STF na MÃdia - MyClipp
STF na MÃdia - MyClipp
STF na MÃdia - MyClipp
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Business Insurance/ - Article, Dom, 15 de Abril de 2012<br />
CLIPPING INTERNACIONAL (Supreme Court)<br />
COMMENTARY: Court"s ultimate<br />
health care reform ruling still unclear<br />
Just before the Supreme Court began oral arguments<br />
on the health care reform law last month, I thought<br />
back to the last time I covered an oral argument before<br />
the high court.<br />
It was in February 1990. The issue before the<br />
Supreme Court was whether the Pension Benefit<br />
Guaranty Corp. had the right to return to a company a<br />
pension plan the agency previously had taken over.<br />
The case involved several massively underfunded<br />
pension plans sponsored by LTV Corp., a fi<strong>na</strong>ncially<br />
distressed steel producer. In 1987, the PBGC took<br />
over three LTV plans and their $2 billion in unfunded<br />
liabilities after the company said it no longer could<br />
afford to make contributions.<br />
A few months later, LTV and the United Steelworkers<br />
union reached an agreement on a new low-cost<br />
pension program that would guarantee to pay most of<br />
the difference between benefits promised by LTV and<br />
those guaranteed by the PBGC.<br />
Soon thereafter, the PBGC returned the termi<strong>na</strong>ted<br />
plans to LTV, contending that the new LTV plans were<br />
an illegal continuation of the old plans with benefits<br />
now largely paid by the PBGC. In returning the plans<br />
to LTV, the PBGC said it would not pay benefits to<br />
plan participants. LTV immediately filed suit to stop the<br />
PBGC"s action.<br />
A multiyear court battle followed, with the case<br />
ultimately going to the Supreme Court. Twenty-two<br />
years have passed, but I still can vividly recall what<br />
then-Chief Justice William Rehnquist said as LTV"s<br />
attorney began his arguments.<br />
Justice Rehnquist cut off the attorney and suggested<br />
that LTV"s action"s were an attempt to “fob-off” the<br />
pension plan liabilities onto the PBGC. In a few words,<br />
Justice Rehnquist got to the heart of the issue and<br />
made a comment that indicated how he would later<br />
rule. A few months later, the Supreme Court, in an 8-1<br />
ruling, sided with the PBGC.<br />
But in the roughly six hours of oral arguments on the<br />
health care reform law, I didn"t hear any one-liners that<br />
definitively indicated how any justice will rule on two<br />
key issues before the court: Is the law"s individual<br />
mandate unconstitutio<strong>na</strong>l? And, if it is, is the mandate<br />
so intertwined with the broader law that the entire law<br />
would fall if the court rules the mandate is<br />
unconstitutio<strong>na</strong>l?<br />
The justices asked many tough questions, but I don"t<br />
have any more of a clue to what their ruling on those<br />
issues will be than I did before the arguments.<br />
The question I kept asking myself was why the law<br />
was before the Supreme Court. How was it the law<br />
was drafted in such a way that critical provisions were<br />
vulnerable to legal attack?<br />
The answer to that question is clear and it speaks to<br />
the breakdown of our political system. The legislation<br />
did not go through what was once the traditio<strong>na</strong>l<br />
extended review process. For the most part, committee<br />
consideration was hasty, and there wasn"t even a joint<br />
conference committee to resolve differences between<br />
House- and Se<strong>na</strong>te-passed bills and pass a carefully<br />
reviewed and crafted fi<strong>na</strong>l bill.<br />
Both parties share in the blame. Unless the two parties<br />
can once again try to work together, more of our<br />
laws—the few that are passed—will end up being<br />
challenged in court.<br />
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