Every year5,000-7,000 Nepali women are trafficked across theborder. The majority of them belong to the minorityethnic people.Indigenous women and women’smovementsWomen of the Hindu castes represent the majority society.Hindu women are the victims of discrimination but theyshare the state power indirectly with their men. Theypractice Hindu values and culture and they suffer fromreligious, cultural and social stratification. For example,they don’t have equal rights to their fathers’ property. Thehistory of women’s movements is as long as the history ofdemocratic movements in Nepal. It addresses women’sissues that relate to the problems of the majority Hinduwomen that relate solely to discrimination and classissues. They have been campaigning for equal civil andpolitical rights and the inherent property rights of women.Though indigenous women have been actively takingpart and have contributed to the women’s movement, ithas not addressed the issues of indigenous women, suchas the secular state, recognition of group identity of indigenouspeoples, equal rights for cultures and languages,education in mother tongues, the right to self-determinationand autonomy, indigenous communities’ access toand control of resources and indigenous knowledge. It istherefore clear that the present Nepali women’s movementdoes not represent indigenous women, as it hasrepresented mainstream Hindu women. The mainstreamwomen’s movements expect liberation of women withinthe given structure of Hinduttwa (Hindu ideology);whereas indigenous women want to abolish Hindu chauvinismin all aspects of power structures that dominateother peoples, religions, cultures, languages, social values,intra-group relations and property relations. Themainstream women’s movement is handicapped. It doesnot accommodate or include the demands and issues ofindigenous women’s movements.Indigenous women in indigenousmovements48 indigenous peoples’ organisations are united underNepal Federation of Nationalities. To date all the organisationsare headed by men and the issues of women arealways at the bottom of the priority list. There are burningissues related to security, human rights violation, rapes,tortures, trafficking and women combatants but not asingle attempt has been made by the indigenous peoples’organisations to raise these issues. The legalisation ofcompanies that supply manpower and the increasingnumber of men leaving the country and going abroad isadding to the burden of the family placed on women butthis issue has never been raised, discussed and or dealtwith. The government is encouraging the youth to goabroad for different reasons: it cannot provide employmentand wants to prevent unemployed forces from joiningthe Maoist rebels; and it encourages those Maoistswho have surrendered their arms and left their party. It isestimated that 180-220 youths are emigrating daily, mostlyto the Middle East, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Israel,Arab Emirates, Qatar, Afganistan, Iraq, South Korea, HongKong, Macao, Malaysia, etc. Ex-British army personnelare also emigrating to Hong Kong, Brunei and Macao. Thegovernment has recently made it illegal to send women towork as housemaids in other countries except Hong Kongand Macao. It is estimated, however, that there are still morethan 25,000 women in Saudi Arabia alone. There is an openborder between Nepal and India and it is estimated thatmore than 500 youths are migrating to India daily.Due to the indigenous peoples’ struggle for nationalidentity, Nepal has recognised 59 communities as indigenousnationalities of Nepal by enacting laws in parliament.The Government has constituted the “Nepal Foundationfor the Development of Indigenous Nationalities”.The foundation has made provisions for indigenous menand women to be members in the management committee,but there is a discriminatory provision for indigenouswomen: while it is a four-year term for indigenous men,the term is only two years for indigenous women. Indigenousmen can be eligible for re-election or nomination forthe next term while indigenous women cannot be electedIndigenous Affairs 1-2/04 49

a second time. Most of the members of the managementcommittee of the foundation are men.Recently, the Supreme Court has issued an order to amendthis discriminatory law against indigenous women memberson a writ petition, filed by indigenous women lawyers.The Nepal Foundation for the Development of IndigenousNationalities, being the government body, is obligedto function in support of the ruling government. It isalready difficult for the foundation to support the indigenouspeoples’ movement and their struggle to raiseindigenous peoples’ issues, therefore addressing indigenouswomen issues is neglected.The political, economic, religious and social policiesof the state have always done more harm than good andhave never been in favour of indigenous peoples. TheNepali language is the only official language, and is notunderstood by more than 50% of Nepali people. Mostindigenous peoples speak their own languages. The highcaste Hindu population constitutes 30% of the total populationof the country but holds 85 to 90% of the governmentbureaucratic, judiciary and military positions and makesup more than 75% of the members in the Parliament.Indigenous women joined indigenous movements andsupported their demands from the very beginning. Butthey were neither promoted in leadership nor were indigenouswomen’s issues on their organisational agenda. Inmost cases, they were discouraged from organising andfrom being vocal at the conferences. Indigenous women ofNepal hence formed their own separate women’s organisationsand a federation, the “National Indigenous Women’sFederation of Nepal” in 1997 under the leadership ofStella Tamang. Indigenous women have raised otherissues including indigenous economy, trafficking ofwomen, bonded women and domestic violence.Indigenous women in the Maoist People’sWarInsurgency is the highest in the remote villages of thedistricts of Nepal. From the five districts where it startedin February 1996 (Rukum, Rolpa, Jajarkot of the MidwesternDevelopment Region, Gorkha of Western DevelopmentRegion and Sindhuli of Central Development Region),the Maoist war has run across the whole country.These hill districts, which are now the guerrilla zones, arepredominantly inhabited by indigenous peoples. Accordingto Hisila Yami, head of the Maoist Women Frontand, in the Maoist strongholds every third guerrilla is awoman and among them 70% are from indigenous groups.According to a recent article by Com. Parvati,[...] there are several women in the Central Committee ofthe Party. There are dozens of women at the regionallevel and hundreds in the district levels, and severalthousands in the area and cell levels in the Party. In thePeople’s Liberation Army there are many women commanders,vice commanders in different sections withinthe brigade, platoons, squads and militia. There areseparate women’s sections in the brigade: women platoons,women squad teams, women militia teams functioningin the field. In the United Revolutionary People’sCouncil, which is an embryonic central people’sgovernment organizing committee, there are four womenout of 37 members. Women’s participation in alllevels of People’s Councils has been made mandatory”.However, Parvati has also raised the problem of “conservatism”in the party that leads to relegating women’scadres doing physical labour, thereby robbing them of thechance to develop in party policy matters and other fields.The indigenous movements of Nepal have been focusedprimarily around six issues. They are:1. A secular state, equal rights to language, culture,education, information and development.2. Restructuring the political power, i.e., in Parliament:changing the Upper House into House of Nationalitiesand reserving seats for indigenous peoples in theLower House.3. The right to self-determination and national autonomy.4. Affirmative action in education, bureaucracy andhealth.5. Participation in decision-making processes, fromplanning to implementation.The CPN-M has supported all these demands and hasmade the indigenous agenda part of their main politicalagenda. Recently, the Maoists began to create “autonomouspeoples’ governments” to correspond with ethnicor regional homelands. Among these are the “MagarantAutonomous People’s Government” in the Maoist heartlandof western Nepal, inhabited largely by Magar indigenouspeoples, one of the largest ethnic group of Nepaland the “Madhesi Autonomous People’s Government”for the Terai plains that stretch across the southern partof Nepal. The Maoists have declared six autonomousregions formed on the basis of ethnicity such as for Tamang,Gurung, Tharu, Kirat and Newar. They have formed threeAutonomous Regional Peoples’ Governments on the basisof regions. Altogether, they have formed nine autonomousregional people’s governments in Nepal. The messagefrom Maoists is clearly that they are fighting for thebenefit of the poor, socially and economically backwardpeople and to fulfil the aspirations of indigenous peoples,Dalits and women.Some of the reasons why indigenous women join thePeople’s War are:1. Indigenous women are discriminated against inthree ways, as women, indigenous and indigenouswomen. As women, they don’t have equal rights to50 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

inherit property. As indigenous persons, they don’thave equal rights to their mother language, religion,culture and access to decision-making processes.Additionally, discrimination against women can befound within indigenous communities too.2. They are the poorest of the poor, generally illiterateand have no political visibility. 13. Indigenous women are the victims of environmentaldegradation, and forest and biodiversity loss.4. Due to steady eroding of indigenous traditions andvalues, the indigenous women’s status and roles aredeclining.5. Indigenous women suffer from growing violencewithin families, due to growing discrimination andincreasing poverty.6. The Maoist movement effectively campaigns againstdomestic violence and alcohol, and thereby addresseswomen’s problems. Many indigenous womenwho have been physically assaulted and repressedduring counter-insurgency attacks are found to jointhe Maoists wholeheartedly. There were numerouscases of the police apprehending women in thepolice posts. They supported the Maoist movementand were directly involved in the armed conflict. Thewomen’s active involvement in the logistical andfighting ranks of the Maoist movement is critical.Peace building and indigenous womenNepal is now in a grave crisis; conflicts are escalating. Butarmed conflicts no longer belong solely to men; womenfrom different segments of society are also involved. Atthis moment, far away from the political game and powerwrestling, they are fighting for their survival and for theprotection of their children, the future generation of Nepal.The role of indigenous women in conflict areas is alsovery important, as they are not only involved in the armedstruggle but also practicing negotiators between the conflictingparties in their day-to-day life. They are the unrecognisedpart of civil society.Unfortunately, peace talks have failed twice and thereis no sign of the possibility of a new peace dialogue at themoment. Civil society, including women played a creativerole in bringing both parties to the table. Behind thefailure of peace talks are those who are benefiting from thearmed conflicts. The peace initiative is now becomingcomplicated and complex. There were two parties, theGovernment and the Maoists, in the first peace talks. Dueto the dismissal of elected government and parliament,there were three parties during the second peace talks: theKing, the Alliance of pro-parliamentarian parties and theMaoists. These three parties had not recognised eachother as legitimate authorities for the negotiations. Theenvironment was not made conducive for a result-orientedpeace talk and as a consequence the second peacetalk broke down. There was no guarantee for implementationeven if peace talks had been successful. In bothpeace talks, civil society played the role of facilitator.Nepali people can play the role of mediators butexperience has shown that there is a need for an internationalpresence. The participation of indigenous peoples,Dalits and women cannot be ignored in the negotiationsand peace talks. Indigenous women, who have encounteredthe government security forces and the Maoist armedforces in their daily life, can play a greater role in contributingto the peace process. The time has come for thecountry to recognise the importance of the role played byindigenous women in conflict resolution and peace buildingand to support and strengthen their capacity. Thecourage indigenous women are showing to defend theirchildren and families in these difficult situations and thewisdom and skills they are using in negotiating with theGovernment Unified Command of the Army and theMaoists People’s Liberation Army must be recognised,appreciated and respected. The role, responsibility andefforts indigenous women are undertaking to contributefor the restoration of peace in the villages should not andcannot be ignored. ❑Notes1 42% of the total population of Nepal live under poverty line.ReferencesCom. Parvati. 2004. The Question of Women’s Leadership in People’sWar in Nepal, various issues of Kathmandu Post, 8 Novemberand December 2002. Also: www.nepalnews.com. 11 November2002 and Kantipur Dainik.Human Development Report. 2001, UNDP.Maharjan, Pancha N. 2000. The Maoist Insurgency and Crisis ofGovernability in Nepal. In: Dhruba Kumar (ed.) 2000. DomesticConflict and Crisis of Governability in Nepal. Kathmandu,CNAS.Nepal: Back to the Gun. 2003. ICG Asia Briefing Paper, 22 October2003. Kathmandu / Brussels.Sharad, K. C. 2004. Maobadbat Jatibadtir (From Maoism toCommunalism), Himal Khabar Patrica, 28 February – 13March, 2004Shobha, Gautam. 2001. Women and Children in the periphery ofThe People’s War. Kathmandu, Nepal.Thapa, Deepak, (ed.). 2003. Understanding the Maoist Movementin Nepal. Modern Printing Press, Jamal, Kathmandu, Nepal.Stella Tamang is an indigenous women’s activist. She is thefounding chair of the National Indigenous Women’s Federationof Nepal and founder of Nepal Tamang Women Ghedung.She has been actively involved in international non-violentconflict resolution and peace building training for many years.She is also a member of the Indigenous Peoples’ Peace SolidarityCommittee, Nepal.Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04 51

GENDER IN SÁPMISOCIO-CULTURAL TRANSFORMATIONSAND NEW CHALLENGESJorunn EikjokTwo years ago, at a meeting of Arctic indigenouspeoples at which gender was discussed, two differentimages of gender relations were presented.On the one hand, it was concluded that equality andcomplementarity between men and women form the basisof indigenous society. The men hunt while the womentake care of the meat and hides. The other image thatemerged indicated that, among indigenous peoples of theArctic, young women tend to move away from the localcommunities to gain an education, whereas the menremain in their traditional livelihoods. The result is almostpurely male societies with a reduced quality of life.Although they are quite different - perhaps even opposites- these two views of gender reality exist side by sidein the minds of Arctic indigenous peoples. In this articleI intend to discuss how these gender realities relate toSápmi, the Sami homeland.Young woman from a reindeer herder family in Nellim, Finland. Photo: Ola RøeBackgroundGeographically, Sápmi covers a large area of Finno-Scandinavia,from the sub-Arctic climate zone in the southwest,to the Arctic climate zone in the north-eastern cornerof Europe. The Sami homeland is divided among fournation states: Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia. TheSami people are termed indigenous. Like so many otherplaces the world over, Sápmi was colonised and the Samipeople subjected to oppression. It is estimated that theSami number between 70,000 and 100,000 persons. Wehave our own history, language and culture, which aredifferent from those of the surrounding populations. Thegreat geographic variations of Sápmi are reflected in thecultural variations of its people, who speak three distinctSami languages. Sami is included on UNESCO’s list ofthreatened languages.52 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

In recent decades, great socio-cultural changes haveoccurred in Sápmi. Lifestyles have changed from beinganchored in nature to new and more modern ways. A fewdecades ago, large parts of the Sami population engagedin mostly subsistence economies, relying on fishing, reindeerbreeding, Arctic agriculture, Sami handicrafts(duoddji) and whatever else nature might yield. Nowadays,these traditional livelihoods are subject to enormouspressure due to the global market economy. InSápmi, people supporting themselves through these primarylivelihoods are struggling to survive because ofthe harsh regulations that have been placed on them bythe state in recent years. Many people have been affectedby the stricter requirements for acquiring concessionsallowing them to continue within our traditionallivelihoods. These concessions are granted only oncertain conditions and according to an establishedminimum for volume of production, reindeer herd numbers,fishing boat size, etc. In many cases, those whountil recently had been running small-scale enterpriseshave had to quit due to lack of sufficient yield. Suchmeasures hit indigenous people particularly hard andlimit the use and yield of our natural resources. As afurther result, indigenous knowledge of sustainablenatural resource use is threatened. In addition, forpeople who have traditionally survived in extremeclimate settings, these policies adversely influence theircollective dignity.Contemporary times are characterised by diversityand cultural change. Such processes occur in all parts of theworld, in a variety of ways and with a variety of consequences.Cultural globalisation generates huge challengesfor a better understanding of others, not least internallywithin indigenous peoples’ societies. Modernity takesplace when society moves from a lifestyle based on multiplepossibilities for survival to one of specialisation - whilsttraditions at the same time are challenged. Modern-daysociety has created new opportunities and made a range ofnew identities available to the Sami. In a number of localcommunities, especially along the coast, the Sami haveexperienced cultural denigration and stigmatisation. Duringthe last 30 years, the Sami struggle and the majoritysociety’s acceptance of greater cultural diversity have revitalizedSami identity and made it possible for new Samiinstitutions to be created. The Sami people are part of theglobal indigenous movement, and we have grown strongerby participating in this international struggle.Today, Sami society draws on both tradition andmodernity. The extent to which Sami people draw oneither depends significantly on their life situation (employment,education, etc.) and generation (older peopletend to be more traditional). Sami traditions are influencedby the majority society as well as global influences,and new cultural expressions appear as a consequence.Nevertheless, we are still vulnerable as an indigenouspeople, as the boundaries of our existence are defined toIndigenous Affairs 1-2/04 53

a large extent by the majority society. It is essentially aquestion of power.Gender and transformation in SápmiIn parts of Sápmi, women formerly held the main responsibilityfor agriculture, while the men were awaylarge parts of the year herding reindeer, fishing orhunting. The typical Sami household extended far beyondthe house or tent because families gathered theirsustenance from nature through the seasons. In otherSami communities, the people were reindeer breedingnomads, who moved with their families throughout theyear and lived in tents. With the advent of the longerschool year for children in the 1950s and 60s, manyfamilies decided to settle. The mothers would remain inthe villages and only move with their children betweenthe winter and summer settlements. The daily workwith the herd in the mountains has become mainly thearena of the men. In Sami society, men and women have,each in their own way, been bearers of culture, thoughwomen carried the greater share because they hadresponsibility for raising the next generation. As theSami became more strongly integrated into the majoritysociety, the state decided that the rights to occupationsshould be tied to men. This was based on the Europeanidea of the man as breadwinner and thus the personeconomically responsible for the family, despite thefact that agriculture had once been the responsibility ofthe women of Sápmi. Sami women in reindeer communitiesformerly held a relatively stronger position thanwomen in the majority society because of their participationin reindeer breeding. A woman owned the reindeerthat she brought with her into her marriage. Thestate’s management and laws has brushed aside theposition Sami women traditionally had, effectivelyweakening their position in relation to men.Marylyn Waring, an economist from New Zealand,states that the second wave of colonisation of indigenouspeoples occurred after the Second World War,when the work and production of indigenous womenwas placed outside the economy by establishing theconcept of Gross National Product – GNP. Under theseterms, the work of indigenous women was simply notappreciated. The prevalent norms were those of Westernsociety, which meant that the man was perceived asthe breadwinner and economic head of the family, andthe woman was seen as having the role of housewife. Asociety where the relations between the sexes weredifferent, and where women had autonomy in certainspheres of society, was defined as backwards andprimitive. This perception is a tragedy for many indigenouspeoples.Gender and modern Saami societyTraditional society is characterised by the fact that theindividual defines her/himself primarily as a member ofa family, group or place, as part of a community. The idealwas to “be of use” to society. Sami girls were givenresponsibility at an early age and had limited freedomcompared to boys. The socio-cultural changes in recentdecades have meant that a person can no longer inherither/his identity from parents or family, or live a life likethem. Identity and self-perception must be shaped byeach individual and derive from the possibilities eachperson sees in her/his life situation. In modern society, itis a question of “finding oneself”. People are faced witha wide spectrum of new choices, which, in itself, can bequite challenging. Everything from hairstyle to interiordecorating and child-rearing may be involved. An increasedrange of Sami identities have developed, includingnew ways of being women and men, resulting in newSami expressions of femininity and masculinity. At thesame time, gender roles appear to have become especiallyrigid.The ideal in Sápmi has been to ”get along”, tosurvive in alliance with the community and with nature.The traditional ideals for women were to be barggán–good, conscientious workers; gieðalaš – good athandicrafts, dextrous; and doaimmalaš – able organisers.These female qualities were needed in the runningof a subsistence household community. Older womenwho were raised with these ideals may feel that theyoung women of today are rather indolent. “Women whodon’t know how to sew ought to be forced to live under abush,” an older woman once told me. For the men it islaudable to be searalaš – physically strong and sensitiveto nature. The modernisation of society has decreasedthe need for these ideals but they still exist,especially in the older generation.Traditionally the physical ideal for a Saami womanwas to be full-bodied. This is no longer the case, andSaami women are subjected to the same pressures to beslim and control the female body as elsewhere in theWestern world. Modern cultural expressions are, however,still perceived as a dissolution of norms and moraldecline, and those who have accepted them were, for atime, relentlessly branded as too Norwegian and notSami enough. When the Sami women’s movement wasestablished in the 1970s, it was announced on Samiradio that it was these Norwegianized women, whowere to hold a meeting. The reason for this was basedon a perception, created by the Sami indigenous movement,that women and men in Sami society were equals,in contrast to the relationship between genders in themajority society. According to this idea, the attitudewas that women who struggled for equal gender rightshad misunderstood the Sami woman’s role, and wereless Sami than they ought to be.54 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

Reindeer herder in Trems, Norway. Photo: Ola RøeThe issue dominating Sami public debate is theright to “land and water”. In this discourse, men areentirely dominant. The public discourse on managingnature reflects the interests, experience and understandingof men. The discourse on the Sami perceptionof nature is masculinised, with the result that representationsof the Sami man as connected with nature, as ahunter, fisherman and herder of reindeer, are encouraged.In her book The Male between Myth and Modernity,the Sami researcher Kristine Nystad describes the livesof young men in a Saami village. Their concept ofmasculinity is connected to nature, and the snow scooteris their prime object of identity, even though they do nothunt or herd reindeer, nor have any intention of doingso.In modernity, men are not subject to the same demandsfor change as women are, but still, the male rolehas changed considerably. In some situations menstagnate and become losers; the male role seems to haveless flexibility than the female one. Because Saamimasculinity is so strongly tied to nature, it appears thatSami men reject hegemonic male ideals created in themodern or urban majority society. Modernity creates atransformation of Sami cultural expressions that ishandled differently by men and women.Education and genderSince the 1960s, in some of the countries inhabited bySami, the so-called welfare state has made educationalopportunities widely available. This has meant new prospectsfor Sami youth in comparison to those of theirparents. In her book Saami in the Modern World, the Samisocial-anthropologist Vigdis Stordahl points out thateducation creates new distinctions in Sami society, anda gulf exists between those who have received an educationand those who have not. The condition for succeedingin modern society is to master the competences of both theSami and the majority society, i.e. to possess multiculturalcompetencies. Those with the greatest opportunities inmodern Sápmi are persons who are functionally bilingualand master the Sami language as well as the languageof the majority society. It is the women, young aswell as mature, who primarily take advantage of theopportunity for education. At the Sami University Collegein Guovdageaidnu, 80% of the students are women. ManySami communities lack educational facilities, and if theyhave them, those available often offer only a limited rangeof subjects, so many young people must leave the communitiesto get an education. In certain districts, twice asmany girls as boys embark on a college or university–leveleducation. Despite their higher education, they tend toIndigenous Affairs 1-2/04 55

choose traditional women’s jobs within the health andsocial sectors. On average, women in these districts arebetter educated than women in several districts inhabitedby Norwegian women. New research shows that, in themajority society, schools cater to middle class girls andboys lose out in the competition with girls. This trend isreinforced within the minority communities. In a newlypublished study, “Young in Sápmi”, the Sami psychiatristSiv Kvernmo states that Sami youth, girls as well as boys,have more problems in school than Norwegian youth. Inaddition, this study and others show that more Sami boysthan girls drop out of school. As many as 85.7% of boys fromreindeer herders’ homes imagine themselves working inthe field of reindeer-breeding at age 40, despite the severelimitations for growth in this occupation. This reveals thehigh symbolic status of reindeer-breeding and tells us howstrongly this livelihood is tied to the masculine identity ofthese boys. It also reveals the existing cultural barriers andpoints to the reason why young Sami men fall short whenit comes to the demands of Norwegian majority society. Forthese and other reasons, their mobility is reduced.What generally happens is that the young women leaveand the young men remain in the village. As mentionedearlier, education is a decisive condition for success inmodern Sápmi. Because the women are more likely toacquire an education, it follows that this in itself creates anew dividing line between the sexes.Within the traditional Sami livelihoods of reindeerbreeding, fishing and agriculture, the situation today issuch that most people need a supplementary income. Mostoften it is the woman in the family who provides for thisnecessity by taking a job in the public sector. In other words,the women contribute to the men being able to remain intraditional occupations. This phenomenon may be characterisedas a modern barter relationship between womenand men based on traditional gender roles.Gender in Sami politicsIn Scandinavia, women’s representation in elected publicoffice is the highest in the world. Many hold the so-called“Nordic model” up as an example. But the situation in theSami parliaments – Sámediggi – is rather different, in thatthe representation of women is exceptionally low. In Finlandthere are 21 members of the Sami parliament andseven of them are women, which means 33%. In Sweden,out of 23 members, eight are women and 15 men, i.e. thereare almost twice as many men as women. In the Samiparliament of Norway, out of 39 members only seven arewomen, which means that the proportion of women is only18%. In other words, Sami politics are to a large extentdominated by men. Sami women clearly lack influence,women have a weak voice. The presidents of the Samiparliaments have so far only been men. However, in Finlanda woman vice-president has just been elected, and inNorway the vice-president has always been a woman. In1993, a position to coordinate women’s promotional initiativeswas created within the Sami parliament in Norway,but this has not yet led to increased female representation.In 2002, I collaborated with social scientist TorunnPetterson on a study sponsored by the Sami parliament inNorway. The title of the study was “Election, Representationand Equal Rights”. The aim was to discover why so fewwomen were represented in the Sami parliament. What wefound was that if a woman was to stand a chance of gettingelected to parliament, she would have to be placed at the topof her party’s list to have the greatest chance of beingelected. Only a quarter of the lists have had women as topcandidates. In this connection we proposed a change to theelectoral rules. Another obstacle to being elected is thatwomen, in addition to having jobs in the public sector, arerather committed by other work and especially caring fortheir families, which reduces the time available for commitmentto politics. We proposed that the organisations shouldestablish a long-term recruitment strategy with the purposeof persuading more women to become involved inpolitics. The lack of gender parity in elected Sami legislativebodies represents a dilemma for democracy and legitimacy.On the other hand two thirds of the staff of the Samiparliament in Norway are women, and half of the managersare women. There is also a female dominance in theadministrations of the Sami parliaments of the other countries.It appears that the women tend to work in administrationwhile the men are occupied with politics.As you would expect, the Sami also participate in localdemocracy, such as municipal council politics. Last autumn,three women were nominated as spokespersons inthree districts. This signals a new trend and is an indicationof increased political activity among Sami women.Reflections on gender in SápmiAt the beginning of this article, conflicting images of genderrelations were introduced. One asserts equality betweenwomen and men while the other depicts great socio-culturalinequalities between the sexes among Arctic indigenoussocieties. How can such disparate versions of realitycoexist? In fact, the perceptions of gender realities are notso far from actual conditions. Because we construct a sharpdivide between we indigenous and “the Western world”,we appear as a natural people with harmony between thesexes, in contrast to the prevailing “gender confusion in theWest”. This version exists and is reinforced because of thedramatic changes our indigenous peoples have passedthrough in recent decades. Traditional perceptions of realitycan represent a kind of security and give us the impressionthat the conditions of the past are still at hand. Inaddition, we lack knowledge of modern indigenous society,and this allows us to go on believing in the old mythsof gender. New research on gender is sparse, especiallyresearch on men. The general explanation for the fact that56 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

there has been less focus on men than on women withregard to gender is that men are perceived as the norm,representing the normal. Therefore, men can exclude themselvesfrom the gender discourse in modern Sami society.The lines of division that are developing between Samiwomen and men are disquieting. The establishment ofSami parliaments have given men a new possibility forarticulating their masculinity. Electoral mechanisms andattitudes contribute to making these assemblies places ofmale domination. Could this be a sign of a time in whichSami masculinity is under threat in modernity, thus makingmen struggle all the harder to gain a position inindigenous politics? Sami rights and nature use are thespheres of men, but is it also a virtue and a duty of Samimasculinity to defend the land? The women of Sápmi areflexible and can adapt to a society based on specialisedknowledge and new capacity building, all the while raisingthe next generation. They are mostly engaged in defendingand developing the Saami language and culture.In the 1970s and at the beginning of the 1980s, Samiwomen were often used as symbols of the difference betweenthe Sami and the Norwegians. It was alleged that, incontrast to women in the majority society, Sami womenwere strong and powerful. The Sami woman was used asan ethnic symbol; she was portrayed as the all-mother ofSami culture. This put pressure on us women because weexperienced reality altogether differently. We felt ourselvesto be doubly repressed, firstly by the patriarchal structuresof our own community and secondly in relation to beingindigenous and Sami. In a similar way, in all parts of theworld, women’s voices, values, experiences and knowledgehave not been given expression in those fora andcontexts that are decisive for the development of society.Historically, women have to a large degree found themselvesexcluded from fora where important decisions weretaken. Attention to this phenomenon has only been paid inthe wake of the women’s movement’s work, which isrelatively recent. There is furthermore an unequal divisionof power between the Sami peoples and the majority societies.The gender relations in Sápmi represent one aspect ofthese assymetric power relations.I have been involved in both the Sami ethno-politicalmovement and the Sami women’s movement since the1970s. We were unpopular among our Sami brothers forintroducing the women’s cause into the struggle for ourpeople’s rights. We were unpopular among our fellowsisters in the wider community for bringing in our ethnicand cultural identity as women. Our brothers ridiculed usbecause gender was irrelevant for them; our Nordic sistersrebuked and lectured us because the minority and indigenousquestion was irrelevant for them. It has been difficultto fight for our rights both in relation to indigenous andfeminist issues. The men in the Sami movement haveregarded the Sami women’s movement as divisive in termsof the struggle for Sami rights. The Sami men and part of theSami movement have not realized that the struggle forwomen’s rights had to be a part of the indigenous struggle.In addition, equal rights feminism turned men into adversarieswith regard to women’s interests. The gender perspectivecould have helped to comprehend the diversityand disparity in indigenous society, and could have helpedshow how power and competences are portioned out inthis society. It is a great failing of our society that thisperspective is being undermined. Only time will tell whetherit will be accepted that the gender-analytical perception ofthe situation will strengthen Sami culture and society,rather than threaten it. In certain respects, Sami womenmay have more in common with women in other parts ofthe indigenous world than with Sami men, and vice versa.The intention is not to invert progress by exchanging themale view with the female view of things but to seekknowledge that highlights men’s and women’s dissimilarexperiences, perspectives, practices and ways of understanding.This will also strengthen democracy withinindigenous society.ConclusionIn modern Sami society, manifold forms of being Sami exist,and new expressions of being female and male are beinggenerated. In Sami society, femininity and masculinity arelinked to disparate fields. Socio-cultural lines of divisionbased on gender are increasingly emerging. TraditionalSami livelihoods are totally dominated by men, whereasthe women find themselves in the “specialised knowledge”society. Men dominate in politics, and women are thecaretakers of culture. Sami women’s perspectives andways of understanding are scarcely reflected in the publicdiscourse, which is still strongly dominated by men. Thelooming question is whether, in the advance towards adiverse and democratic Sami society, women’s realities,experiences and voices will be allowed expression in awider public space. The challenge for the indigenouscommunity will be to achieve a more even distribution ofwomen and men in the different areas of society. Thiswould also contribute towards an improvement in thebalance of power and education between the sexes, whichagain would strengthen the vitality of Sami society in sucha way that it would be easier for us to defend ourselvesagainst external forces that threaten to undermine ourbasic rights and existence. ❑Jorunn Eikjok is a Sami social-anthropologist who has workedas a senior official on Sami matters for the regional administration,and as the head of the Sami Department of the UniversityHospital of northern Norway. During the 1980s, she lived inGreenland. She has been a Lecturer of Social Science and researcherat the Sami University College and is presently employedin various documentation projects concerning Sami society.E-mail address: jeikjok@online.noIndigenous Affairs 1-2/04 57

THE FLEXIBILITY OFGREENLANDIC WOMENGitte TróndheimUpernavik, Greenland.Photo: Gitte Tröndheim58 58 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

Women in Greenland have always been adept atadjusting and adapting their lives to the demandsof society. They have been flexible andready to change, even though their traditional occupationas supportive spouses to their hunter husbands wasmade redundant by the shift from hunting to fishing in thefirst half of the 20 th century. Greenland’s women have hadmore opportunities to adjust than the men who, for themost part, have been able to remain in their traditionaloccupation as hunters. It has not been necessary for mento find new trades and occupations to the same extent asit has for women. An important alternative for women hasbeen waged work and education, and despite changingsocial conditions for women in Greenland from the startof colonisation and throughout the years of modernisation,they have been able to achieve increased participationand independence in Greenlandic society.I grew up during the Greenland Home Rule period,which began in 1979. When I was 11, my mother was atrained hairdresser and my grandmother was a hunter ’swife, like all the other women in the family before her.Later on, when we moved away from the settlement, sheworked in a shrimp factory. I was thus the first person inmy family to have the chance to gain an academic education.I belong to a generation who can thank the womenwho went before them for having paved the way for themany opportunities that exist for us in Greenland today.During my childhood, both in school and at home, I andthe other children were often told how very important itwas to obtain an education. It did not matter whether youwere a boy or a girl, society needed everybody. For thisreason, I have always felt that in many areas there areequal rights between the sexes. However, as far as startinga family, gaining an education and pursuing a career areconcerned, I still see some unresolved issues for usGreenlandic women.Women in historyThe social organisation of the traditional Greenlandiccommunity was dominated by the household and itsestablished role pattern according to gender and age. Thehousehold might consist of a nuclear family or an extendedfamily with two or three generations. The householdwas defined by two criteria: (a) kinship and (b)household-sharing with others. Within the household, itwas the oldest man and the oldest woman who made thedecisions. Their responsibilities were first and foremostto give advice on questions of hunting, and to keep trackof the household’s store of food. They were the outwardrepresentatives of the household, and they decided howthe catch was to be used and which other householdcould have a share in the catch.The division of labour within the Greenlandic huntercommunity was based on gender, and the boys weretrained to become hunters by their father or another malefamily member. Similarly, early on, the girls acquired theirmother’s skills in running a household and in preparinghunting products, as well as sewing skins and hides.Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04 59

After colonisation, the ensuing trade - and not least theintroduction of Christianity - effectively transformed traditionalGreenlandic society. The Danish colonisation ofGreenland triggered some basic socio-economic changesthat impacted on the organisation of families and genderroles during this period:a) Men’s work became the most important as viewed bysociety, and there was a tendency to reward thepiniartorsuaq (master hunter), which resulted inskewing the formerly complementary relationshipbetween men and women in Greenland.b) In the 1830s, Greenlandic men began to receivetraining as catechists and artisans for employment intrade, the Church and the administration. Thisphenomenon was at the origin of the formation of anelite and the emergence of a middle class amongGreenlanders. For the first time in the history ofGreenland, men had the possibility of full-timeemployment in areas other than those that dealt withprocuring food.c) Inspired by the ideologies and norms of the Danishmiddle class, the households became increasinglydivided with regard to gender. During this stage,some of the women were trained as maids (kiffat) forDanish families. These women often became thewives of the educated Greenlandic elite.This period was noticeably characterised by increasedindividualisation and differentiation, and a newGreenlandic middle class with Danish norms and rulesas their basis played a part in the formation of a classstructure and an altered view of gender status.Industrialisation and modernisationThe advent of the industrialisation of the fishing tradebrought about other radical changes in society, changes thatimpacted on the situation of the family and the sexes. Thisstage of industrialisation commenced in the 1950s, whenfishing became the main occupation. Up to this point, fishinghad been organised at household level. Modern fishingmethods and factories for processing fish and shrimp, however,required larger boats, better equipment and training. Asunskilled workers in the fishing industry, Greenlandicwomen became loosely attached to the new labour market.In some ways, the fact that it was the women rather than themen who, during the modernisation phase, became wageworkers represents a break with tradition. At the same time,however, it was the women who continued to look after thehome and the children.Towards the end of the 1960s, Greenland had developedinto a complex society with strong internal contrasts –between men and women, Greenlanders and Danes. Duringthis time, Greenlandic women were exploited on the labourmarket where, as unskilled workers, they received the lowestpay and had the most unpleasant work conditions. Theywere “doubly” oppressed: culturally by the Danes andpolitically by Danish as well as Greenlandic men.The Home Rule periodThe revision of the Danish Constitution in 1953 failed tobring about the desired effect of more participatory democracyand equality with the Danes. 1 This fact contributedto the Greenlandic population’s demand for a changein the status of their relationship with Denmark, whichresulted in the implementation of the Home Rule in 1979.This treaty was to have a crucial influence on the changingconditions in Greenland during the 1980s and 90s.Signe Arnfred demonstrates that the new generation ofpoliticians were men who on the whole were recruitedfrom the elite. The Greenlandic elite was made up ofpeople with a relatively high level of education, such asteachers, clergymen, social workers etc, as well as highlyplaced civil servants within the public sector. They spokeDanish and were, in many cases, educated in Denmark.They had influenced Greenlandic society with regard toculture and identity up until the establishment of HomeRule, during which time the motto had been “Greenlandisationof both society and culture”. With the introductionof the Home Rule treaty and the establishment ofthe Home Rule government and the Landsting (parliament)– with its associated administrative apparatus -and not least the demand for Greenlandisation of theworkforce, a number of new educational fields were established,and these again opened up new opportunitiesfor Greenlandic women. Within a relatively short timespan, Greenlandic women began to make their presenceknown in large numbers on the educational market. 2At about this time, the European feminist movement’scritique of capitalist societies’ patriarchal gender relationshad brought about widespread changes in the attitudeto gender. Influenced by this, young Greenlandicwomen of the social elite turned for inspiration to theformerly more egalitarian relations between the sexes inearlier Inuit societies. Identification with one’s ancestorswas now considered a positive trait. Soon the womenwere demanding equal rights at all levels of society.Moreover, the women’s movements also had an influencein solving problems of unemployment, the housing shortageand alcohol abuse, as well as social problems due tomodernization. The direction women took in the 1980sand 90s towards modern society and education resultedin both sexes– to various degrees and in various manners– becoming integrated into the new social order.Equal rights between men and womenBy the end of the 1940s, several women’s associations hadbeen established and, in the 1960s, they all grouped60 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

together to form the Arnat Peqatigiit Kattuffiat association.This women’s association worked to betterthe conditions of women via political and legalreforms concerning health and social issues, suchas for example housing, public institutions, familylaw and abortion. In the middle of the 1970s a newmovement, KILUT, was launched by young, educatedwomen in protest at the housewifely approachof the existing association. KILUT was a politicalmovement that had ethnic and class issues at thecore of its struggle. The women’s movements inGreenland cannot be compared to other feministgender rights movements elsewhere. Greenlandicwomen have, in general, distanced themselves fromfeminism and chosen to work together with the menin the struggle against Danish culture and oppression,and in a struggle for independence that left noroom for internal disagreement between men andwomen. 3 However, by the end of the 1970s, thewomen had grown extremely conscious of theirrights. At the beginning of the 1980s, on KILUT’sinitiative, the first crisis centre was established as ashelter for women and children who were the victimsof violence. At the end of the decade, the differentwomen’s movements began to collaborate. Forinstance, they have worked with the fishermen andhunters’ wives association (APNAK) 4 to fight thegrowing public problem of violence against women.Until 1985, the issue of equal rights between menand women was the province of interest groupsoutside the political and administrative system inGreenland. From 1985 on, a gradual inclusion ofsuch organisations into the political administrativedecision-making process took place by way of anequal gender rights committee (established in 1985)and an equal rights council (established in 1998).This work resulted in the equal rights legislation of2003.In the equal rights council we do not find thatequality should be understood [in] so limited andnarrow [a manner] as to signify that men andwomen must do precisely the same work at homeand at work, and participate equally in all aspectsof public life. Rather, equal rights should beunderstood as genuine opportunities to participatein life in and outside the home. Accordingly,it is not sufficient that formally women have thesame possibility to stand for election as men, if inreality they do not have the opportunity to leavehome to take part in political discussions andelection rallies. And likewise, it is not adequate ifmen have the time and are willing to take on morehousehold tasks, if women do not allow them tocarry out such tasks. 5Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04 61

Women and politicsBy 1948, women in Greenland had already gained theright to vote and become eligible for election. Yet, evennow, they continue to be under-represented in politicsand have only been able to manifest themselves within thepolitical structures in a limited way. And this despite thefact that the struggle for equality in this area on the partof the women’s organisations has been ongoing for manyyears. The women who have chosen a political career orwho have taken initiatives to start up women’s associationstypically stand out as being educated or highlyesteemed. Apart from this, in Greenland there are culturalas well as class differences among women. In addition, itmakes a difference whether they originate from a settlementor a town, since settlement women have been deprivedof their original occupations within the huntingand fishing trades. Their former work has not been sufficientlyreplaced by new forms of employment. For thisreason, many young women leave the settlements to go toschool and pursue an education.In her speech to the Arnat Peqatigiit Kattuffiat annualgeneral assembly meeting in 2003, Secretary of CultureHenriette Rasmussen said,Photo: Jens Dahl62 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

I find it encouraging, that women are increasingly to befound in public life. It was not until the beginning of theeighties that women were first elected to the Landsting.Since then their number has been growing. At the lastelection [in 2002] 11 women were elected, amounting to32%. Although there is an increasing number of womenin politics, men are still very dominant when it comes torepresentation in the corporate sector. 6According to Greenland’s Statistical Survey, in the 2002election, 241 candidates were nominated for 31 seats inthe Landsting; of these 191 were men and 50 women. 7 Inother words, although women stand a greater chancethan men of being elected, there are still relatively fewwomen who decide on a political career.Domestic responsibilitiesAs a rule, women in Greenland have always been responsiblefor the home and the children, and in traditionalGreenlandic society the children were the women’s lifeinsurance. With the introduction of marriage legislationin 1955, and especially since 1969, the family structureand organisation in Greenland have become greatlyfeminised. An examination of divorce cases from 1969 toIndigenous Affairs 1-2/04 63

1972 showed that it was common for mothers to gaincustody over their children. This is still the case.In 2000 there were 8,376 households with children. Inmost cases there was a child in the household, and thischild lived with two adults. If there was only one adult,that person was typically a woman. In only 263 householdsone man lived alone with one or more children,while the corresponding number for households withone woman alone and with one or more children was1,181. 8The numbers tell us that in Greenland it is still the womenwho have prime responsibility for the children. On theother hand, various studies and analyses conclude thatequality between men and women in the home is graduallybeing achieved.The focus of gender research in Greenland has, to alarge degree, been directed at discovering whether one ofthe sexes has had a better capacity for survival in modernGreenlandic society. And it is a common impression thatthe Greenlandic women have been better at adjusting tourbanisation and industrialisation. The reason for this isthat during the modernisation period women began toidentify with “modern things”. In recent times, it has beenwomen who most significantly, and in the largest numbers,have set their sights on an education and wagedincome.EducationThe limited number of educational opportunities in Greenlandwere long reserved for men. And yet the earliestvocational training of women started in the 1700s, firstlyas birth attendants and later as proper midwives. As lateas 1932, a further school for girls was established, andgirls who graduated from there could subsequently beadmitted to a type of teacher’s training college for preschoolteachers. Otherwise, there were few educationalopportunities for the women during that period. Criticismfrom the women’s movements of these limited educationalpossibilities brought about changes in attitudeas regards gender roles and, not least, the struggle forindependence carried with it a new interest in educationissues. New areas of education were established andwhereas in the 1960s Greenlandic women graduatingfrom secondary school were few and far between, theycame out in droves during the 1970s and 80s. As mentionedabove, Greenlandic women have, in recent times,put a high priority on education. Some authors concludethat women have even had an advantage over many men,who have long relied on traditional livelihoods as thebasis of their identity. 9 Nowadays, many hunters andfishermen supplement their income with waged work.In her analysis of the results of a 1994 study of livingconditions in Greenland, Mariekathrine Poppel concludesthat, at that time, there were more women than men on thelabour market. 10 Similarly, according to Greenland’s StatisticalSurvey, from 1997/98 to 2000/01 more womenthan men had embarked on an education, with womenmaking up 52.8% of the total number of students. 11 CharlottePalludan has studied the life strategies of youngGreenlandic women and bases her writing on 27 interviews.She states that young women have dissimilarattitudes to education strategies and family strategiesrespectively. Palludan finds that a greater number ofyounger women consider the education strategy to be themost sensible choice, whereas they consider the familystrategy to be the most compelling. For a smaller group, itis education that attracts – a choice seen as perhapsleading to travel – whereas family life is a wish for thefuture. 12 In 2001, Jette Rygaard conducted a study intogender, education and research at the University of Greenland,Ilisimatusarfik, and concluded that more womenthan men enrol at the University of Greenland. Numbersprovided by the Home Rule government showed thatmore women than men leave Greenland to study. Althoughmore women than men were enrolled atIlisimatusarfik, there were also somewhat more womenthan men dropping out of their studies. Jette Rygaard’sexplanation of this situation is, “that it is difficult forGreenlandic women simultaneously to take care of their studies,family and a possible job”. 13By way of conclusion it appears that: (a) in comparisonto men there are now more Greenlandic women whoare trained or highly educated, and women do better thanmen on the labour/job market and (b) whereas the womenare in a majority in educational institutions, they still tendto favour the family strategy when it comes to choosing afield of study and carrying out their studies.Women have achieved much through education. Itseems to me that the question for the future must be: howcan women start making careers within politics and thecorporate sector? And how can women combine theirresponsibility for home and family life with educationand a career?Family and everyday life at presentIn my Ph.D. project on the significance of kinship andfamily in Greenlandic urban communities, I have conductedresearch into families in separate generations inthe two towns of Upernavik and Nuuk. The project alsodeals with the division of responsibilities between womenand men with regard to the household and children. Fromwhat I can determine from the data so far, it appears to methat there is greater equality in the home between the sexesamong the younger generation. In those cases where themen have not taken so much responsibility for the householdand children, I am often told that (a) the men have alot of work to do, and (b) they often go hunting after work.It is difficult for the younger women to accept their hus-64 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04

ands’ long workdays or their unemployment, whereasthey express greater acceptance if the men go huntingafter work. A woman of 40 states,If your husband goes to sea in his spare time, it seemsreasonable to me that he doesn’t help out at home. That’show men are and I respect that, because they bring homethe catch. But if a man is unemployed, he has to take onresponsibility for the household chores while his wife isat work. Obviously men and women have to negotiateand reach an understanding about the chores, becausemen and women are different and they each have theirstrong sides.Even though young men and women have achievedequality as regards responsibility for household chores,there remains a good deal of respect for gender-basedtalents. As a young woman in one of my interviews put it,“We are responsible together. Spring cleaning is part of mychores, but he can also clean. On the other hand I am not verygood at the things that men do in the home. He supports me inmy housework and when it comes to taking care of the children.”Similar conclusions have been reached by KarlaWilliamson in a study carried out in Maniitsoq in 1998. 14The situation is different for members of the older generationI have interviewed. Here duties were divided betweenthe sexes along traditional lines, in that the womentook care of the home and children and the men were incharge of the household economy.With regard to Greenland’s population living in towns,relatives and establishing a family are exceptionally importantfactors in receiving support from others to getalong in everyday life, at times of celebrations, in crises,etc. Town families socialise with many kinds of people(especially in the capital Nuuk), for which reason familyand kin gain significant value in time and space. Theselatter concepts should be understood in the way that timeis perceived in everyday life, and how the individualfamily organises its social life with opportunities andlimitations to interact in space (in town, at work, with thefamily and other people) in a race against time.I am in agreement with those researchers who claimthat young Greenlandic women regard motherhood as amatter of course, because there is consensus about thevalue of motherhood and the status it grants in Greenlandicsociety. Here, having children is no hindrance. Manyyoung Greenlanders have children by choice at a relativelyyoung age and, in 2002, the average age at whichwomen had their first baby was 24.7. The data also showsa rise in fertility in recent years within the 19-24 and 25-29 age groups. According to a visiting nurse, the birth rateamong young women has gone up over the last year.Despite many birth control campaigns, young women actcontrary to the injunctions. Yet compared to the past, thegeneral birth rate has fallen because of legalised abortionand the use of birth control. 15 In contrast to the past,children these days tend to be planned for by the parents.Concluding remarksThe above demonstrates how Greenlandic women have,throughout the history of Greenland, been able to adaptand adjust to the changing circumstances of their lives.The advent of colonisation and the introduction of Christianitymarked the beginning of women’s domesticationinto housewifely domains and the preferential treatmentof men’s output and education for European types ofwork. This process caused women to becomemarginalised in a society that was undergoing a gendertransformation in terms of views of different roles. Afterthe shift from hunting to fishing as the foremost tradetook place, and the ensuing industrialisation and modernisation,women’s traditional occupation as supportingtheir spouses by working at home became redundant.During the modernisation phase, women had tobreak with tradition and enter the labour market. Asunskilled workers with the lowest wages, they were nowable to contribute to their household’s economy to ahigher degree than before. Another novel situation presenteditself in the period right before the establishmentof the Greenland Home Rule. The demands for equalrights and independence led to the founding of entirelynew educational institutions, where women were admittedon an equal footing with men. Through the 1990sand to this day, there has been a predominance of womenon the educational market, and women have grownincreasingly visible in Greenlandic society. Wherewomen do still lag behind is in the areas of politics andthe corporate sector. In the 21 st century, women in Greenlandmust attempt to match men when it comes to makingcareers and taking their share of the top jobs insociety.By way of conclusion, I shall address the question ofwhether women can cope with both starting a family andpursuing an education and career, and what can be doneto help women reach these goals. Greenlandic womenare capable of coping with raising a family and gainingan education if they obtain the help and support ofrelatives and society. The above discusses how far wehave come in establishing equality in the home betweenmen and women. But if women are to advance to topposts, then both men, women and the general publicmust accept that responsibility for raising children isdelegated on a larger scale to the husbands and fathers.Moreover, much more support must be provided to familieswith children by the Greenlandic public sector thanhas so far been the case: having children is not a privatematter. It is no longer sufficient for families with childrento be able to rely on the help of the extended family, it isimperative in this regard that society as a whole issupportive. This can, for example, be done by buildingmore day-care institutions and providing longer parentalleaves for both parents, etc. 16 In the pursuit of greaterindependence and co-determination in internal matters- independence and co-determination viewed in relationIndigenous Affairs 1-2/04 65

to the country but even more so in relation to eachindividual – it is essential to fully utilize all the resourcesavailable in the Greenlandic society of today. ❑Notes1 The revision resulted in the formal termination of Greenland’sstatus as a colony.2 Arnfred, Signe 1991: Kvinder, mænd, arbejde og seksualiteti den grønlandske moderniseringsproces. Kvinder i Grønland– sammen og hver for sig. Atuakkiorfik 1991.3 Marianne Lykke Thomsen states that disavowal of feminismwas widespread among Inuit and native women in general.(Thomsen 1991:133)4 Aalisartut, Piniartullu Nuliaasa Aappaasalu Kattuffiat.5 HS Analyse 2000: 3.6 Henriette Rasmussen, 20037 Greenland’s Statistical Survey 2003:468 Statistics on children and youths in Greenland, 20039 Signe Arnfred, 199110 Interview in the daily Politiken. Mariekathrine Poppel is currentlyworking on a Ph.D. project on the subject of gender andviolence in Greenland.11 Greenland’s Statistical Survey. 2003:30812 Palludan 1993:117.13 Jette Rygaard. 2001:1614 Williamson 2001 and HS Analyse 1999:1515 All citizens who are registered with Greenland’s national registerare entitled to free treatment and services, including birthcontrol and abortion, by the public health authorities.16 In Greenland, there can be up to a two-year wait for childrento be admitted to a day nursery or kindergarten. Mothers havethe right to 15 weeks maternity leave after the birth of a child,and fathers have three weeks paternity leave. (Landstingregulation no. 6, Nov. 11, 2000)ReferencesArnfred, Signe. 1991. Kvinder, mænd, arbejde og seksualitet iden grønlandske moderniseringsproces. Lise Skifte Lennert &Marianne Lykke Thomsen (eds.) Kvinder i Grønland – sammenog hver for sig. Nuuk, Atuakkiorfik. [Women, men, work andsexuality in the modernisation process in Greenland. Womenin Greenland – together and alone.]Agersnap, Torben and Agnethe Bentzon Weis. 2001. Udsendti anledning af retsvæsenets 50 års jubilæum, Udsendt af DanskPolarcenter og Grønlands Landsret. [Published on the occasionof the 50 year jubilee of the judicial system.]Curtis, Tine. 1993. Mens vi venter på sundheden – muligheder forforbedring af bygdesundhedsbetjeningen i Grønland, Magisterkonferens,Institut for Kultursociologi. [While waiting forhealth – possibilities for improving the visiting settlementhealth service in Greenland. Dissertation.]Dahl, Jens 1986: Arktisk Selvstyre – historien bag og rammerne fordet grønlandske hjemmestyre, Akademisk forlag. [Arctic autonomy– the history behind and the framework for Greenland’sHome Rule.]Dybbroe, Susanne. 1988. “Participation and control – issues inthe debate on women and development – A Greenlandicexample.” FOLK no. 30, 1988.Hansen, Kirsten m.fl. 1991. Myter, strukturer og selvforståelse– undersøgelser af kønnets betydning i uddannelse og arbejde.Serie om kvindeforskning nr. 29. Aalborg Universitetsforlag1991. [Myths, structures and self awareness – a considerationof the role of gender in education and work.]Kahlig, Wolfgang. 2004. Ligestillingsrådets institutionaliseringsprocesi Grønland, forventes at udkomme i Grønlandsk Kultur ogSamfundsforskning i 2004. [The process of institutionalisingthe equal gender rights council. At the press.]Lykke Thomsen, Marianne. 1991. Fra kollektiv manifestation tilindividuel præstation. Lise Skifte Lennert & Marianne LykkeThomsen (eds.) Kvinder i Grønland - sammen og hver for sig.Nuuk, Atuakkiorfik.Møller, Poul B. and Susanne Dybbroe. 1981. Om betingelsernefor Grønlands kolonisering, Institut for forhistorisk arkæologi,middelalder – arkæologi, etnografi og socialantropologi, Magisterkonferensspeciale, Moesgård, Aarhus Universitet, 1981.[An analysis of the conditions for the colonisation of Greenland.Dissertation.]Palludan, Charlotte. 1993. Håbet om uddannelse drømmen omfamilie. Magisterkonferens fra Institut for Kultursociologi, November1993. [Hoping for a degree, dreaming of a family.Dissertation.]Petersen, Robert. 1993. ”Samfund uden overhoveder – og demmed”. Grønlands kultur- og samfundsforskning 93. Ilisimatusarfik/Atuakkiorfik,Nuuk 1993. [Societies without leaders –and those with.]Poppel, Mariekathrine. 2002. Grønlandske mænd i krise, AfPernille Tranberg, Politiken, 24 July 2002. [Greenlandic men incrises. Newspaper article.]Rygaard, Jette. 2001. Ligestilling i Grønland – Kønsforskningeller køn og forskning?, Paper præsenteret til seminar i Kangerlusssuaqom Ligestilling i Grønland. [Equal gender rights inGreenland – gender research or gender and research? Conferencepaper.]Vebæk, Maliaaraq. 1990. Navaranaaq og andre – De grønlandskekvinders historie, Gyldendal, 1990. [Navaranaaq and others –a history of women in Greenland.]Williamson, Karla. 2001. Kalaallit arnartaasa pisinnaaffii, pissaaneqarfiiinuiaqatigiinnilu inissisimanerallu.HS Analyse 1999. Ligestilling i Grønland – en undersøgelse afligestillingen i hjemmet, på arbejdspladsen og i det offentlige liv.Ligestillingsrådet i Grønland, Nuuk. [Equal rights in Greenland– a study of equal gender rights at home, in the workplace,and in public life.]HS Analyse 2000. Ungdom og ligestilling – en undersøgelse af 10.klasse elevers opgaver i hjemmet og deres syn på ligestilling. Ligestillingsrådeti Grønland, Nuuk. [Youth and equal rights – astudy of 10th graders’ household chores and their views onequal gender rights.]Videnscenter for Børn og Unge 2003. Statistik om børn og ungei Grønland, Publiceret af Videnscenter for Børn og Unge, FamiliedirektoratetGrønlands Hjemmestyre. [Statistics on childrenand youths in Greenland.]HS-Analyse og Grønlands statistik. 1998. Holdningsundersøgelse- Arbejdsstyrken i Grønland. I. Mål og strategier i dengrønlandske erhvervsudvikling, Sulisa A/S, Nuuk. [The workforce of Greenland. In: Goals and strategies in the corporatedevelopment of Greenland.]Grønlands Statistik 2003: Statistik årbog, Grønlands Hjemmestyre,Grønlands statistik. [Greenland’s Statistical Survey 2003.]Gitte Tróndheim holds an MA degree and is a Ph.D. studentat the Department of Cultural and Social History,Ilisimatusarfik, University of Greenland, P.O.Box 279, 3900Nuuk, Greenland. gitr@ilisimatusarfik.gl66 Indigenous Affairs 1-2/04