JeanPaul_Sartre_JeanPaul_Sartre_Basic_Writing
JeanPaul_Sartre_JeanPaul_Sartre_Basic_Writing JeanPaul_Sartre_JeanPaul_Sartre_Basic_Writing
Existentialism51In these days, unfortunately, humanism is a word employed to identify philosophictendencies, not only in two senses but in three, four, five, or six. We are all humaniststo-day, even certain Marxists. Those who reveal themselves as classical rationalistsare humanists in a sense that has gone sour on us, derived from the liberal ideas of thelast century, a liberalism refracted throughout the contemporary crisis. If Marxists canclaim to be humanists, the various religions, Christian, Hindu and many others, alsoclaim above all that they are humanist; so do the existentialists in their turn and, in ageneral way, all the philosophies. Actually, many political movements protest no lessthat they are humanist. What all this amounts to is a kind of attempt to re-instate aphilosophy which, for all its claims, refuses in the last resort to commit itself, not onlyfrom the political or social standpoint, but also in the deeper philosophic sense. WhenChristianity claims to be humanist before all else, it is because it refuses to commititself, because it cannot—that is, it cannot side with the progressive forces in theconflict, because it is holding on to reactionary positions in face of the revolution.When the pseudo-Marxists or the liberals place the rights of the personality aboveeverything, it is because they recoil before the exigencies of the present world situation.Just so the existentialist, like the liberal, puts in a claim for man in general because hecannot manage to formulate such a position as the events require, and the onlyprogressive position that is known is that of Marxism. Marxism alone states the realproblems of the age.It is not true that a man has freedom of choice, in the sense that by that choice heconfers upon his activity a meaning it would not otherwise have. It is not enough tosay that men can strive for freedom without knowing that they strive for it—or, if wegive the fullest meaning to that recognition, it means that men can engage in the strugglefor a cause which over-rules them, which is to say that they can act within a framegreater than themselves, and not merely act out of themselves. For in the end, if a manstrives for freedom without knowing it, without being able to say precisely how or towhat end he is striving, what does that signify? That his actions are going to bringabout a succession of consequences weaving themselves into a whole network ofcausality of which he cannot grasp all the effects, but which, all the same, round off hisaction and endow it with a meaning, in function with the activity of others—and notonly that of other men, but of the natural environment in which those men act. But,from your point of view, the choice is a pre-choice—I come back again to that prefix,for I think you still interpose a reserve. In this kind of pre-choice one is concernedwith the freedom of a prior indifference. But your conception of the condition and thefreedom of man is linked to a certain definition of the objective upon which I have aword to say: it is, indeed, upon this idea of the world of objects as utilities that you
52Jean-Paul Sartre: Basic Writingsbase everything else. From an image of beings existing in discontinuity, you form apicture of a discontinuous world of objects, in which there is no causality, exceptingthat strange variety of causal relatedness which is that of utility—passive,incomprehensible and contemptible. Existential man stumbles about in a world ofimplements, of untidy obstacles, entangled and piled up one upon another in a fantasticdesire to make them serve one another, but all branded with the stigma, so frightful inthe eyes of idealists, of their so-called pure exteriority. This implemental mode ofdeterminism is, however, acausal. For where is the beginning or the end of such aworld, the definition of which, moreover, is wholly arbitrary and in no way agreeswith the data of modern science? For us it neither begins nor ends anywhere, for theseparation which the existentialist inflicts upon it— separation from nature, or ratherfrom the condition of man—makes it unreal. There is one world and only one, in ourview, and the whole of this world—both men and things, if you must make thatdistinction— may be seen, in certain variable conditions, under the sign of objectivity.The utility of stars, of anger, of a flower? I will not argue about such things: but Imaintain that your freedom, your idealism, is made out of an arbitrary contempt forthings. And yet things are very different from the description that you give of them.You admit their existence in their own right, and so far so good. But it is a purelyprivative existence, one of permanent hostility. The physical and biological universe isnever, in your eyes, a condition or a source of conditioning—that word, in its full andpractical sense, has no more meaning for you than has the word “cause.” That is whythe objective universe is, for existential man, nothing but an occasion of vexation, athing elusive, fundamentally indifferent, a continual mere probability—in short, thevery opposite of what it is to the Marxist materialist.For all these reasons and for some others, you can only conceive the commitmentof philosophy as an arbitrary decision which you describe as free. You denaturehistory, even that of Marx, when you say that he has outlined a philosophy becausehe was committed to it. On the contrary; the commitment, or rather the social andpolitical action, was a determinant of his thinking in a more general sense. It was outof a multiplicity of experiences that he distilled his doctrines. It appears evident to methat the development of philosophic thinking in Marx took place in consciousconnection with the development of politics and society. That is more or less the case,moreover, with all previous philosophers. Kant is a systematic philosopher who isknown to have refrained from all political activity, but that does not mean that hisphilosophy did not play a certain political rôle—Kant, the German Robespierre, asHeine called him. And, even to the extent that one might admit, of the epoch ofDescartes for example, that the development of philosophy played no direct part in
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52Jean-Paul <strong>Sartre</strong>: <strong>Basic</strong> <strong>Writing</strong>sbase everything else. From an image of beings existing in discontinuity, you form apicture of a discontinuous world of objects, in which there is no causality, exceptingthat strange variety of causal relatedness which is that of utility—passive,incomprehensible and contemptible. Existential man stumbles about in a world ofimplements, of untidy obstacles, entangled and piled up one upon another in a fantasticdesire to make them serve one another, but all branded with the stigma, so frightful inthe eyes of idealists, of their so-called pure exteriority. This implemental mode ofdeterminism is, however, acausal. For where is the beginning or the end of such aworld, the definition of which, moreover, is wholly arbitrary and in no way agreeswith the data of modern science? For us it neither begins nor ends anywhere, for theseparation which the existentialist inflicts upon it— separation from nature, or ratherfrom the condition of man—makes it unreal. There is one world and only one, in ourview, and the whole of this world—both men and things, if you must make thatdistinction— may be seen, in certain variable conditions, under the sign of objectivity.The utility of stars, of anger, of a flower? I will not argue about such things: but Imaintain that your freedom, your idealism, is made out of an arbitrary contempt forthings. And yet things are very different from the description that you give of them.You admit their existence in their own right, and so far so good. But it is a purelyprivative existence, one of permanent hostility. The physical and biological universe isnever, in your eyes, a condition or a source of conditioning—that word, in its full andpractical sense, has no more meaning for you than has the word “cause.” That is whythe objective universe is, for existential man, nothing but an occasion of vexation, athing elusive, fundamentally indifferent, a continual mere probability—in short, thevery opposite of what it is to the Marxist materialist.For all these reasons and for some others, you can only conceive the commitmentof philosophy as an arbitrary decision which you describe as free. You denaturehistory, even that of Marx, when you say that he has outlined a philosophy becausehe was committed to it. On the contrary; the commitment, or rather the social andpolitical action, was a determinant of his thinking in a more general sense. It was outof a multiplicity of experiences that he distilled his doctrines. It appears evident to methat the development of philosophic thinking in Marx took place in consciousconnection with the development of politics and society. That is more or less the case,moreover, with all previous philosophers. Kant is a systematic philosopher who isknown to have refrained from all political activity, but that does not mean that hisphilosophy did not play a certain political rôle—Kant, the German Robespierre, asHeine called him. And, even to the extent that one might admit, of the epoch ofDescartes for example, that the development of philosophy played no direct part in