Ethnic Politics in the Hills of Manipur - Journal of Alternative ...

Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences ( 2011) Vol 3, No 1, 147 -167Ethnic Politics in the Hills of ManipurCh. Sekholal Kom, Department of Political Science, North-Eastern HillUniversity, Shillong, India.Abstract: The escalating phenomena of political assertion andexpressiveness along ethnic lines have become a major concern thatnecessitate urgent enquiry. Ethnicity not only has taken deep roots fromthe prevailing diversity but more often is projected to facilitate ethnicpolitical aspirations. In the light of this, the aim of this article is to make amodest investigation to the prevailing competitive ethnic discourses and tounderscore ethnic politics from such situation. This paper's focus is on theinteraction between ethnic groups and the subservient relationshipensuing from ethnic political discourse in the hills of Manipur.Keywords: Ethnic, Hills, Kuki, Naga, Meiteis, Tribals, Militants.1. IntroductionEvery modern nation-state is to a greater or lesserextent ethnically divided. This frequently implies a potentialfor various forms of conflict - from armed conflicts toautonomist movements and political segregation along ethniclines (Horowitz, 1985). Ethnic divisions often perpetuated byethnic politics according to empirical democratic theory, andcommon sense understanding of politics, threaten thesurvival of democratic institutions (Mill, 1991; Rustow,1970). In its most basic sense, ethnicity refers to the socialreproduction of basic classificatory differences betweencategories of people and to aspects of gain and loss in socialinteraction. Ethnicity is fundamentally dual, encompassingaspects of both meaning and politics. Ethnicity is, however,a concept which refers to a multitude of socio-culturalphenomena. i In short, ethnicity can be an identity thatdemands no more than a sense of belonging.In recent years, the process of capitalist modernizationand globalization seem to have intensified ethnic competitionand conflicts and have contributed to the rise of ethnicmovements (Anthony D. Smith, 1979). So much so that, D.Ghai, Y. Ghai and D. Westendorff, in their article entitled147

Ethnic Politics in the Hills of Manipur'Ethnicity, Development and Democracy', argue thatethnicity is perhaps the most important influence on thirdworld social and political systems, inflicting discriminationon minorities, undermining order and development, evenputting the very survival of some states at risk (UNESCO,1992, quoted in Bekker, 1993:80). The term ethnic group orethnic identity may be used in a broad as well as in a narrowsense. Ethnic identity refers to nominal membership in anascriptive category, including race, language, caste, orreligion. This is consistent with the broad definition nowtaken as standard in the field of ethnic mobilization:"Ethnicity easily embraces groups differentiated by color,language, and religion; it covers 'tribes,' 'races,''nationalities,' and castes (Horowitz, 1985; 53). In India,despite adoption of a liberal democratic polity afterindependence, communities and ethnic identities remainedboth powerful and assertive for wants of self-governance. Assuch, the assertion of ethnic interests and identities isgaining momentum, entering the discourse of electoralpolitics and justifying violence against others in Manipur.With a geographical area of 22,327 sq. km. and locatedon the easternmost part of India, Manipur is composed oftwo set of landmass popularly known as the valley and thehills. The valley forms one-tenth of the total area of thestate. ii Demographically, both Kuki group of tribes and Nagagroup of tribes mainly inhabit the hill areas that comprisedof five districts. Largely, all the tribes (also locally known astribals) come under two broad nomenclature as ‘Kuki’ and‘Naga’. On the other, the Meteis predominantly inhabitingthe valley constitute numerical majority and enjoys politicaldominion over other groups. Thus, Manipur exhibit as adiverse locale settled by numerous ethnic groups: theMeiteis, the Kukis and the Nagas besides other smallercommunities.Manipur remains a plural society with its populationdivided by deep rifts of ethnicity, culture, language andreligion. Nevertheless, ethnic pluralism is a social realityinherited from past history but seem to persist as an integralpart in more manifest form. It is likely that ethnicity willcontinue to play a salient role in the politics of Manipur withprobably an increasing emphasis on ethnicity. As it appears,ethnicity here does not remain confined to the expression of148

Ch. Sekholal Kom, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong, Indiacultural or linguistic solidarity but rather develop into apolitical programme with territorial ambitions andautonomy. Of late, the region has become an arena ofconflicts and contestations between culturally differentgroups.The hill areas of Manipur comprise of five hill districtsof which four- Chandel, Senapati, Tamenglong and Ukhrulare claimed to be overwhelmingly inhabited by the Nagaconstellations. The population of the fifth- Churachandpurdistrict is claimed to be predominantly settled by the Kukigroup of tribes. However, the reality is that none of these fivedistricts is entirely homogeneous in its population. In view ofthis, there is no one-to-one correlation between any onesingle tribe and the territory of on single district. The mosaicnature, instead of contributing to the rich composite culturehas rather resulted in contestations among various ethnicgroups. Lately, mobilisation and counter-mobilisation ofidentities coupled by competing demands have appeared tobe the source of conflicts. Given the existing scenario,Manipur has turned out to be the most restive state in theregion. So much so that, some scholars have labeledManipur as a ‘wounded land’ due to multiple problems likesocial divide, political unrest, multiple armed groups contest,antagonism among tribes, ethnic intolerance and disputesover territory.Much of the politics in the hills centres on thequestion of perpetuating one’s ethnic identity andmaneuvering political objectives. It may be alleged thatpolitics in the hills is exclusively guided by ethnicaspirations. That is to say, identification and mobilization onethnic lines have turned out to be a political strategy ofbargaining to suit ethnic interests. The competing ethnicdiscourses in the hills between the Kukis and the Nagas isone such notable instance of such mobilization. Nonetheless,there are also resentments against the dominance of theMeiteis who constitute more than sixty percent of thepopulation though confined in one-tenth of the totalgeographical area of the state.By ethnic Politics in this paper, it is construed as theintended political discourse of group or groups to fulfillingethnic interests and aspirations. Ethnic politics being amulti-dimensional phenomenon factor(s) determining ethnic149

Ethnic Politics in the Hills of Manipurpolitics may perhaps differ from place to place and from onegroup to another. In view of this, the basis of ethnic politicsin the hills of Manipur is credited to lie in the pursuit ofethnic interests. In this article, I will treat ethnicity as asense of belonging having political intent to suit ethnicinterests particularly. Thus, ethnic group or ethnic identityis differentiated from ethnicity from being merely ascriptive.It is only when such identifications are designed to serve aspolitical ambition that the question of ethnicity became morestringent.In Manipur, ethnic interest in the politics of the hills islargely an interest over land particularly over ethnicinhabited areas. This interest over ethnic settled areassubsequently vigoured and resulted in the desire forremapping the existing political arrangement based onethnic inhabited areas. As far as this tendency is concerned,it is primarily associated with the demand for exercising adegree of self-governance through either achieving separateindependent homeland or a separate state or a definedterritorial council with acceptable autonomy specificallythrough extension of Sixth Schedule. iii The current ethnicferment in the hills can be meaningfully captured against thebackdrop of independence or autonomy enjoyed by thetribals during the colonial era vis-à-vis the emergence ofpopular democratic urges from those segments that are yetto find appropriate political indemnity after India’sindependence. Over the years, competitions among theethnic identities on the real or imaginary basis are expressedin the form of autonomy movements and demand forsession.In this study, the focus is to underscore how ethnicaspirations and collective identifications accentuate ethnicpolitics and further culminated in the conflict of interests.Altogether, thirty-four recognized tribes of Manipur arepolitically grouped as Nagas or Kukis. iv The Kukis ofManipur include Aimol, Gangte, Hmar, Kom, Koireng, Mizo,Paite, Ralte, Simte, Sukte, Thadou, Vaiphei and Zou tribes. vOn the other the Naga group of tribes comprise of Anal,Chiru, Chothe, Lamkang, Moyon, Monsang, Maring, Mao,Poumai, Sema, Tarao, Tangkhul, Thangal, Zeliangrong. TheKukis are settled in Churachandpur district, Sadar Hillsarea (comprising of three Kuki majority Sub-divisions) of150

Ch. Sekholal Kom, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong, IndiaSenapati district, western part of Tamenglong district,southern part of Chandel district, and southeast area ofUkhrul district. However, the Kukis are majority only inChurachandpur district out of five hill districts in Manipur,although there are Kukis in almost all the districts. viOut of sixty seats in the state Legislative Assembly,forty seats represent valley-based constituencies whereastwenty seats represent the hill constituencies of Manipur.Herein, the Nagas solely represent Ukhrul and Tamenglongdistricts; on the other, the Kukis represent Churachandpurdistrict though both share seats in Senapati and Chandeldistricts. However, in the valley, it is the Meiteis who are in amajority and they along with a few Pangals (Meitei Muslims)dominate all the seats. vii In identifying the Meiteis as anethnic group, the emphasis is upon a distinct group ofpeople all of whom are known as by such name as all ofthem share certain features in common which in theirentirety are not present in any other group. Similarly, theKukis and Nagas are said to constitute as ethnic categorybecause of the kind of features that they have in common.Not only ethnicity and territoriality constitute as thecore issue of contentions, the feeling of oneness amongdifferent communities is also deficient. There is a perceptionof an anti-hill tribe attitude amongst the Meitei social base inthe valley. Thereby, the tribals accuse the Meiteis ofexcluding them from politics, the state’s culture or even insocial realm. Yet, the tribals are equally exclusivist in theirattitude and perceptions. While they accuse the Meiteis ofbeing exclusivist, the Nagas and the Kukis have never lookedupon the Meiteis as one amongst them yet ironically blamethe Meiteis for lack of sensitivity towards them. Furthermore,local politicians function as a mere consonance of theirrespective communities or tribal constituencies thus furtherentrenching the divides which then spill over to the armedmovements creating a vicious cycle of relative deprivationand armed violence. viiiSimilar to that of antagonistic feelings and narrowpolitical interest persisting between the Kukis and Nagas,the Meiteis too are apparently guided by their parochialethnic interests. Inspite of the tribal resistance against theMeitei policy of dominance and interference, there has beena dominative attempt of forcibly expanding their sphere of151

Ethnic Politics in the Hills of Manipurinfluence. Mention may be made of the Manipur LandRevenue and Land reform Act, 1960, ix Acquisition of Chiefs’Right Bill 1966 x etc. as some notable instances thatcontinually emerge and render a contention between thetribals and the Meiteis. Seemingly, the tribals fear thesemoves by the majority Meiteis as it can gravely affect theexisting tribal identity, land ownership system and theprevailing demographic profile.Ironically, ethnic aspirations of the different groups inthe State seem to be further intensified by ethnic-basedmilitant movement which in turn appears to have added afurther dimension to the already complex and restivesituation. Due to narrow and intense self-identification asKuki and Naga, issues concerning both the groups even failto hold sway on common issues affecting the tribal as awhole. In other words, since all issues and demands areexceedingly determined and guided by ethnic connotationsthe question of consolidated tribal identity has failed toemerged to exert as political force of bargaining and to act ascheck and balances towards the Meiteis intent. It is in thisbackground that the paper seeks to interrogate how Kuki-Naga identity issue has accentuated ethnic politics in thehills. In addition, the paper intends to examine how ethnicmobilization and counter mobilization in the hills can beattributed to the furthering of the prevailing competitivenature of politics.Contextually speaking, ethnic politics in the hills ofManipur is the resultant of collective identification andmobilisation vis-à-vis territoriality and the inseparablyguided ethnic aspirations. It is this discourse that hasassumed to be a key issue that further intensifies ethnicmovement. For instance, inspite of being recognized as adistinct Schedule Tribe by the government yet identificationand alignment ensued further to form collective identity. Assuch, Naga identity though appears to be consolidated overthe years is composed of different tribes who arelinguistically and culturally varied. On the other, a numberof tribes who exhibit cultural and linguistic affinity thoughnot perfectly homogeneous are broadly identified as Kuki.Thereby, consolidation becomes essential not only due to theperceptive notion of common ancestry or shared history, butalso for easier collective political bargaining against other152

Ch. Sekholal Kom, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong, Indiacorresponding groups. Since ethnic movements in the regionare characterized precisely by their claims to peoplehood ornationhood, and as this element of identifications areinsubstantial and fluid, ethnic assertion may continue toremain indeterminate. Further, collective identifications orconsolidations are alternatively employed as a preconditionof realizing ethnic aspirations for autonomy and selfgovernance.Anthony D. Smith in his article ‘The Ethnic Sources ofNationalism’ alleged that names are important, for not onlyself- and other-identification, but also as expressive emblemsof the collective personality. Until a collective culturalidentity receives a proper name, it lacks, in an importantsense, a recognizable sense of community (both by membersand by outsiders). Similarly, the ethnic situation anddiscourses in the hills of Manipur explicates the resurgenceof Kuki and Naga as collective identity as having politicalconnotation underneath. Hypothetically, I suppose thisidentification having stressed on the cultural adherents orcertain similar attributes that exclude others, culminatingconflict of interests among the hill inhabitants of Manipur asthe basis of ethnic politics.Of late, although ethnicity and ethnic politics havebecome a key issue and concern for policy makers andacademicians, the emerging sense of intense identification asbeing distinct from one another are often argued as aresurgence of the previously prevailing phenomena evenduring the colonial period. The hill areas of Manipur havetraditionally been a locale settled by Kukis and Nagasjostling for supremacy and dominance since timeimmemorial. Today, ethnic politics have become popularterms in contemporary politics of Manipur. So much so thatpoliticization of ethnicity has taken deep roots in Manipurwith culture, economic development and governance beingimpacted. In fact, there is no aspect of life of the people thathas not been affected by ethnicity and its discourses.Nevertheless, consciousness is the motive force behind theformation of such ethnic identity. Of late, ethnicity hasturned out to be an impulsive force behind one’s language,culture, religion and shared history.Needless to say, ethnic identity demands alwaysturned into political issues, demanding either a separate153

Ethnic Politics in the Hills of Manipuradministrative unit or other political advantage for the ethnicgroups concerned. As an impetus to the tribal demand forseparate statehood, the tribals of Manipur argued that themerger agreement signed by the Manipur Maharaja couldnot and did not cover the territory occupied by the tribalChiefs and their subjects, because the Maharaja of Manipurwas not a tribal representative who had authority to act ontheir behalf, and the tribals were not his subjects. xi Incontrast, the Meiteis are of the view that although the thentribals enjoyed autonomy and independence, the hill areasform very much a part of Manipur. It is because of thesevarying historical interpretations among different groupsthat expanding one’s realm of interest is viewed as intrusiveand a threat to one’s identity.Over late, ethnicity has become a very decisive force inthe identity formation of the Nagas and the Kukis. Ethnicitywas first introduced in the governance of Manipur during thecolonial rule when they separated the administration of thehill tribes from that of Manipur valley. The Maharaja wasentrusted with the administration of the Meitei inhabitedvalley with the help of Manipur State Durbar while, thePresident of the Manipur State Durbar, a British ICS officerwas to administer the hill tribes who were sub-divided intothe Nagas and the Kukis. Thus, the contemporarymanifestation of ethnic alignment is creditable to the Britishindirect rule that was introduced in the hills areas.Accordingly, the British recognized the Kuki Chiefsand the headmen or the Khullakpas xii of the Nagas who wereauthorized to administer their villages through the tribalcustomary laws. Herein, ethnicity was made an element ofgovernance of the hill tribes. Thus, politicization of ethnicitywas embedded in the colonial administrative system and thesubsisting and sharpened trend may be attributed as acontinued discourse. In the Hills, it was the chiefs’ conclavesand ethnic associations that brought political awakening.Social exclusion of tribal communities in the early years ofthe twentieth century had led to their welcoming Christianmissionaries in their midst. The latter brought educationand a new worldview. xiiiMuch of the politics in Manipur seems to centre on thequestion of preserving one’s ethnic identity especiallythrough assertion of political autonomy demands. xiv For154

Ch. Sekholal Kom, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong, Indiainstance, the United Naga Council (UNC hereafter) whichspearheaded the integration of the Naga inhabited areas ofManipur into the present state of Nagaland represents theNagas of Manipur in the form of an organized political force.Similarly, Kuki Inpi Manipur (KIM hereafter) serves as anapex body for the Kukis inhabiting Manipur. Ethnicity beingmade an element of governance its overtones with a varyingdegree continue to endure even today.Almost in the same manner Karl Marx predicted, thetwentieth century has not been a period of revolutionaryclass struggles, but rather of ethno-nationalist conflicts.Correspondingly, Joseph Rothschild alleged that, "no societyor political system is today immune from the burgeoningpressure of ethnic nationalism, with its possible legitimatingor delegitimating effects. Communist and non-communist,old and new, advanced and developing, centralist andfederalist states must all respond to the pressure of thisascendant ideology. xvWith three competing ethnic groups- the Meiteis, theNagas and the Kukis engaging in a self-centered andarticulated campaign of ethnic assertion and consolidation toexpand their realm of influence, Manipur has of late becomea political hotspot. No doubt, the salient feature of the socialorder of Manipur is perhaps its heterogeneity. These groupsexhibit remarkable variation in terms of ‘language andculture’. Identity formation by the communities and tribesharping on exclusivity, integration and dominance, oftenresults in several forms of sanguinary conflict and intensifiedautonomy demands. Over the years, ethnic mobilisation andidentification has surfaced as a process of emerging groupinterests rather than the manifestations of primordialinterests and sentiments.Ethnic mobilization by one group kindled andheightens the ethnic identity of another group. The assertionfor greater autonomy by one group stimulated similardemands from other groups. Consequently, ethnic identitymobilisation and competing ethnic discourses has assume tobe a contagious trend in Manipur. What is witnessed atpresent is not only the revival of primordial identities of thepast; but also the construction of modern ethnic identitiesvis-à-vis the newly created nation-state of India.Paradoxically, most of the political issues and agendas are155

Ethnic Politics in the Hills of Manipurintrinsically associated to the question of realizing a specificterritory for self-governance of ethnic identity.After independence of the country, the feelings ofdistinctiveness by different communities inhabiting theregion have amplified and thereby various movements arebeing spearheaded to meet micro ethnic aspirations. Nodoubt, Manipur being inhabited by three distinct ethnicgroups is often termed as a land of diversity. However,instead of contributing to the rich composite culture, ethnicdiversity has rather ensued in furthering ethniccontestations and in mounting ethno-centric feelings amongits denizens.Particularly in the hills, mobilisation and selfidentificationconstitute the core strategy of counterbalancingthe sphere of dominance and capturing a sense ofpower. This is primarily because of the fear of hegemonicdominance by one group over another. This divide acquiredas Kuki-Naga dimension. Nagas considering themselves to bemore numerous and dominant than the Kukis in the hillareas have been motivated by the idea of self-governance. Onthe other, Kuki identity mobilisation being guided bylinguistic and cultural connotations xvi seeks to demand forintegration of their inhabited areas for separate homeland orseparate ethnic state as ‘Kukiland’. Furthermore, Meteisbeing the dominant community and having a long traditionof self-rule, motivated state-making leaders to sharpen theiridentity. However, embarking Meitei identity to fashion thepolitics of the state in their favour would also meant thatsuch mobilisation process would exclude other communitiesin the state, all of which had maintained their coherence dueto the enduring traditional authority structures. They in turnbegan to mobilize to counter the tendency of makingManipur a mono-artefact ‘Meitei state’. The result wassequence of mobilisation and counter-mobilisation, whicheventually turned conflictual. Today, this process is not onlysharpened and channelized by political parties, but also bysocial and cultural organizations of the state.In addition, various organizations including militantshave increasingly begun raising demands for division of thestate and separate administrative units for themselvesparticularly in the hills. With rising socio-economicchallenges and the desire for integration, the cycle of156

Ch. Sekholal Kom, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong, Indiaconflicts and rivalry has become interminable. Mostimportantly, the fear of ethnic hegemony appears to have ledto the rising spiral of competitive mobilisation betweendifferent ethnic groups, social organizations and evenmilitant organizations. Today, seeing the situation it compelus to say that there are bleak chances of people withdifferent identities (ethnic background) to live togetherpeacefully with varying degrees of tolerance and evengenerosity. Inspite of some internal prejudices within thelarger ethnic identity yet such differences do not necessarilydeter one’s movement against other ethnic group.Initially, social organizations and community eliteshave been the most vigorous force in determining the courseof ethnic movements. With the emergence of more extremistelements in the state, ethno-centric feelings, fear ofdomination and finally augmented by the demand for selfrule,the sign of peaceful co-existence is daunting. Ethnicdiscourse and speculation is faced with opposition from theother who seek to have sway over other. Much of the politicsin Manipur centers on the question of identity. Politicalparties and social organizations in either state have usedethnic identities to mobilize support among theirconstituents. Not only these, there are constant andcompetitive struggles over who will define rules or who willregulate people’s lives.Besides competing discourses between the Kukis andthe Nagas, it is also argued that the furtherance of ethnicdiscourse in the hills of Manipur also lies in the intrusivenature of majority Meiteis politics. Specifically, the tribalsfear that in the name of “development” the state governmentwants to gain control over the hill areas that is considered tobe the abode of tribals. xvii Above all, the perceived feeling ofrelative deprivation in relation to the majority Meiteis andagainst each other sharpens ethnic divide and ethnicventures. So much so that, no issue affecting both Kukis andNagas is construed as affecting tribal interest and therebyconsolidated tribal identity turns out to be a mere rhetoric.Contestations over claims and counter claims overterritory on ethnic lines have been building up since theBritish rule in the region. With the growth of modernconsciousness among the hill people, belongingness to newlyconstructed ethnic identities were inseparably tangled with157

Ethnic Politics in the Hills of Manipurthe claims over territoriality. As much as some section ofKukis claimed a Kuki homeland, the Nagas too claimed largeparts of Manipur as Naga territory. What is obnoxious aboutthe Naga claim is the exclusive character of Naga territorialboundary, rejecting any counter claims with intimidatingviolence. Ethnic cleansing of the Kukis xviii was an outcome ofthis politics.Despite inconterminous and mixed nature ofdemographic settlements ethnic demands for separatehomeland has appeared to be one of the most contentiousissues. Besides the conflict of interests between the Kukisand Nagas over the demand for separate homeland, there arevarious areas where the two groups are at loggerheads. Inother words, even a political demand concerning the tribal asa whole (both Kuki and Naga) or any of them is viewed as athreat by the other. With militancy strictly taking ethniclines, the contentions and level of suspicion between the twogrew considerably. That is, the existing degree ofmobilisation and identification between Kukis and Nagascontributed to the growing conflict of interests and evenirreconcilable on any issue considered to affect the tribal atlarge.Due to mobilisation and counter-mobilisation of ethnicidentities coupled with the politicization of ethnicityautonomy and liberation that a section of the populationdemands often remain unacceptable to another group.Contestations over sovereignty and territory oftenengendered and intimidate violence among various ethnicpopulations. Of late, this augmented situation has given riseto consequential ramification by making ethnic relationsappear incompatible. Even ethnic conflicts are also theproduct of the demands for political recognition and theresistance to it. Conflict between ethnic groups in Manipurparticularly in the hills is a zero-sum game, where onegroup's interests are in direct opposition to the other.Ever since the introduction of a scheme to allow thetribals both Kuki and Naga in the hill areas to exercise adecentralize governance in the form of Manipur (Hill Areas)District Council Act 1971, alongside there was a demand forintroduction of Sixth Schedule similar to that introduced inother states of the region. Ironically, although there was acohesive demand for extension of Sixth Schedule by both158

Ch. Sekholal Kom, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong, IndiaKuki and Naga in the beginning, soon there developed aconflict of interests between the Kukis and Nagas as thedemand was construed to meet narrow ethnic interest. Inother words, directed by their own ethnic interests, thedifferences that emerged over the number of DistrictCouncils to be created have turned out to be an impasse fora collective endeavor. Consequently, these differences havenot been able to develop cohesive assertion for extension ofSixth Schedule. Thus, the majority Meiteis opposition tosuch move coupled with the absence of organized insistenceby both Kuki and Naga groups is perceived to be the reasonfor non-implementation of such demand. As ethnicidentification unconstructively is so intense that even issueof common interests fail hold sway over the Meiteis.Moreover, it may be recalled that in 1951 theadministrative divisions of Manipur comprised of eight subdivisionsof which three were in the plains and five were inthe hill areas. Apart from Thoubal and Jiribam, Sadar Hillswas also a sub-division in the Manipur plains. It was in 1961Sadar Hills having a total population of 72,039 was classifiedas a hill sub-division. xix Sadar Hills issue had been lingeringfor more than three decades. It is a historical fact that sixAutonomous District Council was given as package grant towhen Manipur attained Statehood in 1971. All of them wereupgraded into a full-fledged district after 1972, except Kukidominated Tengnoupal and Sadar Hills. In 1974 Tengnoupalupgraded but Sadar Hills left out. It is so until today. xx Atpresent, the Senapati district has two Sadar Hills subdivisions.That is Sadar Hills West sub-division and SadarHills East sub-division. The former has a total area of 476square kilometer with the later having 765 square kilometer.The areas of Sadar Hills were and are predominantlyinhabited by the Kukis. The movement for granting of SadarHills a separate district has started some 26 years back,which at that point of time had no armed Kuki outfit forarticulating the demands of autonomous homelands. Thedemand for creating Sadar Hills District by bifurcating theSenapati District of Manipur was made on the ground of thegeographical complexities associated with the existingDistrict headquarters of Senapati. xxi Lately, the Naga ethnicarmies construed it as a step towards the realization of‘Kukiland’ which collide with the proposed ‘Nagalim’. xxii With159

Ethnic Politics in the Hills of Manipurevery aspirations and demands shaped by ethnicconsiderations, any demand initiated for one ethnic group isresisted by others who cohabit.Today, the UNC of Manipur has become the apex bodyof the Naga community in Manipur. It claims to uphold thesolidarity and the unity of the Naga people and to work forthe betterment of the Naga society. xxiii It coordinates theactivities of various Naga organizations under its umbrella.Of late, the political turmoil in Manipur was aggravated bythe demand of the UNC. In 1997, the UNC toeing the line ofthe National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Issac-Muivah(NSCN-IM hereafter) demanded for the extension of thecease-fire agreement provisions between the Government ofIndia (GOI) and the NSCN-IM to all the Naga contiguousareas. It also openly supported the demand for GreaterNagaland and gave a call for action in all Naga inhabitedareas of Manipur in support of the demand for the Nagapolitical integration. xxiv These demands and activities of theUNC have raised political controversy and caused suspicion,anger and resentment in Manipur. It seems that the UNC’sposition has changed and it is no longer a non-politicalentity. However, the political stance of the UNC has createdantagonism among the three major ethnic groups ofManipur.Even today, the Indian state is held responsible by theNagas particularly by the UNC and NSCN-IM for creating ageographical space and minoritizing them is several state ofNortheast India. They opined that the Indian state furtherdivided the Naga area under its control, despite being acontiguous area in Nagaland, Assam, Manipur andArunachal. It is in this context that the present day Nagamovement aims to bring all Naga inhabited areas under onepolitical administration.The apex organizations of the Meiteis-All ManipurUnited Clubs Organization (AMUCO) and the Kukis-KukiInpi, Manipur vehemently opposed to the demand for theextension of the cease-fire agreement provisions to Manipurand the creation of Greater Nagaland. They alleged that theUNC was responsible for the social tension in the state andurged the state government to take appropriate step to avoidany untoward situation. xxv There is deep division among thethree communities in the state and they take intransigent160

Ch. Sekholal Kom, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong, Indiaposition on territorial issue. While Nagas want the merger ofNaga inhabited areas of the state with Nagaland and Kukisfor a separate state, Meiteis are for the territorial integrity ofManipur at any cost. xxviThe demand for ‘Kuki State’ within the framework ofthe Constitution of India was initiated as the politicalaspiration for survival of the Kukis. This was adopted asresolution no. 1 by the Kuki National Assembly (KNA) in itsGeneral Meeting held at Thingkangphai, Churachandpur,from 19 th to 22 nd January 1960. xxvii The demand for KukiState was deemed necessary to facilitate consolidation ofvarious cultural and linguistically similarity groups whomperhaps constitutes minorities to have their ownadministration and their identity protected.The Kuki-Naga conflict xxviii in Manipur was a conflictemanating from contesting territorial claims. The Nagasalleged that the hill areas except Churachandpur district istheir ancestral land and ought to be integrated with otherNaga areas of Northeast India to form ‘Greater Nagalim’.Similarly, the Kukis particularly the militants also claim thattheir inhabited areas form a part of their demand forseparate ‘Kuki-State’.What often appears to be so irony in Manipur is thatethnic division and identification is further heightened byethnic militancy. That is, even militancy and its formation inthe state strongly entwined in one’s ethnic identity. So tosay, militancy is interpreted, in part, as an assertion ofethnic identity in Manipur. Paradoxically, different ethnicgroups have different demands invariably inconsistent witheach other. Today, both Kuki and Naga-based militantsarmed themselves in the pursuit of achieving territorialconcession. Therefore, these discourses create a vicious cycleof violence begetting violence. Nevertheless, the core reasonbehind ethnic contestation and paranoid feelings betweenthe Kukis and Nagas in the hills is primarily because of theoverlapping and intersecting territorial demands asserted byboth the militant groups to form their own ethnic homelandor separate ethnic state. Ethnic militancy are driven byethnic competition over state power; as a measure ofcounterance towards others who could possibly emerged as athreat rather than high degrees of diversity; and as a161

Ethnic Politics in the Hills of Manipurmeasure of asserting oneself to secure a definite political andterritorial space.With different militant organizations aspiring tosafeguard their respective identity and achieve a definiteterritorial demarcation, ethnic relations in the hillsparticularly between the Kukis and Nagas is often filled witha sense of insecurity and suspicion. Presently, NSCN-IM isthe main militant organization that seeks to represent theNagas of the Northeast. Ethnicization of territory withexpansionist design protagonized by the ethnic militantsmanifest in the form of demand for homeland such asNagalim by NSCN-IM, Zalengam/Kuki-State by the Kukioutfit Kuki National Army/Kuki National Organisation(KNA/KNO), KukiLand by Kuki National Front (KNF), Zogamor Zomiland by another Kuki Chin outfit Zomi RevolutionaryArmy/Zomi Reunification Organisation (ZRA/ZRO),Hmarland by Hmar Peoples Convention (HPC) etc. and themushrooming growth of ethnic armies which indicatespotential aspiration for ethnic homeland. Due to belligerentfeelings persisting between different militant groups, it maynot be an exaggeration to say that the demand for autonomyis intensified.The deep social divide, absence of united insistencetowards the majority for the same goal exemplifies that everydiscourse are ostensibly ethnic in character. Further, theaccentuating propensity of ethnic politics is the much stressof importance on achieving certain degree of politicalprivilege based on shared ethnic attributes rather thanshared civil rights. This is because every matter both socialand political is ethnicized with no attempt to reachcompromise without taking ethnic sides. In fact, so-calledplural or polyethnic societies have often been described asdeeply divided societies marked by perennial conflict andcompetition between discrete ethnic groups (Smith, 1965;Horowitz, 1985). We may say, ethnicity or as simultaneouslyused in this article ‘ethnic identification’ has become adecisive variable among groups in their relationship more soin their in their quest for political privilege. Perhaps, ethnicdichotomization in the region have been argued by differentscholars, yet in this study the basis of argument is that themain structural source of ethnic politics lies on ethnicity visà-visthe competition between ethnic groups.162

Ch. Sekholal Kom, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong, IndiaThus, in view of the growing contestations anddifferences over political aspirations among the variousethnic groups, the state is seen to be non-accommodative toits internal aspirations particularly minority demands.Taking into account the existing differences and rivalriesautonomy like Sixth Schedule may be employed to suit thevaried and to meaningfully allow ethnic groups to exercisemeaningful degree of self-governance. Paradoxically, thecontinued contests show how the state has beenunsuccessful in incorporating those social forces into thestate’s apparatus. On the other, it may also be asserted thatit is that narrow identity mobilisation which limits the state’sautonomy and its capacity to govern and uphold the rule oflaw. In fact, ethnic related conflicts and violence have provedas the incapacity of the state to govern and manage itsinternal upsurges. On the other, the manner of identitymobilization too has serious consequences forintercommunity relations and hostilities.Over the years, heightened contestations and intensedemand for self-governance appears to be the outcome ofperceived notion of fear of being minoritized by anotherethnic group. This perception is further intensified due to theperception that a dominant ethnic group would later bereluctant to share power and might assume to be moredomineering and oppressive. In other words, it may beasserted that the reason behind why politics in the hills ofManipur is often guided by ethnic interests is essentially dueto the fear of being marginalized and the feeling of fear ofrelative deprivation that the group often presumes.Conspicuously, the gravest threat to Manipur’sinternal cohesion and stability is the various stereotypesconstrued by each tribe or ethnic group against the other.The most viable way out would be to evolve a mechanism ofpolitical and social inclusion in political governance. Onlythen, the prevailing mistrusts and paranoid feelings amongethnic groups that have appeared to be a contagiousphenomenon may considerably be abated. In conclusion,India being a multination state, policies concerning ethnic,linguistics, religious and other identity propensities needs tobe outlined by speculating the Indian federal systemparticularly by examining whether the existing autonomyarrangements is suited to its diverse identities. If not, the163

Ethnic Politics in the Hills of Manipurstruggle for self-governance and the atmosphere of ethnocentricismwould go on inward looking and ultimately be animpasse in democratic politics. India being a multi-ethnicstate ethnic politics should be made compatible with thesurvival of a democratic system with certain institutionalarrangements. Unless diversity secures a place in thegovernance, the multi-ethnic composition will continue toperil the state. Nonetheless, we cannot expect and ensurecomplete symmetry among ethnic populations, yet, there isneed to strike a balance among different groups tocircumvent ethnic antagonism and conflicts that oftenemerge from ethnic diversity.Notesi . Eriksen, T.H. (1991). Ethnicity versus Nationalism. Journal of PeaceResearch, Vol. 28, No. 3, p.264.ii . The term ‘state’ in this article denotes the peripheral units or the states.For e.g. there are 29 states in India. On the other, the term ‘Indian state’ isbroadly used to refer the country as a whole or the whole of nation.iii . Sixth Schedule is a special political arrangement design to cope withthe escalating ethnic aspirations for autonomy in Northeast India.Particularly, this political schema was essentially intended to manageethnic propensities in the then state of Assam for self-governance.Similarly, the tribals of Manipur have been demanding the extension ofSixth Schedule in the hill areas of Manipur. Even today, inspite ofpersistent demand by the tribals Sixth Schedule have not been extended inManipur. As a mark of protest, the existing Manipur (Hill Areas) DistrictCouncil Act 1971 that is similar to that of Fifth Schedule in its functionand practice was stalled since 1989. It was only in June 2010 that electionto the District Council in Manipur was revived without extension of SixthSchedule provisions.iv. Oinam, B. (2003). Pattern of Ethnic Conflict in North-East: A Study ofManipur. Economic and Politically Weekly, Vol. 38, No. 21, p. 2033.v. Pukhrambam. (2006, June 24). The People of Manipur. Manipur Today,Vol. 7, p.23.vi. With regard to who forms majority in the five hill districts of Manipur,there are variances between the Kuki and Naga leaders. Going by theNaga perception the Kukis form majority only in Churachandpur district,in contrast it is alleged that there are no Naga population inChurachandpur and Chandel district. The so-called Nagas like Anal,164

Ch. Sekholal Kom, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong, IndiaLamkang, Moyon, Maring, Monsang, Tarao, and Chothe are perceived asKuki linguistically and culturally. Thus, who ought to be called ‘Kuki’ or‘Naga’ is a fluid and often contested viewpoint in Manipur.vii . Ngalengam, NG. (2002). Politics in Manipur: 1972-2001 A.D.Unpublished Ph. D Thesis, Manipur University, Manipur, pp.73-5.viii . Goswami, N. (2008). Manipur : In Need of Serious PerceptionManagement. IDSA Issue Brief, p.11.ix. The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reform Act, 1960 was an Act toconsolidate and amend the law relating to the then Union Territory ofManipur and to provide certain measures of land reforms. Though this Actwas for the whole of the Union Territory of Manipur, the Hill areas wereexempted from the purview of this Act. Section 1(2) of the Manipur LandRevenue and Land Reform Act, 1960, categorically stated: “it extends tothe whole of the Union Territory of Manipur except the Hill areasthereof.” It allowed the prevailing land ownership system in the Hill areasunchanged and provided a major impetus to perpetuate their present landownership system with all its maladies. It was only in 1975 that anamendment was made in this Act in line with the changing socioeconomicscenario of the country. Section 1(3) of Manipur Land Revenueand Land Reform (Amendment) Act, 1975, empowered the stategovernment to extend, by notification in the official gazette, the whole orany part of this Act to any of the Hill areas of Manipur as also might bespecified in such notification.x. Encouraged by the steps taken in the Chin Hills and Lushai Hills therewas a demand for abolition of Chiefship in Manipur. The major defect inthis policy of the government was the refusal to pay compensation to theChiefs when the move for abolition of Chiefship was initiated. TheMeiteis alleged that the King of Manipur was the owner of all lands anddenies paying of compensation to tribal Chiefs. The theory of absoluteownership of rights of King over all lands in Manipur and the policy in thematter of Land Reforms that follows from this theory is found to beunconvincing to the tribals. The Bill was introduced again in 1967 dividedthe tribals and non-tribals members of the Manipur Assembly. While theformer were in favour of re-drafting the Bill, the latter wanted the Bill tobe passed without any amendment.xi. Hitson, P.T. (2004). Politics of Ethnicity in North East India: WithSpecial Reference to Manipur. New Delhi: Regency Publication, p.18.xii . The term ‘Khullakpa’ is a local parlance denoting the head of a village.This term is often used by the Meiteis to address a village head in tribalareas. It is a term used to address a village head among the Nagas. Withregard to the Kukis, the term ‘Ningthou’ is rather a widely used term toaddress Kuki Chiefs.165

Ethnic Politics in the Hills of Manipurxiii . Laldena. (1984). British Policy towards Manipur 1891-1919.(Directorate of Welfare of Tribals. Government of Manipur), p.41.xiv. Shimray, U.A. (2001, September 29). Ethnicity and Socio-PoliticalAssertion: The Manipur Experience. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.36, No. 39, pp. 3676–77.xv . Rothschild, J. (1977). Observations on the Political Legitimacy inContemporary Europe. Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 92, No. 3; alsosee his (1981). Ethnopolitics: A Conceptual Framework. New York:Columbia University Press.xvi. Although some communities like Anal, Chiru, Koireng, Lamkang,Moyon, Monsang, Maring and Tarao have parted with the Nagas yetconsidering these communities as culturally and linguistically more closerto the Kukis are perceived to be Kukis. In view of this, the inhabited areasof these groups are dually included as both Kuki areas and Naga areas.xvii. Bhatia, B. (2010, July 31). Justice Denied to Tribals in the HillDistricts of Manipur. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 46, No. 15,p.38.xviii . The “Ethnic Cleansing” of the Kukis by the NSCN (IM) saw one ofits worst manifestations on 13th September 1993 when fleeing Kukicivilians were intercepted at Joupi village in Tamenglong district andbutchered in cold blood. The most gruesome incident took place atTaloulong village in Tamenglong district on 19th September 1993 whenNSCN (IM) activists swooped down upon innocent villagers, forcing theadults to flee leaving behind small children under 10 years of age.Thereafter, NSCN (IM) activists hacked 13 children to death. Forunderstanding of ‘Ethnic Cleansing’ refer, Haokip, P.S. (1998). Zale’n-Gam: The Kuki Nation, KNO Pvt. Circulation.xix . Singh, A.K. & Singh, M.R. (2008). The Sadar Hills Dilemma. InSingh, A. K., Sharma, R. & Sanasam, A. (Eds.), Problems of Ethnicity andIdentity in Contemporary Manipur and Other Essays. Imphal: Centre forEthnic and Identity Studies. p.41.xx. A Memorandum submitted to the Hon’ble Chief Minister, Manipur,for creation of Sadar Hills as a full-fledged District.xxi. Baruah, S. (2004). Citizens and Denizens: Ethnicity, Homelands andCrisis of Displacement in Northeast India. Social Change andDevelopment, Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 112.xxii. Nagalim is an aspired homeland of the NSCN-IM that consists of thepresent territory of Assam, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh in addition to theNagaland.xxiii. UNC. (2003). The Constitution of UNC (Amended) adopted inFebruary, p. 1.166

Ch. Sekholal Kom, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong, Indiaxxiv. UNC. (2001, August). Declaration of the Naga Peoples Conventionheld from 08-09 in Senapati District of Manipur.xxv. AMUCO urges UNC to Lead People in the Right Path to AvoidConflicts. (1997, October 8). Manipur Mail, p.A1.xxvi. Haokip, T.T. (2005). Kuki-Naga Conflicts: Issues and Solutions. InHussain, M. (Ed.), Coming Out of Violence: Essays on Ethnicity, Conflictand Resolution and Peace Process in North-East India. (p.143). NewDelhi: Regency Publications.xxvii. Kuki State: A memorandum submitted to the Prime Minister ofIndia, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, on 24/03/1960.xxviii . Ethnic conflict between the Kukis and Nagas occurred in the mid1990s in Manipur. This conflict was primarily due to competing ethnicdiscourse over territory. In other words, the conflict ensued due tooverlapping and intersecting territorial claims by both Kukis and Nagas.For detail understanding of Kuki-Naga conflicts in Manipur, see, Tohring,SR. (2010). Violence and Identity in North-East India: Kuki-NagaConflict. New Delhi: Mittal Publications.167