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sadržajuvodna reč 5———————————————————————programi mirovnog obrazovanja———————————————————————Osnovni treninzi iz izgradnje mira 6Osnovni trening iz izgradnje mira u Ulcinju 7Osnovni trening iz izgradnje mira u Tivtu 8———————————————————————aktivnosti na polju suočavanja sa prošlošću———————————————————————Konferencija „Susjedi, a ne neprijatelji“ 10Trening za učesnike ratova 12Veteranske posjete stratištima 13Okrugli sto „Uloga i doprinos veterana u procesupomirenja“ 15———————————————————————dokumentarni filmovi i publikacije———————————————————————Projekcije filma „Isprekidana crta“ u Makedoniji 17O knjizi usmenih istorija „Slike tih vremena“ 19———————————————————————u saradnji sa drugim organizacijama———————————————————————Treća Mirovna Akademija 20Veterani u izgradnji mira: potencijali i ograničenja 21Napredni trening „Suočavanje sa prošlošću ukontekstu izgradnje mira“ 22Međunarodna konferencija: Novi horizonti –povezivanje razvoja, saradnje i tranzicione pravdeza održivi mir 23———————————————————————u čemu smo još učestvovali———————————————————————Međunarodna konferencija: „Nonviolent livelihoodstruggle and global militarism: links & strategies“ 24Radionica: „Suočavanje s teškom prošlošću naZapadnom Balkanu i u Zapadnoj Evropi – mogućnostii perspektive za trans-evropsku suradnju“ 25———————————————————————reč nove članice———————————————————————Jessica Žic: Dolazak u CNA Sarajevo 27———————————————————————konteksti u kojima cna deluje———————————————————————Hrvatska 28Crna Gora bez alternative 30Srbija: Suverenitet! Ali integralan, molim. 32Kosovo 34Makedonija: Čekamo... 35Bosna i Hercegovina: Dostojanstveno u mestu 36———————————————————————iz ličnog ugla———————————————————————Amer Delić: ‘Buđenje’ 39

contentsforeword 5———————————————————————peace education programmes———————————————————————Basic trainings in peacebuilding 44Basic training in peacebuilding, Ulcinj 45Basic training in peacebuilding, Tivat 46———————————————————————dealing with the past: activities———————————————————————Conference „Neighbours, not enemies“ 47Ex-combatants training 50War veterans visited sites of atrocities 51Roundtable „The Role and Contribution of WarVeterans to Reconciliation Process“ 54———————————————————————documentaries and publications———————————————————————The film screening of „Intermittent line“ inMacedonia 55About the oral histories book „Images of thosetimes“ 57———————————————————————in cooperation with other organisations———————————————————————The third Peace Academy 59Veterans in peacebuilding: potentials and limitations 60Advanced training „Dealing with the past in thecontext of peacebuilding“ 61International conference „New horizons – Linkingdevelopment cooperation and transitionaljustice for sustainable peace 62———————————————————————activities we joined———————————————————————International conference „Nonviolent livelihoodstruggle and global militarism: links & strategies“ 63Workshop: „Dealing with difficult pasts in the WesternBalkans and Western Europe – possibilities andperspectives for trans-European cooperation“ 64———————————————————————word of a new team member———————————————————————Coming to CNA Sarajevo by Jessica Žic 65———————————————————————contexts in which cna works———————————————————————Croatia 66Montenegro without alternative 68Serbia: Sovereignty! But integral, please. 70Kosovo 72Macedonia: We are waiting for... 74Bosnia and Herzegovina: Spinning the wheelswith dignity 75———————————————————————a personal view———————————————————————‘Awakening’ by Amer Delić 78

O CENTRU ZA NENASILNU AKCIJUMisija CNA je rad na izgradnji trajnog mira u regionu bivšeJugoslavije kroz promociju kulture nenasilja, dijaloga i izgradnjepoverenja među pojedincima/kama i grupama, te rad nakonstruktivnom suočavanju s prošlošću kao jednom od ključnihfaktora izgradnje mira.Naša težnja je rad na ostvarenju društva održivog mira u kojemse neguje razvoj kritičkog mišljenja, preuzimanje odgovornostiza društvo i zajednicu, poticanje na preispitivanje vlastitihstavova i prihvatanje različitosti. Na ostvarenju ovih društvenihvrednosti radimo kroz različite vidove aktivizma od kojih sunajvažniji mirovno obrazovanje, izdavaštvo i video produkcija.Šta želimo i čemu težimo?Svojim radom želimo poticati i osnaživati promociju mirakao osnovne društvene vrednosti, te odbacivanje rata i nasiljakao načina rešavanja sukoba. Suočavanje sa prošlošću (SsP) uregionu bivše Jugoslavije stavljamo u fokus naših interesovanjazalažući se za definiciju SsP kao višeslojnog i kompleksnog procesakoji uključuje, pored obznanjivanja o tome šta se desiloi kažnjavanja odgovornih za to, još i: rad na razgradnji “slikaneprijatelja” i izgradnji poverenja među ljudima na prostorimabivše Jugoslavije; rad na uspostavi kulture sećanja; zalaganjeza promovisanje i pokretanje javnih politika usmerenih na SsP;preispitivanje i razgradnju nacionalizma, militarizma i patrijarhatakao ideoloških izvora nasilja u društvu.Programima mirovnog obrazovanja i aktivnostima na poljudokumentarne produkcije i izdavaštva nastojimo i stvoriti novei ojačati postojeće kapacitete za mirovni rad u regionu bivšeJugoslavije. Želja nam je stvarati i podržavati kapacitete fokusiranena vrednosni pristup izgradnji mira, vođeni načelom zaštiteljudskih prava i sloboda svih pojedinaca/ki, te vrednostima dijaloga,saradnje, društvene pravde i solidarnosti među pojedincima/kamai grupama.Na koji način to želimo postići?Poštovanjem osnovnog načela “živi to što radiš”, kao istvaranjem čvrstog vrednosnog ishodišta u našem radu, ali inačinu funkcionisanja same organizacije.Otvorenošću za dijalog sa svima koji to žele, te spremnošćuza saradnju sa onima sa kojima delimo vizije i vrednosti nenasilja,kulture dijaloga, konstruktivne kritike i borbe protiv nepravde.Fokusiranjem na regionalnu saradnju kao neophodan elementtrajnog i održivog mira u regionu bivše Jugoslavije.Spremnošću da se menjamo, razvijamo, učimo iprilagođavamo ne zahtevima donatora i “real-politike”, već realnihdruštvenih potreba.

uvodna rečPrijateljicama i prijateljima CNA,Na uvid, čitanje i kao podstrek za povratnu informaciju, predstavljamo godišnji izveštaj CNA zaperiod septembar 2009 – septembar 2010. Ovo je naš trinaesti po redu godišnji izveštaj. Otpriliketoliko godina smo prisutni na prostorima bivše Jugoslavije (ponekad i šire), gde se, kako reče naškolega Adnan, „bavimo teškim stvarima“.U te (ne baš samo teške) stvari u protekloj godini ubrojili smo: osnovne treninge; rad sa ratnimveteranima (čiji se obim i intenzitet znatno povećao); konferenciju o pomirenju; učešće nameđunarodnim i domaćim seminarima i konferencijama; promovisanje našeg poslednjeg dokumentarnogfilma „Isprekinata crta“; rad na izdavanju knjige „Slike tih vremena“ sa životnim pričamaveterana/ki i članova/ica njihovih porodica...Radili/e smo mnogo i žestoko. Nadamo se ne i premnogo i prežestoko, jer treba sačuvati energijuza godine koje dolaze i izazove koji nas čekaju u našim društvima, ali i unutar CNA. Jakoveliki deo naše energije je i u ovoj protekloj godini bio usmeren ka konsolidaciji organizacije inastojanjima da se bolje i pravednije strukturišemo i organizujemo. Kao rezultat toga formirana sunova tela unutar CNA – resursna i programska grupa, čiji je zadatak da način funkcionisanja i procesedonošenja ključnih odluka poboljšaju i svima nam olakšaju život. Osim toga, dobar deo našihkapaciteta utrošen je na razne stvari o kojima nećete čitati u ovom izveštaju, jer se nekako smatrada se o tome ne piše, nego se to samo odrađuje. Elem – pisali smo i pravili izveštaje; nastojali danamaknemo novac za aktivnosti; selili se i uređivali oba ureda; pokušavali da dobijemo automobilkoji smo platili; našlo se vremena i za maštanje o novim stvarima koje bismo voleli da radimo; planiralismo nove aktivnosti; sastajali se neprekidno sa veteranskim udruženjima; održavali i ojačavalipartnerstva; sastančili interno i tako dalje, i tako dalje. Burna godina, burna vremena...I pored truda i želje, nismo se održali u istom sastavu. Kolega Nenad Porobić je napustio organizacijui prešao na novo radno mesto. Ovom prilikom mu se iskreno zahvaljujemo na doprinosu kojije dao u organizovanju gore pobrojanih aktivnosti. Timu u Sarajevu se pridružila koleginica JessicaŽic, angažovana kao civil peace worker u okviru projekta koji podržava Nemačko ministarstvo zarazvoj (BMZ). Njeni utisci o prvim mesecima života i rada u Sarajevu deo su ovog izveštaja.Nadamo se da ćemo i u budućnosti uspeti da držimo korak sa društvima u kojima delujemo, teda ćemo o prestanku rada razmišljati prvenstveno onda kada ne bude više bilo potrebe za izgradnjommira na našim prostorima. Radimo na tome.Do sledeće godine.Tim CNA Sarajevo/Beograd

6osnovni treninzi iz izgradnje miraprethodnih godinu dana CNA je organizovao dva desetodnevna,osnovna treninga iz izgradnje mira. Time smoUuspeli da održimo ritam od dva osnovna treninga godišnje,što se poklapa sa našom strateškom odlukom od pre nekolikogodina da postupno smanjujemo broj treninga, a više kapacitetaulažemo u osmišljavanje i sprovođenje drugih (i novih)aktivnosti. I pored toga možemo reći da osnovni treninzi ostajukamen temeljac našeg rada i jedna od naših najprepoznatljivijihaktivnosti (uz rad sa veteranima i dokumentarne filmove).programimirovnogobrazovanjaRelevantnost CNA osnovnog treninga za region bivšeJugoslavijeJako veliki broj prijava koje dobijemo za svaki osnovni trening(poslednji put je stiglo skoro 180 prijava) govori nam daje potreba za ovom vrstom mirovnog obrazovanja u našem regionujoš uvek jako velika. U prilog tome dakako govori i situacijau svim zemljama regiona u kojima delujemo, a o kojimaviše možete čitati u poslednjem poglavlju ovog izveštaja. Ni ujednoj od zemalja regiona mirovno obrazovanje nije institucionalizovano,i nije deo školskog programa. Istini za volju, usvojenisu neki elementi i inkorporirani u predmete kakvo je na primer„Građansko obrazovanje“, no sistematsko i konceptualno jasnoosmišljeno mirovno obrazovanje koje adresira neke od najozbiljnijihdruštveno-političkih problema naših društava još uvekje odgovornost mirovnih grupa i organizacija.Ono što CNA osnovni treninzi iz izgradnje mira pružaju i počemu su verovatno jedinstveni na našim prostorima jeste – konstantnost(organizuju se već skoro 12 godina) i jasna usmerenosti naglasak na prekograničnu saradnju i regionalno povezivanje.Iskustvo nam pokazuje da veliki deo motivacije za prijavljivanjeljudi na ovaj trening leži upravo u prilici koja im se ukazuje da sesretnu i rade 10 dana sa ljudima iz različitih krajeva bivše Jugoslavije.I na taj način naši osnovni treninzi daju doprinos jednoj,ovih dana dosta aktuelnoj temi i na političkoj i na društvenojsceni, a to je pitanje – Šta je nama regija danas? Naše vrednosnousmerenje i (politički) stav po tom pitanju su jasni i o tome govorii naše insistiranje da radimo u čitavoj regiji (osim Slovenije). Zanas je ova regija skup jako povezanih i međuzavisnih konteksta,koji, uprkos svim razlikama od države do države, čine zajedničkogeografsko, kulturno, ekonomsko i političko područje. Zanimljivoje pak analizirati šta regija znači ljudimakoji u poslednje vreme pohađaju našetreninge. Za one nešto starije (grubo rečeno35 godina i više) ta regija je i mesto sećanja,i mesto susreta, i podloga za građenje nekih(starih) identiteta. Za mlađe generacijeprimetno je da je to pre skup manje ili višeegzotičnih mesta o kojima se malo zna osimonoga što nađe put do dnevno-političkih iliestradno-sportskih vesti. Veliki je izazov stogatematizirati na neophodnost povezivanja,dijaloga i izgradnje dobrosusedskih odnosa,ali i suočavanja sa nasilnom prošlošću uovom regionu, na način koji će biti primereni shvatljiv generacijski, profesionalno i vrednosnovrlo različitim ljudima.Kada ramišljamo o društveno-političkimproblemima naših društava možemo reći dasmo i na poslednjim osnovnim treninzimanastojali da u najvećoj mogućoj meri „ispratimo“potrebe i prilagodimo koncept treningaaktuelnoj situaciji. Možemo sa ponosomreći i da smo u tome dosta uspešni, i daneki politički impulsi koje poslednjih meseciprimamo od vrhova vlasti Srbije, BiH, Hrvatske1 govore da naše fokusiranje na temesuočavanja sa prošlošću i izgradnje miranije nikako bilo promašeno. Insistiranjem naovim temama i njihovom jasnom teorijskometodološkomuokvirivanju mi šaljemoporuku gde vidimo prioritet u mirovnomradu na našim prostorima, a istovremenose značajno distanciramo od mora drugihprograma u regiji koji su fokusirani gotovoisključivo na sticanje različitih veština i samounapređivanje.1U smislu otvorenijeg i konstruktivnijeg odnosa prema odgovornosti sopstvene strane za zločine i nedela iz poslednjih ratova.

7Ko se prijavljuje, ko učestvuje na osnovnimtreninzima?Srž našeg pristupa mirovnom obrazovanju jesteda izgradnja mira počinje od sebe, sa ličnog nivoa,ali da se njena svrhovitost ostvaruje tek kada ličnepromene i spoznaje svojim aktivizmom prenesemo ina društveni nivo. Nije nevažno ni naglasiti, s obziromna primećenu rastuću važnost „bildanja“ CV-jeva, današ osnovni trening prednost daje aktivističkom nadakademskim iskustvom, a spremnost na (samo)preispitivanjei refleksiju vrednuje daleko više od naučenihfloskula o demokratiji, toleranciji, civilnom društvu,euro-atlantskim integracijama i tako dalje. Zbog togaje on mnogo više kreiran za one koji su spremni daprodrmaju svoje stavove i vrednosti i nešto konkretnorade u svojim sredinama, nego za one kojima je potrebansertifikat o učešću da ukrasi životopis i pomognepri traženju posla u nekoj međunarodnoj agenciji.Sve više ratnih veterana se prijavljuje na osnovnetreninge, a primetno je i jako veliko interesovanje ljudizaposlenih u obrazovnim institucijama, kao i medijima.To nas jako raduje, posebno s obzirom na naš utisak daveć neko duže vreme nevladine organizacije nisu prvaadresa sa koje stiže entuzijazam, kreativnost i volja zadruštvenom promenom. Stoga se valja fokusirati nadruge potencijale, ma kako neočekivani oni mogli izgledati(kao što je slučaj sa grupom veterana).Geografski gledano, zanimljivo je nekoliko tendencija.Sve više kvalitetnih, originalnih prijava dobijamo izHrvatske, iako je pre 3-4 godine izgledalo da je interesovanjetamo za naš trening potpuno zamrlo. Interesse povećava i kod ljudi iz BiH, mada još uvek jako maloHrvata/ica iz BiH aplicira. Iz Makedonije takođe stižedosta prijava i raduje nas što je to izašlo iz standardnihNVO-malo rad – malo turizam okvira. Kada je Srbija upitanju interes je veliki, ali prijave liče jedna na drugukao jaje jajetu i skoro u potpunosti odražavaju dominantandnevno-političko-NVO jezik. I dalje imamoproblem s malim brojem prijava ljudi sa Kosova i CrneGore, mada se trudimo da treninge organizujemo uregijama/državama u koje ljudi s kosovskim pasošimamogu nesmetano putovati, pa je jedan od razlogazašto su i ova dva treninga organizirana u Crnoj Goriupravo taj. Zanimljivo je napomenuti da nam je brojprijava iz Crne Gore drastično opao od proglašenja samostalnostite države. Svakako su sve ove tendencijepovezane sa pomeranjima na političkoj sceni i bilo bijako zanimljivo u nekom drugom tekstu pobliže analiziratitu povezanost.I za kraj ovog uvodnog teksta o osnovnim treninzimanaglasili bismo da su po dosadašnjim iskustvimai saznanjima koja imamo, osnovni treninzi odigralivažnu ulogu za mnoge ljude što se tiče osnaživanja,poticaja i podrške za prepoznavanje vlastitih kapacitetai moći da se uključe u mnoge lokalne inicijativerada na izgradnji mira i suočavanja s prošlosti u celomregionu.To nam daje osjećaj važnosti onoga što radimo imotivaciju da nastavimo dalje.T.Š.osnovni trening iz izgradnje mira u ulcinjuUlcinj, 23. 10 – 02. 11. 2009.Bio je ovo trideset prvi Osnovni trening iz izgradnjemira (nekada nenasilne razrade konflikta) koji jeorganizovan od strane CNA. U trenerskom timu subili/e: Helena Rill, Nedžad Horozović, Sanja Deankovići Nenad Porobić.Osnovni treninzi su se do sada menjali tematski,

9za rad na izgradnji mira i suočavanju s prošlošću (krozviše teorijskih inputa i jasnije podcrtavanje povezan ostiličnog i društvenog nivoa djelovanja u radu na izgradnjimira, te teorijski okvir za razumijevanje različitihnivoa rada na suočavanju s prošlošću radi jasnijeg sagledavanjavažnosti uloge i odgovornosti pojedinca/keu tim procesima). Isto tako nastojali smo da ostavimodovoljno prostora za rad na temama izgradnja mira,nenasilje i nenasilna akcija kako bi ljudi imali priliku dasami promišljaju mogućnosti djelovanja i da se kroz toosnaže i potaknu na konkretan angažman u zajednici.U grupi je bilo puno otvorenosti i spremnosti dase radi na sebi i preispitivanju vlastitih stavova kao ispremnosti nekih ljudi da jako emotivno i duboko uđuu propitivanje sebe i vlastitih pozicija u zabetoniranimdruštvenim nepravdama koje postaju „normalne“ isve manje propitivane u društvima u kojima živimo.Ono što smo detektirali je da nam je nedostajalo višerada na temi strukturnog i kulturnog nasilja u našimdruštvima. Kao zadatak za naredne treninge nam ostajeiznaći način kako šire i dublje obraditi tu temu.Iako je u grupi bilo dosta ljudi aktivnih u političkimpartijama, pogotovo iz Srbije, nedostajalo nam je njihovoizraženije prisustvo u procesu iz pozicije njihovogpolitičkog opredjeljenja. Ostaje nam da osmislimonačin kako da potaknemo ljude da preuzmu odgovornostza priču na tom nivou i za preispitivanje i kritikuvlastite političke opcije za stanje u društvu/društvima.Značajan fokus treninga, osim izgradnje mira isuočavanja s prošlošću, bilo je i nenasilje i vrijednostinenasilja, kao i oprobavanje u osmišljavanju nenasilnihakcija što je mnogim ljudima bio poticaj i ohrabrenje zapromišljanje o mogućnostima djelovanja kada se vrateu svoje sredine. Bez obzira što su ove teme obrađeneu posljednja dva bloka bilo je dovoljno energije i željeza ozbiljni rad.Bio je ovo inspirativan trening s dosta ljudi sa potencijalomza konkretan angažman u svojim društvima.Nadamo se da ćemo s mnogima od njih ostati u kontaktui da ćemo imati priliku raditi zajedno na našimprogramima naprednog mirovnog obrazovanja.S.D.

10aktivnostina poljusuočavanjasa prošlošćukonferencija „susjedi, a ne neprijatelji“Sarajevo, 22 – 26.04.2010.Po prvi put u trinaest godina postojanja organizacije,CNA tim je organizovao regionalnu konferencijuna temu pomirenja. Ono što smo godinama propitivali,definisali, promišljali kroz brojne naše druge programe,sada je uokvireno u vidu ovog četvorodnevnogdešavanja održanog u aprilu, u sarajevskom hotelu„Saraj“. Aktivnost je organizovana kao deo projekta„Izgradnja mira na Zapadnom Balkanu – od normalizacije,do pomirenja“, koji CNA realizuje u partnerstvusa Miramida Centrom iz Grožnjana. Na neki način,ova konferencija je bila, ponešto formalniji, nastavakprošlogodišnjih „Miramidana – dana izgradnje mira“sa sličnom tematikom.Program konferencije ponudio je sadržinsku imetodološku raznovrsnost, ne gubeći iz vida neophodnostza jasnim fokusom i okvirom u komerazgovaramo. Tako su u okviru programa plenarnihsesija ponuđena uvodna izlaganja na teme: Viktimizacijakao prepreka pomirenju; Uloga ratnih veteranau procesu pomirenja; Mediji i pomirenje. Radioničarskideo bio je zamišljen kao otvoren prostor za postavljanjeonih pitanja koja često preskačemo, ili ih smatramosamorazumljivima - Što je nama regija danas; Kolikokošta to što radimo; Kog su roda rat i pomirenje; Kakoinicijativu za REKOM vide veterani? Poseban segmentprograma konferencije bio je okrugli sto sa temomTreba li nam pomirenje u regiji?.Konferencija je okupila preko šezdeset učesnika/caiz Bosne i Hercegovine, Srbije i Hrvatske. Tako su se,verovatno po prvi put na jednom javnom događajuna ovu temu, jedni pored drugih našli bivši borci,a ktivisti/ce, teoretičari/ke i istraživači/ce, novinari/ke,političari/ke. Ljudi različitih profesionalnih i životnih,pa i vrednosnih usmerenja imali su tako priliku datokom četiri dana diskutuju i razmene svoja viđenjaprocesa pomirenja i suočavanja sa prošlošću na prostorimabivše Jugoslavije. Bez pritisaka donošenja isforsiranihzaključaka i usaglašavanja, i bez nametnutogočekivanja za proizvođenjem takozvanih „zajedničkihkonkretnih aktivnosti“, respektabilna grupa iskusnihljudi je jednostavno razgovarala i učila tokom plenarnihsesija, radionica i pauza.Glavni tematski fokus konferencije bio je procespomirenja u bivšoj Jugoslaviji koga smo hteli da propitamo,(re)definišemo, sagledamo sa različitih aspekata.Sam pojam pomirenja kao po pravilu izaziva kontroverze,on je apstraktan, a često i previše „elastičan“.Osećajući potrebu za konkretizacijom i sistematizacijom,hteli smo potaknuti kritičko propitivanjepostojećih koncepata i modela, kao i pristupa njihovihnosilaca/nositeljki. Ideja je bila da se, bez dodatnebanalizacije i posezanja za receptima tipa „za nekogasve, za svakoga ponešto“, pokušaju kritički propitatidosadašnje prakse, pa čak (posebno onda!) kada topodrazumeva i kritiku sopstvenog pristupa.Još jedan fokus se na neki način „nametnuo“ tokom

11konferencije. Radi se o ulozi i mogućem doprinosuratnih veterana procesima pomirenja, suočavanja saprošlošću i izgradnje mira. Iako je samo jedna sesija biladirektno posvećena ovoj temi, samo prisustvo brojnihratnih veterana iz različitih vojski i udruženja uticalo jena to da uloga ove grupe bude stalno „na dnevnomredu“ konferencije. Time smo, ponešto neočekivano,dobili priliku za odvijanje jednog paralelnog procesakoji nije bio u glavnoj agendi konferencije. Radi senaime o procesu senzibilizacije (i ratnih veterana i aktivista/ca)– jednih na druge. Ne gajimo iluziju da seevidentno postojeći jaz time radikalno smanjio, ali nemožemo da se zadovoljno ne nasmešimo na činjenicuda smo značajno doprineli tome da predstavniciboračke populacije postanu uobičajeni akteri ne samoovakvih dešavanja, već i šireg procesa pomirenja.Nakon svega, ono čime smo posebno zadovoljnijeste veliki odaziv kolega/ica iz različitih branši na našpoziv za učestvovanje na konferenciji, kao i veomadobar odaziv predstavnika/ca medija koji su pratilii izveštavali sa konferencije. Iako je za CNA ovo bioiskorak iz uobičajenog načina rada i, na neki način, putu nepoznato, shvatili smo da smo dorasli ovakvomzadatku jer potreba za ovom vrstom povezivanja irazmene definitivno postoji. Samo što je većina nasili previše umorna od „beskrajne priče“ ili zabavljenasopstvenim aktivnostima i projektima. Povratna informacijakoju smo dobili nakon konferencije nas ohrabrujeda nastavimo u ovom pravcu, a na svima namaje da prostor između ove i neke sledeće slične konferencijeispunimo predanim i odgovornim radom naovom polju.Za više informacija o programu, sadržaju diskusijai izlaganja, te osvrtu učesnika/ca na neka od ključnihpitanja, možete pogledati brošuru sa konferencije kojaje dostupna na linku:http://www.nenasilje.org/publikacije/pdf/CNA_Susjedi.a.ne.neprijatelji.pdf.T.Š.

15kao jedne od rijetkih sredina u BiH u kojoj postojenaznake suživota bez jasne većine jednog naroda igdje svi dijele prostor i društvenu stvarnost sa jednakihpozicija moći. Tako da sa simboličke strane posjetaBrčkom ima poseban značaj jer smo uspjeli zajednoda obiđemo mjesta stradanja sva tri naroda i da otome otvoreno razgovaramo i odamo poštu žrtvama.To nam je olakšala i činjenica da već neko vrijemepostoji dosta dobra saradnja među lokalnim organizacijamaboraca i oni često zajedno nastupaju spramvlasti u borbi za svoje potrebe i prava. Mislimo da ih jeova inicijativa dodatno osnažila da ubuduće zajednomogu i da se bave suočavanjem sa ratnom prološćuna konstruktivan način. Humanizacija slike „neprijatelja“kroz spoznaju o gubitku i patnji, zatim pijetetprema žrtvama onih „sa druge strane“, otvaraju prostoru kome su strah i neprijateljstvo značajno smanjeni.Ovakve vrste aktivnosti prilika su za neophodnidruštveni dijalog. Putem ovakvih susreta šaljemo jasnuporuku svim nivoima društva o potrebi za drugačijompolitičkom artikulacijom odnosa prema prošlosti.Ovo jesu simbolički snažne akcije koje potiču smanjivanjeneprijateljstva i etničke distance. One potičui promišljanje o političkim alternativama i olakšavajupolitičkim liderima da i oni sami naprave iskorake uovom pravcu (npr. polaganje cvijeća predsjednikaJosipovića i Tadića u Vukovaru, posjeta BiH od stranepredsjednika Hrvatske Josipovića, itd.)Podrškom medija smo samo djelimično zadovoljni.Iako smo poslali pozive raznim medijima u BiH odazvalose samo nekoliko lokalnih i regionalnih TV i radiostanica i novinara/ki. Od javnih emitera odazvali su seRTRS i BHT. Želja nam je bila da prisustvo medija budemnogo izraženije, ali očigledno je potrebno direktnijelobiranje među novinarima kada su ovakve aktivnosti upitanju. Na žalost, izgleda da je mnogim medijima jošuvijek interesantnije da prikazuju loše vijesti i nasilneincidente nego duboke i važne poruke pomirenja iistinsko odavanje pošte žrtvama.Tokom ovih posjeta snimili smo dosta video i audiomaterijala i nadamo se da ćemo u narednom periodunapraviti neki vjerodostojan dokument koji imamonamjeru prikazivati u regiji na različitim medijima,ukoliko uspijemo da dopremo do njih, naravno.Na završnom sastanku koji smo održali u Šamcumoglo se čuti veliko zadovoljstvo svih učesnika što subili dio ove, za izgradnju mira u regiji, važne priče ijasnu želju da se nastavi sa ovakvim inicijativama.Za kraj, evo izjave jednog od učesnika koja moždanajbolje opisuje atmosferu ovih susreta i teme o kojimasmo tokom njih razgovarali:“Zahvaljujem svima u CNA što su nas okupili, kao idomaćinima na gostoprimstvu. Zahvalan sam M. štopotencira obilježje na 13. kilometru pošto su tamo stradalimoji zemljaci. Meni je danas bilo teško. U spomensobi sam vidio amblem brigade koja je iz mog mjesta,amblem koji je tu stigao silom, koji je skinut s mrtvogčovjeka. Zahvaljujem se A. što je o tome progovorio.Niko nije zaslužio da bude zvjerski mučen, pa ni zarobljeniborci. O 13. kilometru sam čuo od jednog časnogdoktora iz Prnjavora. To nisu mučili Muslimani, to sumučili neljudi. Nisu radili ono što je u vjeri i tradicijimuslimanskog naroda. Moj brat je bio na drugom brdu.Vidio sam da tamo ima ljudi iz raznih mjesta koji supoginuli. Ovaj rat nikom nije donio dobrog. Još jednomse zahvaljujem svima, kao i ljudima koje vidim prvi put.”A.H.okrugli sto „uloga i doprinos veterana u procesu pomirenja“Gornji Vakuf /Uskoplje, 18.09.2010.Na inicijativu Udruženja veterana Armije BiH,,Goranovi“ iz Gornjeg Vakufa/Uskoplja, uz podrškuCNA, povodom 21. septembra Međunarodnog danamira, organizovana je posjeta ovom mjestu u sklopukoje je održan okrugli sto na temu ,,Uloga i doprinosveterana u procesu pomirenja“. Pored toga or-

16ganizovan je i razgovor s mladim aktivistima/cama ivoditeljima/cama Centra za mlade Gornji Vakuf/Uskoplje.Dio grupe su činili veterani rata iz BiH (FBiH i RS),Srbije i Hrvatske koji su sudjelovali na CNA treninguza učesnike ratova i članovi udruženja boraca (HVO iArmije BiH) iz Gornjeg Vakufa /Uskoplja.Gornji Vakuf/Uskoplje je gradić u srednjoj Bosni ukojem je tokom rata (1992 - 1995.) vođen rat izmeđuArmije BiH i HVO. Grad je bio podijeljen na dva dijela ipretrpio je velika razaranja. Nakon završetka rata „zatrpane“su linije razdvajanja i obnovljeni su objekti iinfrastruktura, ali podjeljenost na bošnjački i hrvatskidio je ostala i jako je vidljiva i dan danas. Upravo zbogtoga ovaj susret bivših boraca je imao za cilj da potaknedijalog među bivšim suprostavljenim stranama,kao podsticaj ostalim građanima/kama i novim generacijamana uspostavljanje dijaloga, povjerenja, tolerancijei obnovi ljudskih odnosa u tom mjestu.Ova neformalna mješovita grupa veterana imavolju i motivaciju da učestvuje i potiče različite mirovneakcije ukazujući na to da su, kao direktni učesnici ratakoji su bili na različitim stranama, s različitim nacionalnim,vjerskim i bilo kojim drugim identitetom, spremnibiti od onih ljudi koji potiču na mir, pomirenje i uspostavljanjedijaloga. Na okruglom stolu koji je održanu prostorijama Skupštine opštine grada, najviše serazgovaralo o potrebi uključivanja veterana iz lokalnezajednice u saradnju sa veteranima iz regije u procesepomirenja i dijaloga. Kod lokalnih članova HVO udrugakoji su prisustvovali sastanku, postojala je određenarezerva i oprez spram ovakvih ideja, ali se kroz razgovori prijateljsku atmosferu uspjelo doći do prijedlogada je potrebno nastaviti ovakve susrete i dogovorao zajedničkoj poruci učesnika skupa povodommeđunarodnog dana mira u kojem se naglašava željaza gradnjom trajnog mira na ovim prostorima. Bitnoje i napomenuti da je nekoliko članova HVO udrugaotkazalo svoje učesće u ovoj aktivnosti zbog, kako jenam je rečeno, „parlamentarnih izbora i nezgodnogpolitičkog trenutka“. To nam ukazuje prije svega daje potrebno uložiti još truda u pridobijanje povjerenjakod lokalnih veteranskih udruženja i pojedinaca zakonkretnije uključivanje u ovakve aktivnosti. Ovaj susretse može gledati kao veliki korak u tome pravcu.Poslije zajedničkog ručka i šetnje po gradu,upriličen je razgovor s mladima u Omladinskom CentruGVU. Ovaj razgovor s mladima i viđenje njihovogsvakodnevnog životnog iskustva je bio veoma potresani emotivan. Veterani iz grupe su imali neposrednupriliku da čuju iskustva mladih ljudi koji, nakon štosu proživjeli rat kao djeca, imaju iskustvo odrastanjau podijeljenoj zajednici. Kao takvi, danas se nose zaraznim vidovima diskriminacije, pritisaka i strahova.Kroz ovaj razgovor, mogla se osjetiti tragedija rata injegov transgeneracijski uticaj i posljedice na životemladih ljudi.Nadamo se da ćemo opet posjetiti Gornji Vakuf/Uskoplje uskoro u sličnoj postavi i nastaviti sa ovakviminicijativama. Lokalni ljudi su nam ukazali da im jeizuzetno značajno i važno organizovanje ovakvih susretai da na ovakav način dobijaju podršku za naporeu organizovanju života u njihovoj sredini.Sam događaj je popraćen od strane HRT- a i prikazanje prilog u sklopu njihovog programa što smatramoizuzetno važnim. Na našu žalost oni su, izuzevlokalnih web portala, jedini medij koji se odazvaonašem pozivu i popratio ovaj događaj.A.H.

17dokumentarnifilmovi ipublikacijeprojekcije filma“isprekidana crta” u makedonijiSkoplje, Prilep, Kumanovo, Novembar 2009 – Januar 2010.Tokom novembra 2009. i januara 2010. godine smo uMakedoniji organizirali tri projekcije dokumentarnog filma“Isprekidana crta” (snimanog 2008. godine) autora NenadaVukosavljevića, u produkciji Centra za nenasilnu akciju.“Isprekidana crta” (“Испрекината црта” / “Linja e ndërprerë”)je četvrti film serijala simuliranih dijaloga i bavi se odnosimaizmeđu Albanaca/ki i Makedonaca/ki u Makedoniji. Ovajfilm sadrži intervjue sa osobama čiji glasovi ne pronalaze putdo javnog prostora, uspostavljajući komunikaciju među njimai podstičući otvorenije međuetničko sagledavanje bolnogiskustva konflikta iz 2001. godine, njegove uzroke i posljedice.Planirali/e smo organizirati tri projekcije (skopsku, prilepskui kumanovsku), ali smo tokom prvog, novembarskog,ciklusa realizirali/e skopsku (12.11.) i prilepsku (14.11.). Kumanovskuprojekciju smo prvobitno otkazali/e usljed organizacionihproblema. Pošto nam je važno da se projekcijeorganizuju zajedno s osobama koje su aktivne u lokalnimsredinama, kumanovska je na inicijativu novog lokalnog partnera,inače aktera filma i bivšeg borca Predraga Petruševskog– Binga, bila održana u januaru 2010.Organizaciju sve tri projekcije nadgledali su i koordinisaliLuan Imeri i Gordana Pirkovska Zmijanac.Skopskoj projekciji, koja je organizirana zajedno sMeđašima – prvom dječjom ambasadom na svijetu (www.childrensembassy.org.mk) i Luanom Imerijem (akterom ufilmu) je prisustvovalo pedesetak osoba, od kojih su osambili novinari/ke. U jednosatnom razgovoru s publikom (naalbanskom, makedonskom i srpskom jeziku s obezbjeđenimsimultanim prijevodom) koji je slijedio su sudjelovali KadriHaxhihamza i Ana Bitoljanu (akter i akterka filma), NenadVukosavljević i Gordana Pirkovska-Zmijanackoja ju je moderirala. Nakon što su iznesenimotivi za učestvovanje u ovom filmu, slijedila jediskusija u kojoj su se pominjala iskustva tokomkonflikta, važnost prihvatanja “drugih” i stavljanjau njihovu ulogu, tolerancija i različitost.Nekoliko osoba je izrazilo potrebu da se sličnifilmovi češće snimaju, kao i da se put ovoganastavi u medijima i obrazovnim institucijama.Pošto se u publici našao i znatan broj osobakoje su aktivne u nevladinom sektoru, razmatralase i uloga građanskog sektora u procesupomirenja za koji se procijenilo da je još uvijekdaleko i da zahtijeva mnogo više truda, kao irada s ljudima koji su izvan tih krugova. Diskutovalose i stvaranje uslova za povratak izbjeglihi prognanih lica kojih je još uvijek veliki brojdiljem Makedonije. Na opasku višeg policijskogsavjetnika (koji je najavio da će film koristititokom akademske obuke pripravnika/camultietničkih jedinica makedonske policije) dase trebaju u prvi plan staviti “pozitivni” pri mjerikomunikacije a “negativnim” uskratiti prostor,autor filma je zaključio da se pomirenje ipraštanje ne smiju forsirati, kao i da se realnostne bi smjela lažirati i da se moramo suočiti sonim što nas najviše boli i stvoriti prostor zaiskrenu komunikaciju na konstruktivan način.Prilepska projekcija je organizirana zajednos lokalnim partnerima iz “Mirovne akcije”

18(www.mirovnaakcija.org). U jednosatnom razgovorus publikom su sudjelovali/e Aleksandar Markov (jošjedan akter filma), Ana Bitoljanu, Luan Imeri i NenadVukosavljević, a moderirao ju je Goran Taleski.Posjećenost je bila na razini skopske, ali primjetno jebilo da su ovaj put prisustvovale osobe van nevladinogsektora, spremne da porazgovaraju o temama kojesmatraju lično bolnim i problematičnim. Direktnostidiskusije je doprinijelo i nekoliko veterana makedonskihbezbjednosnih snaga koji su učestvovali u konfliktu.Iskazala se želja da se priča o događajima iz 2001.godine na drugačiji način od političara/ki, potreba zaobjelodanjivanjem zločina, kao i osjećaj zategnutostii nesigurnosti koji hrane različite i protivrječne interpretacijekonflikta. Adresirani su međuetnički odnosii podjele, trenutni politički problemi, sukobi oko jezika,etničkih i državnih znamenja i njihovih upotreba,kao i različita viđenja Ohridskog sporazuma kojim suzaustavljene oružane borbe. Veterani su iznijeli svojaviđenja rata kao i motivacije za učešće u njemu, nezadovoljstvodržavnim odnosom spram njih i ocijenili suda je film pozitivan primjer bavljenja temama koje suod suštinskog značaja za poboljšanje međuetničkihodnosa u Makedoniji i sprečavanje nasilja. Takođerje vidljiva bila motivacija prisutnih da traže Luanovomišljenje o raznim temama što ukazuje na manjak svakodnevnemeđuetničke komunikacije u Prilepu.Predrag Petruševski - Bingo, makedonski veterankoji je film primio vrlo emotivno i entuzijastično, je izrazioželju da se kumanovska promocija održi u njegovojorganizaciji 15. januara 2010. u Kulturnom domu.Publika je pokazala veliko interesovanje za ovuprojekciju (prisustvovalo je oko 150 osoba, primjetanje bio znatan broj mladih, kao i veterana makedonskihbezbjednosnih snaga i nekoliko veterana albanskeOslobodilačke nacionalne armije) nakon kojeje slijedio pedesetominutni razgovor na albanskom,makedonskom i srpskom jeziku s publikom, u kojemsu učestvovali Goran Petruševski – Bingo, Luan Imeri,Nenad Vukosavljević uz moderaciju i konsekutivni prijevodSafeta Ballazhija.U razgovoru su sudjelovali/e: direktna žrtva konflikta,iskazujući svakodnevni bol i tugu koju osjeća zasvojim mužem koji je stradao i tražeći odgovore koji bidali smisao tom gubitku; veteran koji je zatražio oprostod svih žrtava konflikta; mirovni aktivista koji je naglasiovažnost lične i kolektivne odgovornosti za zajedničkoodavanje pošte svim žrtvama rata; političar (“nažalost,nije bio u mogućnosti da doprinese razrješavanju krizeiz 2001. godine”), koji je tražio odgovore na pitanjakoja se otvaraju u filmu i postavljao svoja (nudeći svojeinterpretacije izjava u filmu njegovog kolege političaraiz druge etničke grupe); kao i osobe iz zajednice kojesu izrazile frustraciju etničkim političkim podjelamai sukobima i međusobnom isključivošću različitihpolitičkih opcija koje uvjetuju svakodnevne podjele ugradu i društvu.Da u medijskom prostoru u Makedoniji nedostajepodsticaja za izgradnju mira putem otvaranja komunikacijeo međuetničkom nasilju iz prošlosti (da li jeprepoznavanje tog nedostatka znak urgentnosti?) namje pokazala i prikazivanost filma na televizijskim stanicama.Prikazan je na dvojezičnom ALSAT-M kanalu,kao i na državnim kanalima MTV1 (makedonski jezik)i MTV2 (albanski jezik). Film je na ALSAT-M prikazanu okviru emisije u kojoj su učestvovali borci sa makedonskei albanske strane u prvom javnom dijalogu tevrste od završetka konflikta. Luan Imeri je također gostovaou gledanoj političkoj emisiji na kanalu TV5 kojase bavila tolerancijom i tokom koje su puštani insertiiz filma.Film je imao odjeka i u veteranskim krugovima. Dannakon prilepske projekcije se održao sastanak makedonskeveteranske udruge “Dostoinstvo” čija je jednaod dvije tačke dnevnog reda bila diskusija o filmu.Fond za otvoreno društvo u Makedoniji je zapotrebe svojih tribina koje se bave budućnošću Makedonijeizrazio želju da film umnoži u sto primjeraka išalje kao resurs.Naši partneri u Makedoniji i mi smo vrlo osnaženiprodukcijom i projekcijama “Isprekidane crte”. Podstaknutismo za dalji rad, kao i za neki vid daljnjesaradnje.Citati s projekcija:“Ja sigurno ne bih željela nikome da se ponovi,vjerujte mi. Nikome da se ne dogodi ovo. Nikome. Janajviše želim da ova država bude stabilna. To najvišeželim zato što imam dva djeteta koji trebaju da živeovdje. To najviše želim. I nikome, nikome, da se ne desiponovo ovo što se desilo. I, također moram da kažem, jasam sigurna da moj muž nije ubio nikoga, moj muž jebio vozač, mehaničar. Nije s puškom pucao na frontu.”“Očigledno je čitav ovaj rad postigao jedan od ciljevasamim tim što smo se ovdje skupili da razgovaramoo ovim stvarima. Da otvoreno razgovaramo o ovojtemi. Drugi cilj koji je postignut je taj što ja, kao direktniučesnik u vojnim dejstvima, sada govorim za mir. Zasuživot, za poštovanje, za poštovanje razlika. Ta ideja jejedna od ideja ovog filma. Da mi, svi ljudi, počnemo darazgovaramo međusobno, da znamo ra-zlike...”N.P.

19o knjizi usmenih istorija “slike tih vremena”Zbirka usmenih istorija učesnika/ca ratova i članova/ica njihovih porodica ”Slike tih vremena” izlazi izštampe krajem jeseni 2010. Dalje u tekstu možete dapročitate nešto više o samoj ideji i sadržini knjige.Iz predgovora knjizi... Ono što smo želeli ovom knjigom usmenih istorijajeste da na jednom mestu sakupimo i objavimopriče učesnika/ca ratova, ratnih veterana/ki, ali i civila,članova, a posebno članica njihovih porodica. Naovakav koncept odlučili smo se vođeni jakim utiskomda se rat u našim društvima najčešće doživljava kao“muška” stvar, o kojoj samo muškarci – ratnici, brani-telji– imaju šta da kažu. Perspektiva žena koje suratove preživele i kroz njih prošle nanajrazličitije načine, po pravilu je ostajalau zapećku i po strani. Rad na ovojknjizi potvrdio je naše staro uverenjeda prikazivanje niti muške niti ženskeperspektive nikada nije homoge-noi jednoznačno. Kao što objavljeni intervjuipokazuju, iskustva i životne pričesu različite i višeslojne. Zbog toga jenemoguće povući jasnu granicu izmeđutih perspektiva a da se ne posegne zaesencijalizmima, tako dragim patrijarhalnomnačinu mišljenja gde se tačno“zna” šta ko treba da radi i šta je čijauloga. Suprotno tome, u ovoj knjizi ćetemoći da pročitate i priču jedne veteranke, kao i pričumuškarca koji nije nosio oružje, ali čiji je otac u ratusmrtno stradao.Fokus ove knjige su ratovi, vođeni tokom devedestihgodina na ovim bivšejugoslovenskim prostorima,s posebnim osvrtom na ratove od 1991. do 1995.godine. Međutim, kako su lične priče isprepletene sakolektivnim narativima, tako su prožete i sećanjima naratove iz ranijih, ali i kasnijih perioda… Poseban osvrtje posvećen trouglu Srbija – Bosna i Hercegovina – Hrvatska,mada se čuje odjek i drugih prostora, posebnoKosova. Drugi svetski rat se na više mesta pominje uličnim pričama i prepliće s ratovima devedestih. Iakosu ratovi fokus ove knjige, u pričama se može pročitatii kako se živelo i pre i posle rata, kako je izgledala svakodnevicaovih ljudi i socijalni aspekt njihovih života…Naš rad na prikupljanju usmenih istorija je naodređeni način nastavak onoga što su na ovom poljupre nas radile neke druge organizacije, od kojih bismoposebno izdvojili jako vredan rad Dokumentacionogcentra Ratovi 1991-1999. Međutim, posebnost oveknjige i našeg pristupa jeste da su intervjue sakupljalii vodili bivši ratni veterani/ke i mirovni aktivisti/kinje,predstavnici/e dve društvene grupe koje su najčešće usukobu, uz međusobna etiketiranja, pa i otvoren prezir.Svi razgovori su vođeni u leto/jesen 2009. nakonodržane trodnevne obuke na kojoj je učestvovalo trinaestosoba – veterana/ki i aktivista/kinja. Priprema zasamo intervjuisanje je bila pažljivo osmišljena i izvedena,u skladu sa standardima koji postoje na polju prikupljanjausmenih istorija. Na kraju smo dobili dvadesetintervjua od jedanaest intervjuera/ki. Svi intervjuisu verno transkribovani i pohranjeni su u arhivu, a uknjizi su se našli oni, po našem mišljenju,najupečatljiviji.Bilo je izazovno raditi na ovoj knjizi,sakupljati priče, ponekad teško odlučitida li neku ličnu priču uvrstiti ili ne, čitatina jednom mestu kako su se ljudi nosili sratom i njegovim posledicama. I posrednoosetiti mnoge lične gubitke, bilo dase radi o gubitku nečije kuće, zdravlja,bliskih ljudi… Kako kaže jedan od govornika,Žuna: Rat razara od vrha vlasina glavi do malog prsta dole, duše, svegaživog... Sa druge strane iz ovih životnihpriča moguće je iščitati i autentičnost,jednostavnost, brigu za druge, ljubav,kao i mnoge druge emocije koje ne mogu a da vasne taknu. Lične priče i lična razumevanja su važan deoizgradnje mira. Ova zbirka ličnih priča je naš doprinosširenju prostora za razmenu ličnih iskustava bez koganam se, verujemo, šanse za međusobno istinsko i ljudskorazumevanje jako smanjuju.Iako su ovo lične priče običnih ljudi kako kažeAga-Pop, jedan od govornika, u svojoj priči, iz njihje moguće prepoznati i kolektivne narative prožetetraumama davnije i skorije prošlosti. Iako namera oveknjige nije da pruži materijal za analizu etničkih/kolektivnihnarativa ipak je od njih nemoguće pobeći i oniprožimaju i oblikuju lične priče i iskustva na sličan načinna koji oblikuju i utiču na naša društva. U određenim seslučajevima ipak ta moć kolektivnog narativa potpunoizgubi pred snagom lične priče.Nadamo se da će ova knjiga biti čitana otvorenogsrca i da će priče ljudi biti tretirane sa pokušajem razumevanjaumesto tako česte osude i odbacivanja.H.R.

20u saradnjisa drugimorganizacijamatreća mirovna akademijaSarajevo, 18 – 27.07.2010.Ovog leta je Franjevački studentski dom u Sarajevu,već treći put uzastopno, postao mesto okupljanjaza otprilike 60 učesnika/ca iz cele bivše Jugoslavije,kao i Nemačke, Irske, Turske, SAD, Velike Britanije.Među učesnicima/ama je ove godine bilo aktivista/ica,teoretičara/ki, novinara/ki, zaposlenih na fakultetima iškolama, a jedan od tri ponuđena kursa pohađao je iponeki ratni veteran.Kada je tim od sedmoro ljudi iz četiri organizacije(pored CNA, tu su još bie i kolege/ice iz Nansen DijalogCentra Sarajevo, MCC ureda za jugoistočnu Evropu,Terce iz Sarajeva) pre skoro pet godina započeo planiranjeove aktivnosti, opisali smo ono što smo želeli danapravimo kao „mesto susreta“. Pomalo smo bili svesniizvesne potrošenosti tih reči, ali nas je ka njima ipakvukla potreba i osećaj da nam nekako manjka mestasusreta i mesta za refleksiju. Ako ništa drugo, nakon triorganizovane Mirovne Akademije postigli smo upravoto – da ljudi žele da dođu i susretnu se, misle i kritičkipropituju svet u kome živimo.Ove godine je organizacioni tim MA ponudio trikursa (dva na SHB i jedan na engleskom jeziku):• Religija i nacionalizam, voditelja VjekoslavaPerice• Razumijevanje elemenata kolektivnog nasilja imasovnih zločina i njihovih posljedica, koji su vodiliVlasta Jalušič i Tonči Kuzmanić• Memory ant its role in Conflict and Conflict Transformationvoditeljice Orli FridmanPrimljeno je do sada najviše aplikacija (blizu 180),a razlog tome je (osim činjenice da su prethodne dvebile odlična reklama) i veći trud koji je organizacionitim uložio u promociju Treće MA. Tako su ljudi pozivani,osim uobičajenog slanja poziva na mail, i preko banerapostavljenih na neke od najčitanijih alternativnih webportala u regiji, a na Kosovu, u Prištini, je upriličena ipromocija ovog programa kojoj je prisustvovalo nekihpedesetak zainteresovanih.Kursevi su, prema oceni učesnika/ca bili dostapoticajni i kvalitetni. Zamerke su se uglavnom odnosilena metodološku jednoobraznost, pa i neadekvatnostu pojedinim momentima (malo diskusija, ilipreviše diskusija; malo teorije ili previše teorije – uzavisnosti od ukusa i afiniteta). Dobici su, čini se, brojni.Ljudi se ja vljaju, misle i pišu. Ove godine je nakonAkademije pristigao najveći broj eseja (ukupno 41),a i njihov kvalitet je, u odnosu na prethodne godine,dosta porastao. Od ove godine su i voditelji/ce kursevabili uključeni u čitanje i odabir najboljih eseja i izgledada je to motivisalo ljude da se potrude i svoje misliprebace „na papir“. Kao jedan od glavnih programskihizazova za ubuduće ostaje pitanje kako doći do novihpotencijalnih voditelja/ica, koji su kadri da kreirajuprostor za interakciju, diskusiju i razmenu, koji se nećepretvoriti u puko ex-catedra predavanje sa 15 minutaza diskusiju, niti u radioničarenje u kojem su sedenje ukrugu i proizvoljno deljenje ličnih iskustava samo sebisvrha. Mirovna Akademija ne nudi treninge, kao nifakultetske seminare. Ona teži da bude tačka preseka

21između teorije i prakse, mišljenja i delovanja. Prostor ukome se različite emancipatorske prakse susreću, kritikujui udružuju.Zahvaljujući dobroj organizaciji rada u timu, tekooperativnosti voditelja/ica i učesnika/ca organizacijaje prošla bez puno stresova i panike. Izgleda da jenajveći izazov u organizaciono-tehničkom smislu biokako pronaći odgovarajući restoran gde 60-ak ljudimože jesti pristojnu hranu, za pristojan novac, u pristojnomokruženju... i u pristojnom vremenskom roku(bez čekanja od sat i po vremena). A onda i kako obezbeditida to čudo tehnike zvano internet konekcijafunkcioniše tokom čitavog trajanja Akademije.skoro pet godina neće se menjati. Ono što se organizacionitim MA nada da će se promeniti jeste izgradnjakapaciteta i bolja podela poslova koja će ostavitiviše prostora za bavljenje programsko-kreativnimdelom. Za sada je jedna osoba zaposlena u Fondaciji,zadužena za administrativno-birokratski deo posla.Kako će izgledati budućnost ove stare inicijative i noveorganizacije ostaje da se vidi. Ono što je sigurno damotivacije i entuzijazma ne manjka. Dovoljno za nastavak.Pardon, početak.P.S. Za sve informacije o budućnosti Mirovne Akademijeposetite www.mirovna-akademija.orgT.Š.Šta dalje?Kako bi Mirovna Akademija bila, da se izrazimo mrskimprojektnim jezikom, održiva i efikasna, moralo jeda dođe do velikih promena u načinu funkcionisanjai njenom statusu. Zbog toga je u avgustu ove godineregistrovana Fondacija Mirovna Akademija, koja ćeveć od sledeće godine pokušati da živi svojim samostalnimživotom. Nismo se na to odlučili kako bi popravilibrojno stanje raznoraznih NVO u zemlji Bosni iHercegovini, već kako bismo građenjem jedne jasnijestrukture udahnuli novi život ovoj inicijativi. Vrednosnoi programsko usmerenje koje je zacrtano u prethodnihveterani u izgradnji mira: potencijali i ograničenjaSarajevo, 27 - 28.09.2009.U Sarajevu je od 27 - 28.09.2009. u partnerstvuMCC (Mennonite Central Committee) ureda u Sarajevui CNA organizovan seminar na temu: Uloga veteranau izgradnji mira: Potencijali i ograničenja. Pored organizatorau realizaciji ovog seminara su nam pomogliCzRT (Centar za Ratnu Traumu) iz Novog Sada (Srbija)i, kao specijalni gost, trener Carl Stauffer iz Južne Afrike,iz ureda MCC.Učesnici/e su bili članovi/ice mirovnih organizacijaiz regije i sedam veterana iz BiH, Srbije i Hrvatske. Veteranikoji su učestvovali na ovom skupu su dugodišnjisaradnici CNA na mirovnim aktivnostima koje organizujemou regiji.Osnovna ideja ovog skupa je bila razmjenarazličitih pristupa u radu sa veteranima na poljuizgradnje mira u bivšoj Jugoslaviji i Južnoj Africi i promocijadosadašnjih aktivnosti i iskustava organizacijai pojedinaca aktivnih na ovom polju. Također namje bila namjera otvaranje dijaloga između veterana imirovnih aktivista na regionalnom i međunarodnomnivou. Seminar je osmišljen kao kombinacija prezentacija,vježbi, rada u malim grupama i razgovora, krozkoje su nas vodili gost iz Južnoafričke Republike tepredstavnici CNA i CzRT.Voditelji su prezentovali svoj rad sa veteranima, tenačine na koji veterani mogu biti uključeni u procesizgradnje mira.Interesantne radionice su bile prezentacije metodai pristupa Carla Stauffera koji već nekoliko godinaradi sa veteranima iz Južne Afrike, čemu je posvećenonajviše vremena u programu. To nam je omogućilobolji uvid u kontekst izgradnje mira u JAR i poređenjesa kontekstom naše regije o čemu su se najviše ivodile diskusije na radionicama. Također smo imali

22priliku razgovarati o uticaju lokalnih kultura i njihovihspecifičnosti na proces izgradnje mira i pomirenja, štose pokazalo kao inspirativna tema, posebno za veterane.Metode koje su korištene sadržavale su dostakreativnih i iskustvenih vježbi vezanih za aktivizam ipomirenje što su prisutni veterani i ostali učesnici/edosta dobro prihvatili/e.CNA tim je napravio prezentaciju svojih aktivnostii pristupa, te uz podršku prisutnih veterana, iniciraorazgovor sa učesnicima/ama o prednostima ipoteškoćama uključivanja veterana u proces izgradnjemira u našoj regiji.Važan utisak sa seminara je što je ukazao na spremnostveterana na uključivanje u specifičnije i naprednijeforme mirovnog obrazovanja kao što je ova.Također ova vrsta aktivnosti ukazuje na potrebu,mogućnost i interes za konkretnijom međunarodnomsaradnjom u kontekstu veteranskog doprinosa izgradnjimira na lokalnom i globalnom nivou.Kao nastavak ove ideje, MCC uz podršku CNA,planira da u narednoj godini pokuša organizovati susretveterana iz bivše Jugoslavije i veterana iz nekogdrugog post ratnog područja u svijetu.N.H.napredni trening„suočavanje sa prošlošću u kontekstu izgradnje mira“Wustrow, Nemačka, 23 - 27.11.2009.Dugogodišnja bliska saradnja i partnerstvo sanašom sestrinskom organizacijom Kurve Wustrowprošlog novembra je zadobila još jednu formu. Radi seo učešću dvoje naših kolega/ica Nenada Vukosavljevićai Tamare Šmidling u sprovođenju programa Naprednihtreninga koje Kurve organizuje svake jeseni većnekoliko godina unazad. Trenerski par iz CNA je takoosmislio i vodio petodnevni trening „Suočavanje saprošlošću u kontekstu izgradnje mira“.Osnovna karakteristika čitave serije naprednihtreninga je u tome što su oni otvoreni za internacionalnugrupu učesnica/ka sa određenim predznanjemi iskustvom iz oblasti koje pokrivaju treninzi. Mi smotako imali priliku da radimo sa jednom zaista malomgrupom sastavljenom od sedmoro učesnika/ca, ali saizrazitom heterogenošću ličnih i profesionalnih pozadinai usmerenja. U grupi je tako bilo ljudi iz Nepala, Burundijai Nemačke. Većina učesnika/ca iz Nemačke sepripremala za svoje volontiranje (kao civil peace workers)u BiH, Makedoniji i Palestini, što znači da je čestotematizovana tačka tokom treninga bila i uloga tzv.outsidera u ovim društvima. Kada se tome doda našedugogodišnje iskustvo u radu na prostorima bivše Jugoslavije,možemo reći da uprkos malobrojnosti, našagrupa nikako nije oskudevala u različitostima perspektiva,iskustava, a ponekad i vrednosti.Za nas u trenerskom timu najveći izazov je biokako naći zajednički jezik i bazu iz koje ćemo krenutiu analizu situacija u našim, tako različitim društvima.Rad u internacionalnim grupama stalno vas podsećada nikakve proizvoljne analogije nisu dozvoljene, teda situaciju u svakom društvu morate staviti u konkretanistorijski i politički kontekst ako želite da razumetetamošnji proces suočavanja sa prošlošću. Tokompet radnih dana potrudili smo se da stavimo akcenatna međusobnu razmenu unutar grupe i da iniciramopitanja i diskusije koji bi što bolje osvetlili kompleksnostprocesa SsP i pomirenja, i pomogle nam da uvidimosličnosti i razlike među našim kontekstima.Kako to obično biva, osim rada na glavnoj temi,radili smo još jako puno i na mnogim drugim nivoima– prvenstveno na praktikovanju autentičnog iiskustvenog interkulturnog učenja (kroz, ne uvek lagano,dešifrovanje različitih komunikacijskih kodova;kao i kroz borbu protiv samorazumljivosti nekihopšteprihvaćenih pojmova – istina, pravda, tranzicijskapravda). Naša namera je bila da učesnicima/ama ponudimojedan konceptualni okvir za rad na SsP u kontekstuizgradnje mira, te da im na taj način približimojednu specifičnu perspektivu rada na ovom polju kojaje šira od standardnog „uhapsimo ratne zločince“pristupa.Samo mesto održavanja treninga je zanimljivo izaslužuje da bude pomenuto. Trening je održan u kućikoja pripada organizaciji Kurve Wustrow što zaistaznači jednu specifičnu dinamiku, posebno za nas navikleda radimo po hotelima diljem bivše Jugoslavije.Ništa od atmosfere hotela ovde nećete sresti. Umesto

23toga dobijate priliku da radite u jednom „domaćem“prostoru o kome se brinete svi zajedno – sa svim njegovimdobrim i lošim stranama. Radi se o jednomposebnom aktivističkom konceptu (pa i načinu života)koji Kurve neguje i koji bi, po našem mišljenju, bilodobro obogatiti nekim bližim upoznavanjem lokalnogkonteksta u regiji Wendland. Kada već imate učesnike/ce iz raznih krajeva sveta, od kojih su mnogi po prviput van svoje zemlje, vredi razmisliti kako im dodatnopribližiti mesto u kome provode (nemački jesenje)dane treninga. Tim pre što se ne radi o tipičnom „EUkonzumerističkomraju“ (što je slika koju mnogi ljudiimaju o Nemačkoj), već o regionu sa višedecenijskomistorijom društvenog i aktivističkog angažmana.U svakom slučaju, prilika da se ova vrsta saradnjenastavi, kao i da se propusti od prošle godine isprave,čeka nas već u oktobru ove godine, kada će ljudi izCNA voditi još jedan napredni trening na istu temu.Nadamo se da će ovoga puta grupa biti brojnija, a sigurnismo da onda izazova i inspiracije neće nedostajati.T.Š.međunarodna konferencija - novi horizonti – povezivanjerazvoja saradnje i tranzicione pravde za održivi mirBerlin, 27 – 28. 01. 2010.www.frient.de/en/conference2010/programmeFriEnt (radna grupa za razvoj i mir) organizovala jekonferenciju u Berlinu koja je privukla mnoge donosioceodluka, naučnike/ce i praktičare/ke iz celog sveta.Zbog kreativne energije organizatora, postavljeni konceptje dopuštao mnogo više razmene i opširnije diskusijenego što se inače može doživeti na konferencijama.Budući da ja iskreno ne volim duge, dosadne„ja-radim-sjajan posao“ i „imam-sve-odgovore“ govorancije,bilo je izvanredno da su organizatori/ke biliveoma uspešni u kreiranju takvog prostora za učenje irazmenu gde važna pitanja mogu biti potaknuta i gdese verovatno mogu pronaći i neki veoma važni odgovori.Bilo bi nemoguće izvestiti na odgovarajući način osvim važnim tačkama o kojima se govorilo, tako da evonekih impulsa i razmišljanja koje sam pokupio i voleobih da ih spomenem:Izgradnja mira ne može biti stisnuta da stane u„logički okvir“ (predstavnik DFID-s, britanske razvojneagencije)Mi (različiti akteri u ovoj oblasti) povremeno razumemojedni druge.Biti fleksibilan i prilagodljiv umesto strogo isplaniran,često je mnogo prikladnije u izgradnji mira.Posledice nasilnog konflikta ne mogu se rešiti ilirešavati isključivo kroz pravosuđe.Ojačao sam u svom otporu prema korištenju termina„tranziciona pravda“ koji se pojavljivao priličnoneprimereno i preširoko kako bi pokrio sve što sečinilo da treba pokriti (i kako bi dobio proširenu svakodnevnuupotrebu, umesto pojmova „izgradnja mira“i „suočavanje s prošlošću“).Moje učešće je bilo u sklopu konferencijske radnegrupe: Obrazovanje i sećanje: postavljanje osnova zanove generacije.U okviru ove radne grupe, vodio sam radionicupod nazivom „Složenost suočavanja s prošlošću (SSP)– na temelju iskustava na Zapadnom Balkanu“ koja semože preuzeti na:www.frient.de/downloads/Nenad_Vukosavljevic_Paper.pdfČestitke FriEnt timu na njihovim postignućima ihvala za uloženu energiju.N.V.

24u čemu smojošučestvovalimeđunarodna konferencija“nonviolent livelihood struggle and global militarism: links & strategies”Ahmedabad, Indija, 22 – 25. 01. 2010.Konferenciju koja je održana u zapadnoj državiIndije – Gujarat organizovao je War Resisters’ International(WRI) u saradnji sa Gujarat Vidyapith (Univerzitet),Gujarat Sarvodaya Mandal i Smpoorna KrantiVidyalaya (Institut za totalnu revoluciju).Cela konferencija je imala jedan poseban ton zbogmesta, države, regije u kojoj se održavala i verujem dabi nekako bila drugačija da su se organizatori odlučiliza neku drugu regiju.Najpre, stići do Indije znači ne samo preći nekolikohiljada kilometara, nego i preći neke svoje granice,sagledati svet iz drugog ugla (a svoj ostaviti sa stranekoliko je to moguće), pogledati drugačije vrednosti, neporediti i pokušati razumeti.Sama Konferencija je bila ambiciozno postavljena smnogo različitih (i par stotina) učesnika/ca, govornika,voditelja radionica itd. Otvorila ju je književnica i aktivistkinjaArundhati Roy, na našim prostorima uglavnompoznata po svom romanu “Bog malih stvari”. Ona jeaktivistkinja kojoj je čak i život ugrožen zbog podizanjasvog glasa protiv onog što država zagovara i/ili sprovodi,a, zajedno sa Ashishom Nandyijem, predstavljajednog od ključnih kritičara globalizacije kapitalizmai militarizma.Pored ove teme, na Konferenciji se u plenarnimsesijama predstavljao kontekst i problem iz kojeg govornik/cadolazi i to na teme kao što su: Izmeštanjestanovništva, ‘razvoj’ i militarizam, Rudarstvo – pretnjazajednici, gorivo za rat, Nenasilni otpor lokalnih zajednica,Nenasilna borba za zemlju, Osnivanje transnacionalnihalijansi (Displacement, ‘Development’ andMilitarism, Mining - threat to community, fuel for war,Nonviolent resistance from local communities, Nonviolentstruggles for land, Forming transnational alliances).Radionice su bile raznovrsne i po pitanju tema alii po pitanju ugla iz kojeg se govori, a radioničara/ki igovornika/ca je bilo iz npr. Ekvadora, Nemačke, JužneKoreje, Čilea, Indije, Kolumbije, Kašmira, Papua NoveGvineje... Palo mi je napamet - toliko problema a tolikomotivisanih ljudi, da i sam dobiješ injekciju motivacije.Postoji nada da je drugačiji svet (ipak) moguć, ili dabar, postoje ljudi koji u to zaista veruju.Neke od radionica su se odnosile na izmeštanje iautohtone zajednice, vojne baze i izmeštanja; zatimNasilje nad regionalnim identitetima, Značenje ‘rataprotiv terora’ za društvene pokrete, Konstruktivni radi samoodrživost kao nenasilni otpor, Nenasilne akcijeprotiv NATO-a, Pitanja mira u Zapadnoj i CentralnojAfrici, Ka nenasilju kao životnoj filozofiji: klasa, mir i‘preobražaj’, Indija – borba za prava na zemlju, Ženei izmeštanje stanovništva uzrokovano razvojem, Nacionalizami antifašistički pokreti itd.Radionicu koju smo vodili Boro iz Makedonije,inače saradnik CNA, Olga iz Rusije i ja je Nacionalizami antifašistički pokreti. Učesnici/e su bili/e ljudi izrazličitih delova sveta s (naravno) i različitim pogledima,što je za mene lično, naviknutu na problematikubivšejugoslovenskih prostora, jedno novo iskustvo.Međutim, interesantno je kako nacionalizam, nažalost,ima zajednički jezik svima nama koji smo bili na radionici.Poteškoća je bila najviše u tome što je bilo ljudi kojisu već promišljali o ovoj problematici i bavili se njome,

25a takođe je bilo onih koji tek pokušavaju da saznajuo čemu se tačno radi i kako nacionalizam izgleda nadrugim mestima. Ponekad, što se i ovde pokazalo,lakše je pogledati u tuđe dvorište nego svoje.Jedna od takođe važnih tačaka ove Konferencije jeorganizovani odlazak u jedan od centara (Rural ServiceCentre – nalazi se 65 km od Ahmedabada) koji je Gandiosnovao zajedno sa svojim sledbenicima. Centar predstavljaedukativni i poljoprivredni samoodrživi sistemu ugroženom području s niskom stopom pismenosti.Nakon odlaska u taj centar ostao mi je utisak da samzaista, iako se nalazim na Balkanu okružena mnogimproblemima i zaostavštinama rata, privilegovana daživim upravo tu.Konferenciju je zatvorio Narayan Desai, poznatiindijski ‘gandista’, a s obzirom da je sledeći danobeležavana godišnjica Gandijeve smrti, domaćini suorganizovali marš do Gandijevog ašrama Kochrab gdeje bilo upriličeno sećanje na taj dan.Posebno me se dojmio odnos ljudi u Indiji premaGandiju, s nekom vrstom obožavanja, a boraveći u Indijii sagledavajući bolje indijski kontekst, nekako mije postao jasan njegov značaj i važnost u prošlosti isadašnjosti. Distanca koju imam živeći na Balkanu ipotpuno drugi kontekst življenja i problema je uticalada moj odnos prema Gandiju bude potpuno drugačiji.Ne mogu da kažem da se sada znatno promenio, ali gagledam iz skroz drugog ugla i s drugim razumevanjem.Posle konferencije, od 27. do 29. januara, održanje savet WRI-a u okviru kojeg sam i ja izabrana, štomi je velika čast jer je prepoznat moj rad i rad CNA.Kao i sve organizacije, i WRI ima svoju dinamiku, svojeuspone i padove, ali ja se posebno divim ljudima kojisu joj posvećeni (dugi niz godina) kao što su Howard,Joanne, Andreas, Javier, Jorgen i drugi. Poznanstvosa tim i drugim ljudima mi je pomoglo da bar maloproširim i svoju perspektivu gledanja na mirovni rad, anadam se da ću moći da pridonesem njihovom radu.H. R.radionica: „suočavanje s teškom prošlošću na zapadnom balkanu iu zapadnoj evropi – mogućnosti i perspektive za trans-evropsku suradnju“Sarajevo, 02 – 04. 06. 2010.Međunarodna radionica organizirana je od straneFrancusko-njemačkog ureda za mlade Andre MalrauxCentra iz Sarajeva i Inicijative mladih za ljudska pravaBosne i Hercegovine.Radionica je održana u Sarajevu od 02 – 04. 06.2010. Dvadeset troje učesnika/ca zaposlenih u nevladinimorganizacijama, memorijalnim centrima, muzejimai istraživačkim centrima bili su iz Bosne i Hercegovine,Hrvatske, Francuske, Njemačke i Srbije. Jessica jesudjelovala kao članica CNA tima.Krovni cilj radionice bio je da sakupi ljude sa ZapadnogBalkana i iz Zapadne Evrope koji su svojim radomuključeni u polje suočavanja s teškom prošlošću,s ciljem razmjene iskustava i iznalaženja mogućnostiza suradnju.Konfuzija kako zvati taj susret iz ugla učesnika/icatijekom radionice („...ova konferencija...hm...radionica...“)bila je „glavna fora“ zbog mješavine metoda kojesu se koristile. Sljedeće metode su bile zastupljene:pregled konteksta povodom situacije suočavanja steškim prošlostima na Zapadnom Balkanu i u ZapadnojEvropi u formi predavanja, prezentacija aktivnostina polju suočavanja s prošlošću i primjeri regionalne imeđunarodne suradnje, istraživačke ture po mjestimau Sarajevu i radionički moduli za razvijanje konkretnihakcija i suradnje.Tijekom radionice, kompleksnost situacije i izazovikoji postoje na polju suočavanja s prošlošću posebnou slučaju Bosne i Hercegovine bili su razrađeni vrlodobro. Da li suočavanje s prošlošću u BiH zaista značisuočavanje s prošlošću, pošto se u BiH skoro svi jošuvijek moraju nositi sa posljedicama rata i postojanjemsukobljenih sjećanja? Suočavanje s prošlošćuna Zapadnom Balkanu također je političko pitanje:spomenici se koriste da označe teritorij jedne straneza sjećanje na heroje i žrtve te strane, dok se trudeda spriječe postavljanje spomenika žrtvama „druge“strane. Suprotno, u Njemačkoj i Francuskoj, suočavanjes prošlošću (Prvi i Drugi svjetski rat) leži uglavnomu rukama historičara i osoblja memorijanih centarai muzeja. Ta mjesta ne predstavljaju žrtve našeg vremena,te postoji određena vremenska distanca uodnosu na tešku prošlost. Štaviše, prijašnja „ratna neprijateljstva“jedva da su prisutna unutar Njemačkog iFrancuskog društva.Jedna radionica bila je fokusirana na pitanje koja

26vrsta trans-evropskih zajedničkih aktivnosti bi moglabiti korisna na polju suočavanja s prošlošću. Kao inicijativaza daljnju suradnju predloženo je organiziranjeradionice/foruma u 2011-oj za nastavak suradnje kojaje počela na ovoj radionici, uključujući druge inicijativesuočavanja s prošlošću iz zemalja Evropske unije iJugoistočne Evrope koje bi proširile grupu.U sklopu radionice/foruma 2011, predložene suteme: očuvanja mjesta sjećanja, edukativna pitanjapovezana sa spomen mjestima i senzibilizacija širejavnosti, kao teme koje bi mogle biti produbljene. Uzto, trodnevno studijsko putovanje različitim mjestimasjećanja na Zapadnom Balkanu moglo bi biti dio programa.Radionica je održana u atmosferi uvažavanja, uduhu „učenja jednih od drugih“.J.Ž.

27rečnove članicedolazak u cna sarajevoJessica ŽicProšlo je nekoliko mjeseci od mog dolaska u Sarajevo:U međuvremenu – više se ne gubim na Baščaršiji, višese ne trzam kad netko pita „Gdje si?“ misleći da on/onazove mene (Jessi!). Štaviše, mogu prepoznati refrene nekihsevdalinki. I čak sam se navikla na nove izvještaje o ratnimzločinima, genocidu i masovnim grobnicama...Dolazak u CNA, gdje sam došla preko njihove partnerskeorganizacije KURVE Wustrow, za mene znači integraciju u tims visokim stupnjem profesionalizma i puno iskustva. Mislećina malu mirovnu organizaciju bez hijerarhijskog uređenja,kao što je CNA, mnogi ljudi mogu zamisliti nešto kao luckaste,neorganizirane hipije. Iako se mnogo stvari događa nasimpatičan i neformalan način koji se zasniva na povjerenju,shvatila sam da nepostojanje hijerarhije ne znači neimanjejasnih odgovornosti i standarda implementiranja aktivnosti.Također, iako je strukturu CNA prilično lako razumjeti, temunjihovog rada nije: kompleksna je, opterećena emocijama, svisokim stupnjem mogućih nesuglasica u društvu.Budući da je mojim kolegama/icama potrebno da čujusamo jednu riječ da procijene u kojem smijeru ide nečiji argument,prvi izazov za mene je bio, i još uvijek jeste, čitati kodovepri pomenu raznih mjesta i imena i izgraditijasniju sliku u kojoj ću sortirati stvari kojeljudi govore i razmišljati o njihovim značenjimaizmeđu redova.Čini mi se da je slika međunarodnih mirovnihradnika/ca u BiH vrlo loša. Prema iskustvulokalnih ljudi, stranci se često ponašaju kaooni koji dolaze sa „civiliziranog zapada“ na Balkan,bez znanja o regionalnom kontekstu, saspremljenim rješenjima, pseudo-analizirajućisituaciju i savjetujući nešto o pomirenju.Kad me netko pita kako doživljavam situacijuu Bosni, moj odgovor može zvučati banalnoza ovdašnje ljude koji su preživjeli rat: skoro danema kontakta i mnogo je nepovjerenja izmeđureligijskih/etničkih grupa i situacija je dodatnopotpirena medijima i politikama. Sve izgleda daima etničku etiketu i nije dano mnogo prostoraza prevazilaženje ovih “kutija“. Ljudi se još boresa ratnim iskustvima bez obzira što su neki odnjih kognitivno odlučili da se ne suočavaju sprošlošću.Ipak mislim da sam ja percipirana kao„strankinja“ . Moj osobni interes je da podržimrad CNA na polju izgradnje trajnog mira u bivšojJugoslaviji pošto je moj otac iz Hrvatske i polamoje obitelji živi tamo te me to čini dijelom „tepriče“. Tijekom mog volonterskog staža u Srbiji,radila sam s izbjeglicama iz Hrvatske i Bosnei ti osobni kontakti bili su mi vrlo impresivni.Kao socijalna radnica za izbjeglice u Njemačkojbila sam suočena s njihovim pričama i čestosam se pitala kakva je situacija za one koji sumorali ostati bez mogućnosti da negdje odu ilis kakvom bi se situacijom morali suočiti ako sevrate u svoje zemlje poslije konflikata.Tako da dolazak u CNA Sarajevo meni značiveliku šansu za učenje i vrlo sam sretna zbogte mogućnosti i nadam se da ću moći korisnodoprinjeti misiji organizacije.

28Borba protiv korupcije i organiziranogkriminala...Bivši premijer Ivo Sanader, ponovo sevratio u saborske klupe, u velikom stilu, reklobi se.Kaže „nevjerovatan razvoj događaja nahrvatskaposljednjih godinu dana, Hrvatska se i dalje batrga s ispunjavanjemuvjeta za nastavak pregovora za ulazak u Eu-Uropsku Uniju. Još jedna godina je na izmaku (nekoć davno,upravo 2010-a je trebala biti godina ulaska među „europskeveličanstvene“), a poglavljima koje treba zatvoriti nikad kraja.Bez pretenzija da ću obuhvatiti sve važne događaje kojisu obilježili ovaj period, izdvojila sam one koji su mi ostalinajupečatljiviji u proteklih godinu dana, a tiču se manje ili višeuspješnog rada na zatvaranju „pristupnih poglavlja“.Slovenci su prestali biti nacionalni neprijatelji broj jedan, kojikoče pregovore za ulazak Hrvatske u Europsku Uniju.Nakon što su prije nešto više od godinu dana u Trakošćanupostignuti dogovori oko teritorijalnih granica, po svemu sudećinazire se i rješenje problema štediša Ljubljanske banke 6 . I nakonšto smo gordo obranili svoj komadić hrvatske domovineu Piranskom zaljevu, ostala su druga velika iskušenja i izazoviza koje nam Slovenci nisu krivi, nego upravo oni koje zdušnobiramo i ukazujemo im svoje povjerenje u izbornim godinama.Za ponovo pokretanje pregovora o ulasku u Europsku unijupotrebno je, popularno rečeno, „završiti s poglavljima“: reformepravosuđa, borbe protiv korupcije i organiziranog kriminala,procesuiranje ratnih zločina te izbjeglička i manjinska pitanja ipuna suradnja s Haškim tribunalom. Puno posla, nema šta. Ukolikonam ovi iz Europe u koju gledamo kao u međugorsku gospu(jer Hrvatska je iznad svega katolička država) ne progledaju krozprste, teško da ćemo ikada preći u njihove redove. A to želimo itome težimo, tako barem kažu svi - od državnog vrha, lokalnihpolitičara, crkve u Hrvata, medija, pa do većine puka.A sad krenimo s pravosuđem i novim zakonima...U svibnju je Vlada prihvatila novi Zakon o radu (ZOR) koji jepredstavljen kao usklađivanje s europskim standardima, a čijepromjene se tiču produljenja prava iz kolektivnih ugovora. Umjestoda se uvedu kazne za poslodavce koji ne isplaćuju plaće(što je bila inicijativa oporbe) ili potakne donošenje općegkolektivnog ugovora za sve radnike u Hrvatskoj, Vlada faktičnoupućuje poziv na jednostrano raskidanje kolektivnog ugovorai time radnike izručuje na milost i nemilost poslodavcima ipravilnicima o radu koje oni uspostavljaju. Sindikalne udruge sukontekstiu kojimacna delujezajedno s oporbenim strankama i nevladinimorganizacijama organizirale prikupljanje potpisaza referendum o ZOR-u i prikupljenoje mnogo više od Ustavnim zakonom propisanih10% (točnije prikupljeno je 15.95%),ali Ustavni sud odbio je raspisivanje referendumajer je Vlada povukla prijedlog zakona.Je li se to Vlada bojala suda svojih građana jerbi to značilo da se godinu dana ne bi mogaodonijeti zakon suprotan odluci donesenojna referendumu ili je ovo samo način da senakon nekog vremena ponovo krene u procedurus donošenjem novog-starog Zakonao radu s kozmetičkim izmjenama?!Možda se rezultati reforme pravosuđaočituju u tome što je ovu odluku Ustavni suddonio jako brzo, u roku od mjesec dana dokse za neka druga delikatna društvena pitanjao kojima se trebao očitovati bezgraničnoodugovlači i izbjegava. Primjerice, još seuvijek čeka ocjena ustavnosti i zakonitostiZakona o pobačaju koji je podnesen ovojvrhovnoj instanci 1991, Zakona o umjetnoji medicinski potpomognutoj oplodnji (2009)te Zakona o suradnji s Haagom (2001). Tuse očitovanje još uvijek čeka, jer je politika„bolje šutjeti nego dizati graju“, čini se, ipakispred ustavnosti i zakonitosti.6Raspadom bivše Jugoslavije ostalo je nerješeno pitanje oko 130 000 hrvatskih štediša koji dva desetljeća pokušavaju doći doušteđevina koje su pohranili u hrvatskim filijalama Ljubljanske banke. Ukupan dug se procjenjuje na oko 150 milijuna eura skamatama. Do sada je bilo nepoznato tko bi trebao isplatiti taj dug – slovenska država, Nova ljubljanska banka ili netko treći.

29kon mog odlaska natjerao me je da se vratim“ i nakonšušura među novinarima i ostalim zastupnicimanađena mu je i saborska klupa a on se ponovo, kaomedvjed, zaštitio imunitetom saborskog zastupnika.Ponovo je zasjeo u Sabor nakon što je Hrvatskaza njegove vladavine dovedena do ruba gospodarskepropasti i nakon teških optužbi za korupciju i kriminal(s najpoznatijom aferom oko Hypo banke) većine direktoradržavnih poduzeća koji su u pritvoru, a koji susvojevremeno s njim surađivali. Ovog puta zakazali suUSKOK (Ured za suzbijanje korupcije i organiziranogkriminala) i DORH (Državno odvjetništvo RepublikeHrvatske) što je još jedan dokaz da pred zakonom uovoj državi nisu svi jednaki.Bivši potpredsjednik Sanaderove Vlade, DamirPolančec našao se na optuženičkoj klupi zbog plaćanjanepotrebne studije koja je državu koštala pola milijunakuna. Jaka je to poruka, vidjeti bivšeg potpredsjednikaVlade na optuženičkoj klupi, samo je li to tek početakrazračunavanja i borbe protiv korupcije i kriminala uvrhovima vlasti ili je Polančec žrtveni jaganjac i alibiza čitavu koruptivnu strukturu na vrhu države, ostajeda vidimo.Dok se Vlada i državni vrh pravdaju „da nisu ništaznali“ tvornice i dalje propadaju, ljudi ostaju na ulicama,a po nekim procjenama, milijun građana i građankiHrvatske gladuje.Ponižene i iscrpljene radnice tekstilne tvornice Kamenskonedavno su štrajkale glađu i prosvjedovale ispredzagrebačke katedrale jer pet mjeseci nisu primileplaću za svoj rad i nemaju od čega prehraniti sebe isvoje obitelji.Ministri ih žale, ali kako se radi o privatnoj firmi,ne mogu ništa učiniti, kažu. Ne mogu jer je Vlada odbilaprihvatiti oporbeni prijedlog da se zakonski sankcioniraneisplaćivanje plaća radnicima, a i zato jer segodinama tolerira neplaćanje poreza i doprinosa odstrane određenih privatnika i zato što je sustav postavljenu obrani krupnog kapitala. U našoj državi jakoje teško ostvariti osnovno ljudsko pravo na dostojanstveniživot, a i ljudske solidarnosti nam fali s obziromda su podršku radnicama Kamenskog pružili/e samočlanovi/ice obitelji i studenti okupljeni oko Slobodnogfilozofskog.Ali radnice Kamenskog nisu nikakva iznimka. To jesamo još jedna tužna vijest u hrvatskoj svakodnevici oposrnulim i privatizacijom unišenim tvornicama i njihovimradnicima i radnicama.Borba građana za očuvanje pješačke zone uVaršavskoj ulici u Zagrebu, čini se da ipak nakonmnogih akcija ipak nije urodila plodom. Opet je interesprivatnog investitora Hoto grupe bio ispred voljegrađana. Sve dozvole za gradnju na javnoj površinigrada su valjane i dobivene od Gradskog poglavarstvas gradonačelnikom Milanom Bandićem na čelu. Nijepomoglo ni 50 000 potpisa građana koji su prikupljenii koji su protiv gradnje u Varšavskoj kao ni konstantniprosvjedi građana i živi zidovi oko gradilišta potaknutiod dvije udruge Pravo na grad i Zelena akcija.Sredinom srpnja policija provodi masovna hapšenjaprosvjednika, stabala u Varšavskoj nema, a cijela ulicaraskopana je uz snažnu asistenciju interventne policije,koja hapsi 151 osobu.Gradnja se nastavlja, ali i akcije građana se nastavljaju,i dalje se preispituju načini na koje su pojedinedozvole pribavljene i odobrene, a Varšavska ulicapostaje simbol otpora divljem kapitalizmu i prisvajanjujavnih dobara i nadajmo je jaka poruka za ubuduće dagrađani nisu besvjesna biračka masa i da mogu i hoćeiskoristiti svoja legalna prava za kontrolu odluka vlasti.Procesuiranje ratnih zločina, izbjeglička i manjinskaprava, suradnja s Haškim tribunalom...Donesena je i umanjena presuda Branimiru Glavašuza ratne zločine ubijanja Srba u Osijeku.Prvo mu je Vrhovni sud smanjio presudu sa desetna osam godina zatvora pravdajući to „ratnim okolnostimai padom Vukovara“. Skandalozno je o čemuse u Hrvatskoj naveliko šuti, da su Glavaševa stranka,neki pojedinci iz Osijeka i neki „poduzetnici“ iz Osijeka,skupljali pare i htjeli podmiti suce Vrhovnog suda daGlavašu ukinu presudu za „selotejp“ 7 . Skandalozno jetim više što je njemu presuda zaista smanjena, a onsam izjavio je „da ako je stvarno kriv za ubojstva tihljudi da je trebao biti osuđen na najmanje 20 godina“.Iako je konačno prestalo negiranje zločina i objelodanjenaje namjera i okrutnost, nakon svega ostajegorak okus u ustima jer se zločini počinjeni tijekomDomovinskog rata i dalje u većini tretiraju kao neštoprepušteno samovolji pojedinaca i slučajno, a bezobzira što je trenutno na odsluženju kazne u Bosni iHercegovini, kamo je svojevremeno pobjegao kad sukrenuli procesi suđenja, Glavaš će i dalje primati saborskumirovinu.Presuda hrvatskim generalima Čermaku, Markačui Gotovini očekuje se u prosincu, pri tom tužilaštvotraži kazne od 17 do 27 godina za zločine nad Srbimatijekom i nakon Oluje.7Slučaj „selotejp“ je ratni zločin kojeg su počinili pripadnici Hrvatske vojske 1991. godine u Osijeku, pod zapovjedništvom BranimiraGlavaša, tadašnjeg zapovjednika obrane grada. Likvidirano je desetak osječkih Srba koji su bačeni u rijeku Dravu. Svi leševipronađeni su zavezanih ruku i sa selotejpom zaljepljenim preko usta.

31Crnogorska nacija bez alternativeMinistarstvo prosvjete i nauke Crne Gore (odnosno,novoizabrani i, prema svemu sudeći, za-samo-tunamjeru-postavljeniministar Stijepović) donijelo je ipredložilo na usvajanje novi Zakon o obrazovanju kojimse u svim obrazovnim institucijama crnogorski jezikkao službeni jezik mora izučavati. Čini se da se kompletiranjeCrne Gore, odnosno crnogorskog nacionalizmanastavlja velikim koracima: posle obnovljenenezavi-snosti – teritorija, slijedi Zakon o obrazovanju– jezik, i najvjerovatnije zakon o vjeroispovjesti – crkva,tako da se poslednji komunistički bastion na Balkanu,uspješno, po susjedskim receptima, transformiše unajmlađi nacionalizam u regionu. Kao i svaki drugi, iovaj naš mali razmaženi nacionalizam se mora hranitimržnjom prema onom drugom, a to je u ovom trenutkuprije svega srpski, „okupacioni i zavojevački“narod u Crnoj Gori. Ljudska prava se ne mogu do krajaispoštovati, jer zaboga – crnogorski jezik nema alternativu,tako da preko 60% građana/ki Crne Gore kojigovore srpskim, preko 10% onih koji govore albanskim,kao i oni koji govore bosanskim i hrvatskim – od 1. septembramoraju učiti, suprotno Ustavu građanske CG,crnogorski jezik, kao jezik u službenoj upotrebi. Pokrenutoje niz kampanja i reagovanja od strane gotovocjelokupne lokalne i međunarodne zajednice, i izvršenipritisci na predsjednika države da ne potpiše predlogZakona, ali bez uspjeha. Kao posledica svega ovoga,već se krenulo sa inicijativama od strane srpskog, hrvatskogi bošnjačkog naroda u Crnoj Gori, u kojima sezahtijeva organizovanje nastave na maternjem jeziku ito u onim opštinama gdje ovi narodi ili imaju većinu iliih ima u znatnom broju, ali paralelno i sa inicijativamacrnogorskog naroda u Srbiji za uvođenjem nastave nacrnogorskom jeziku u nekim mjestima u Srbiji. Ništaneobično, rekao bi neko ko čita ovaj izvještaj, a ko nezna da se radi o istom jeziku. Eh, taj nacionalizam uspijevada množenjem 1 sa 0 dobije 2 i da dijeljenjem 1sa 1 dobije 3! Možete samo naslutiti do kakvih će svemnoženja, dijeljenja i rezultata, primjenom ovog Zakona,u već duboko podijeljenom crnogorskom društvudoći, a što je najgore – sa njima se kreće od malena, odprvog razreda osnovne škole.Nasilje bez alternativeU 2010.-u godinu mnogi crnogorski radnici ušli susiromašno, bez sredstava za najelementarnije životnepotrebe, u beskrajnim dugovima i bez volje za biločime, ali su najupečatljivi od svih bili rudari koji suštrajkovali na svom radnom mjestu – u jami. Njihovaagonija – bez hrane, vode i sunca – trajala je danima,dok im se premijer lično nije obratio pismom i obećaoim isplatu zaostalih zarada. Koliko mu se i tada, kaoi uvijek, moglo vjerovati, pokazala je radikalizacijaprotesta, kada su rudari blokirali ulaz u rudnik, a zauzvratdobili pendrecima po leđima i glavi – od stranevazda spremne njegove policije. Ta ista policija je nedavnou jednoj budvanskoj diskoteci izvršila „običnu“raciju na taj način što je demolirala veći dio inventarai nasilno se ponašala prema gostima, gurajući ih,udarajući i obarajući na pod. Cio „performans“ je biotoliko autentičan, uključujući maske i puno naoružanje,da su neki Englezi i Francuzi pomislili da se u diskotecinalazi grupa terorista, obavijena eksplozivom, pada ih se, je li, valja riješiti. Opet, ta ista policija, guralaje, iznosila (držeći za ruke i noge) i uhapsila tridesetakstanovnika Golije (mjesta blizu granice sa BiH), koji suhtjeli da mirnim protestom spriječe vojsku da u njihovomrodnom kraju uništi višak naoružanja (zanimljivodabir lokacije: naseljeno mjesto, pritom puno florei faune) i time zagadi predio, poznat po svojoj ekoljepoti.I tako je to... A kakvu alternativu očekivati dokgod napadi građanina na političara i gradonačelnika nagrađanina ne znače ništa i dok god Vrhovna državnatužiteljka misli i govori da „kriminalci imaju moral ida je poštuju jer znaju da neće nikoga nepravednooptužiti“ !? Oj, bezbjedna naša domovino !!Suočavanje sa prošlošću ni kao alternativaSlučajevi Kaluđerski Laz, logor Morinj, kao i bombardovanjeDubrovnika nastavljaju da se odvijajupo starom dobrom receptu: direktni počinioci su naoptuženičkim klupama, dok se ljudi iz tadašnjegpolitičkog i vojnog vrha, a koji su najodgovorniji zaono što se dešavalo ni ne pominju. Od najavljivanogosnivanja dokumentacionog centra, institucije kojabi se bavila prikupljanjem dokumenata i materijala izratnog perioda i intenzivirala rad na suočavanju saprošlošću – nema ništa, tako da kada se i pomenetaj proces, kao da se pomene japansko-ruski rat (1904- 1905), u kojem je Crna Gora, istina, učestvovala (nastrani Rusije, naravno), ali to je bilo toliko davno i takodaleko, kao i pravedno i časno ratovanje, ali i na jednomviše simboličkom nego na realnom nivou, da sesvaka priča o tome smatra apsurdnom i bajkovitom.Životni standard bez alternativePosmatrajući spisak novih državljana Crne Gore:Šinavatra, Šarić, možda Mišković, Pamela Anderson,možda Abramovič, pomisli se da se konačno plan kojimse preko visokoelitnog turizma u CG privlači ogromanstrani kapital, polako ostvaruje. Međutim, ako se zna

32da je za dobijanje ovog državljanstva potrebno izdvojitipola miliona eura, kao i malo bolje pročitati biografijenovih Crnogoraca i Crnogorki, jasno je o kakvom se dijeluplanete zemlje radi. Naime, nekada naljepši zatvorna svijetu, sada je najbogatija tvrđava i skrovište, i toza prekookeanske bosove i narko-dilere. Slučaj Šarić,koji je srećom ipak državljanin Srbije, iako je rođen uPljevljima i iako ima pola Crne Gore u svom vlasništvu,ostaje i dalje enigma evropskoj crnogorskoj policiji, alii policijama regiona, dok će sprega ovog kartela svjetskihrazmjera sa državnim strukturama ostati misterija,kako izgleda, za sva vremena. Kada se svemu doda par„sitnijih“ mafijaških obračuna koji su usred bijela danana trgovima primorskih gradova rezultirali brutalnimubistvima, dugo i vrijedno pripremani i izgrađivanimeđunarodni imidž Crne Gore, kao jedne stabilne,prosperitetne i nadasve sigurne turističke destinacijevrtoglavo raste, o čemu svjedoči „nikad bolja sezona“,pa stoga dobro nam došli – BLIZU SMO!Radomir Radević i Kristina Bojanovićsrbija: suverenitet! ali integralan, molim.Dvije imenice, integritet i suverenitet (uz lepezupratećih epiteta), su neprikosnoveno vladale javnimprostorom Srbije tokom ove godine. Te dvije riječise nalaze u temeljima skupštinskih odluka, u medijskimnaslovima, u izjavama zvaničnika i zvaničnica,objašnjavajući sve naše prilike i neprilike. Dovoljno jeposegnuti za njima da bi se neusaglašenim zapušilausta i time utihnula diskusija. Usaglašenosti se teži, onaje sama sebi svrha i cilj, usaglašenost će nas, građanei građanke ove države, poštedjeti bezrazložnih mukapreispitivanja ne samo koraka predvodnika današnjice,već i olakšati nošenje s bolnim tačkama iz prošlosti.A koja dešavanja u političkoj areni bismousaglašenošću uspjeli i uspjele amortizovati, progutatii smireno krenuti u još jedan običan dan, simulirajućinormalnost?Međunarodni sud pravde, dajući savjetodavnomišljenje o pitanju koje mu je postavljeno od stranesrpskih vlasti o tome da li je Deklaracija o nezavi-snostiKosova u saglasnosti sa međunarodnim pravom, je daopotvrdan odgovor. Reakcija u Srbiji je bila vrlo burna.Tumačena je na razne načine, ali ju je dominantan diskurssvodio na, u osnovi, političku odluku. I predsjednikTadić i ministar spoljnih poslova Jeremić su poručilida se zvanična politika neće promijeniti, kao i da Srbijanikada neće priznati nezavisnost Kosova, potvrđujućitime sklonost ovdašnjih političara i političarki daapsolutistički ne određuju samo sadašnjost građana igrađanki, već i njihovu budućnost. Odgovor na spornomišljenje je bio brz, efikasan i (donekle) usaglašen.Prvobitnu Rezoluciju o Kosovu 9 , koja bi bila predataGeneralnoj skupštini UN, je podržala znatna većinau Skupštini Srbije a rješavanje višedecenijskog problemaje prebačeno opet na drugo polje (iz domenaMeđunarodnog suda pravde u domen Savjeta bezbjednosti).U međuvremenu je izglasana Rezolucijaizmijenjena u direktnim pregovorima sa zvaničnicima/ama Evropske unije i u Generalnoj Skupštini UN-aprihvaćena jednoglasno, odnosno akla macijom.Saradnja najviših zvaničnika/ca je pozdravljena odstrane međunarodnih faktora, optimistički se najavljujunove runde pregovora između srpskih i kosovskihzvaničnika/ca uz međunarodno posredovanje.Ostaje upitno da li će se ovim pregovorima pristupitidrugačije od dosadašnjih (najavljuje se rješavanjepraktičnih pitanja koja su manje bolna od pitanja statusa,za početak) i koliko će pregovaračka strategijarazmatrati realne probleme tamošnjeg društva (kaošto su ograničeno kretanje, siromaštvo i nezaposlenost,između ostalog) a koliko će biti odraz srednjovjekovnihnacionalnih mitova i narativa.Najznačajniji ovogodišnji događaj u vezi s ratnimdešavanjima iz devedesetih je bilo skupštinsko usvajanjeDeklaracije o Srebrenici 10 , petnaest godina nakonpočinjenog genocida nad tamošnjim bošnjačkimstanovništvom od strane Vojske Republike Srpske podkomandom Ratka Mladića. Politički teren je pripremandugo, uz mnogo konsultacija, da bi se obezbjedilaskupštinska većina za usvajanje Deklaracije (127od 250) nakon trinaestočasovne rasprave. Tokompripreme Deklaracije je riječ genocid zam ijenjenasa riječju zločin, a primjetno je bilo nastojanje da senaglasi da će i zločini nad srpskim stanovništvom bititematizirani deklaracijom koja će uslijediti. Deklaracijaje u regionu uglavnom ocijenjena kao pozitivan korakslužbene politike, a sam njen tekst 11 se poziva napresudu Međunarodnog suda pravde u sporu po tužbiBiH protiv Srbije i Crne Gore kojom je Srbija proglašena9http://www.b92.net/info/vesti/index.php?yyyy=2010&mm=07&dd=27&nav_id=44804810http://www.b92.net/info/vesti/index.php?yyyy=2010&mm=03&dd=31&nav_id=42144011http://www.slobodnaevropa.org/content/Skupstina_Srbije_Deklaracij_Srebrenica/1998622.html

33odgovornom za propust da spriječi genocid u Srebrenicikao i da kazni ili izruči Haškom tribunalu počiniocezločina, a u prvom redu Ratka Mladića. Pored jačanjaneophodne političke volje koja bi konačno rezultirala uhapšenju Ratka Mladića i Gorana Hadžića, pred namaje i proces spoznavanja uloge Srbije u ratovima devedesetihgodina prošlog vijeka koji bi odrazio poštenodnos prema prošlosti a koji ne bi bio isključivo rezultatpritisaka i uslovljavanja međunarodne zajednice.Posljednja mobilizacija masa nam je upriličena odstrane države poslije smrti 44og patrijarha Srpske pravoslavnecrkve Pavla, “skromnog” čovjeka koji je “odbijaosve svetovne počasti”. Proglašena je trodnevnažalost, a mediji su veoma pomno ispratili smrt Patrijarhakoji je na taj položaj došao 1990. godine, vještoizbjegavajući osvrt na ratove devedesetih i ulogu Srpskepravoslavne crkve i njenog vođe u njima. 12Uz sabijanje redova ide i obilježavanje, tj. definisanjeteritorija. Predsjednik Tadić tako govori o sudarukultura i civilizacija, sve zabrinut za „očuvanjenašeg hriščanskog identiteta“. 13 Pošta Srbije naplaćujeobavezne markice za doprinos izgradnji Hrama Sv.Save u Beogradu. Donose se deklaracije o crkvenonarodnomjedinstvu i grade grandiozni krstovi (u Nišui Kragujevcu). Kad god se zajednica (samo)definišena osnovu etničkih, vjerskih i heteronormativnih matricapritom ostavljajući malo prostora za priznavanjei uvažavanje drugih identiteta, nasilje prema drugimaje teško spriječiti ili čak adekvatno na njega odgovoriti.Ovogodišnji primjer za ovu tezu je nasilje koje seodvijalo u Jabuci, malom mjestu kraj Pančeva. Nakonubistva maloljetnika srpske nacionalnosti od stranemaloljetnog Roma došlo je do izljeva nasilja i govoramržnje protiv romske populacije koji su trajali nekolikodana prije nego što je policija reagovala. Velikadoza straha kod Roma/kinja je još uvijek prisutna, uzponeke pozitive pomake u rješavanju ovog problema.14 Dodatni primjeri su i fizički napadi na drugačije(primjer njemačkog turiste u Beogradu, zato što je “izgledaogay” 15 kao i Teofila Pančića, 16 kolumnistu i piscakoji se redovno javno obračunava s raznim formamafašizma u našem društvu). Napadači su u oba slučajaubrzo uhapšeni, što ohrabruje. Preostalo je da sudstvouradi svoj posao efikasno i, bez političkih kompromisa,pošalje jasnu poruku da država ne stoji izaovakvih napada, direktno ili indirektno, već da ih oštrosankcioniše. U Pančićevom slučaju se nada u transformacijusudstva izjalovila. Napadačima je krivično djeloprekvalifikovano a presudom su osuđeni ispod zakonskogminimuma. 17U toku ove godine je bila primjetna povećanaaktivnost i brojni sastanci političkog vrha zemalja u regionu,sa kojih su poslate pozitivne i ohrabrujuće porukenašim društvima o otvaranju dijaloga i zajedničkomrješavanju kontroverznih tema (međusobne tužbe zagenocid Hrvatske i Srbije, na primjer).Primjetno je više političke volje koja se ulaže upovećanje vidljivosti problema s kojima se suočavajuseksualne manjine u Srbiji. Za razliku od prošle godine,kada je Parada ponosa bila otkazana zbog manjkapolitičke volje da se učesnicima/ama garantuje bezbjednost,Tadić je ove godine primio delegaciju LGBTorganizacija i podržao održavanje Parade ponosa,ocjenjujući je kao “civilizacijski iskorak”. 18 Nadajmo seda ova podrška nije samo na deklarativnom nivou i daće se Parada ponosa održati bezbjedno ove godine.Vizna liberalizacija za Srbiju, Makedoniju i CrnuGoru je stupila na snagu 19. decembra prošle godine.Konačno dobijena sloboda kretanja nam jeuljepšala praznike i olakšala disanje. Ali, ko sve možeda iskoristi tu slobodu kretanja? Svjetska ekonomskakriza (koja se često koristi kao eufemizam za ratno iporatno ekonomsko urušavanje, pljačkašku tranziciju,tajkunsko enormno bogaćenje, sve veće klasne nejednakostii uništavanje socijalnih politika) nam se našlaveć nekoliko puta iza leđa, uvjeravaju nas premijer iministar ekonomije. U međuvremenu se, po diktatuMeđunarodnog monetarnog fonda, smanjuju socijalnai javna izdavanja, mijenjaju i dopunjuju, tj. pooštravaju,Zakon o radu i Zakon o penzijskom i invalidskom osiguranju,a to sve dok su plate najniže u regionu 19 a listeza narodne kuhinje su sve duže. 20Vlada Srbije je donijela odluku o konačnoj obustavisluženja vojnog roka koja stupa na snagu 1. januara2011. godine. Sretna Nova godina!Nenad Porobić12http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,4896408,00.html?maca=bos-rss-bos-all-1475-rdf13http://f1.b92.net/info/komentari.php?yyyy=2010&mm=06&dd=30&nav_id=44220314http://www.pescanik.net/content/view/5430/61/15http://www.slobodnaevropa.org/content/beograd_ada_ciganlija_napad_kriminal_nemci_zivanovic/2127184.html16http://www.vreme.com/cms/view.php?id=94290117http://www.blic.rs/Vesti/Hronika/208485/Pancic-Ovakva-presuda-je-problem-drzave18http://www.blic.rs/Vesti/Drustvo/196240/Tadic-podrzao-odrzavanje-Parade-ponosa19http://www.b92.net/biz/vesti/region.php?yyyy=2010&mm=05&dd=24&nav_id=43340520http://www.politika.rs/rubrike/Drustvo/Ljajic-Liste-za-narodne-kuhinje-sve-duze.lt.html

34kosovoAko se visoka politika posmatra iz ugla običnoggrađanina Kosova, može se reći da na Kosovu upo-slednjih godinu dana nema nekih velikih promena:za zvanični Beograd, Kosovo je i dalje deo Srbije na osnovuUN Rezolucije 1244 usvojene juna 1999. godinepo kojoj se priznaje suverenitet Srbije nad Kosovom.Za Prištinu, Kosovo je nezavisna država od februara2008.Pored ovakve visoke politike i činjenice da je Kosovokao nezavisnu državu do sada priznala 71 zemlja,(ali je ostalo nepriznato od ostatka sveta izjaviobi Beograd po istom pitanju), na terenu i u praksi,životi običnih ljudi ostaju isti. Stopa nezaposlenosti od41 procenat je ogromna. Nju će povećati i povratakromskih izbeglica iz zemalja Evrope. Izgleda da će ovajprisilni povratak biti prvi do sada uspešni povratak naKosovo, imajući u vidu da se od 200.000 raseljenih ne-Albanaca, do sada na svoje ognjište vratilo par hiljada.Poslednji primer je povratničko selo Žač u kome dosada dvanaest povratnika doživljava gotovo svakodnevnokamenovanje, a ne biva povređeno samo iz razlogašto se kamenice svakoga puta odbiju od šatorau kojima povratnici čekaju obnovu svojih kuća. Poredsvega pomenutoga da dodam da se nivo korupcijene smanjuje, a tu je i trgovina ljudima. Problemi subrojni i o njima se diskutovalo u nekoliko navrata, aliočigledno je da su pokušaji ostali bez većih uspeha.Ako izađemo iz ljušture običnog čoveka i zagrebemomalo dublje u situaciju, naići ćemo na ono što jeaktuelno poslednjih meseci, a biće sigurno i narednegodine imajući u vidu sporost kad se dođe do ovakvihpitanja: nakon nedavnog usvajanja Rezolucije u UN-ukoja je ujedinila sve članice Evropske Unije po pitanjuKosova doći će opet do pregovora i ponovnog dijalogaizmeđu Prištine i Beograda. O čemu će se voditi pregovori,gde, kako i kada još uvek je nepoznanica. Onošto je sigurno je da dve strane imaju različite pogledegotovo na svako pitanje, tako da sedeti za istim stolomneće biti lako. Novi pregovori bi pružili mogućnostza obe strane da reše neke od problema, prevaziđuneke od prepreka i postanu jače na putu ka integracijamau Evropu. Dijalog između dve strane bi trebaloda započne već pre Nove godine. Brisel se ponudio dabude domaćin pregovora a UN da bude posmatrač.Priština želi EU i SAD kao posmatrače a Beograd biželeo da u pregovore budu uključene i Kina i Rusija.Kako će se sastaviti kockice ostaje da se reši, ali je gotovosigurno da će dve strane same odlučiti o tomegde, kako, kad i ko. Oprečni stavovi postoje i u tomekoji politički lideri sa obe strane treba da budu lideripregovora, a ovoga puta međunarodna strana bi trebaloda po prvi put bude samo posmatrač i da uopštene učestvuje u donošenju odluka. Da li su dve straneuopšte spremne da odluke donose same?O čemu će se pregovarati? Priština ne želi da pregovarao statusu ili o teritorijalnom integritetu. Nekiod međunarodnih aktera smatraju da se ovo pitanje nemože izbeći i da je ono ključ i za rešenje ostalih tema, aneki drugi smatraju da treba započeti sa manje važnimtemama a onda preći na krupnije. Pitanje koje svakakozahteva najviše pažnje posle statusa jesu severneopštine u kojima nije uspostavljena albanska vlast i ukojima posle rata nije došlo do veće promene u tomsmeru, niti do bilo kakvog vida integracije Srba. Čak sešuška i o podeli na osnovu koje bi sever pripao Srbiji.Takođe se pominje i druga mogućnost, na osnovu kojebi došlo do zamene teritorije sa preševskom dolinomu kojoj većinom živi albansko stanovništvo.Pitanje od podjednake važnosti za srpsku stranu jepitanje bezbednosti manastira i crkava Srpske pravoslavnecrkve na Kosovu. Imajući u vidu rušenje objekataSPC tokom rata 1999. godine pa opet marta 2004.srpska strana će najverovatnije zahtevati ekstrateritorijalnostkao i nastavak prisustva NATO snaga okonajvažnijih objekata, iako je NATO najavio da će povućisnage KFOR-a već sledeće godine.Za Prištinu su ova dva pitanja veliki izazov iPriština bi radije pregovarala o carini, trgovini, transportu,saobraćaju i ostalim više tehničkim i lakšimapitanjima. Kao što je već jasno iz gore izloženoga,međunarodna zajednica će najverovatnije podržatiza početak predlog da se razgovara o ovim pitanjimada bi se uspostavilo poverenje između dveju strana ada bi se nakon toga prešlo na važnija gore navedenapitanja. Do sada je na Kosovu i o Kosovu bilo raznihpregovora: o standardima pre statusa, zatim se podpokroviteljstvom UN-a došlo do pregovora o 6 tačaka,zatim tu je i Ahtisarijev plan sproveden samo 50% zatri godine. Da bi se postigao kakav takav uspeh morase pregovarati o svim problemima ponovo ispočetka.Ukoliko se ne rešavaju svi problem, na Kosovu ćemo idalje imati takozvani zamrznuti konflikt.Do sada se malo pominje da li će se razgovaratio pitanjima koja mogu da dovedu do pomirenja, kaošto su pronalazak nestalih lica ili 200.000 nerešenihsudskih slučajeva. Za običnog građanina ovo je od

35suštinske važnosti, jer da bismo živeli jedni poreddrugih bez mržnje (prestali smo da verujemo da jezajednički život moguć pa sada sve više pominjemokomšijske odnose), moramo da rešimo ono što našubol još uvek postavlja izvan i iznad svega.Za običnog čoveka važnije je prehranjivati porodicu,a nekom drugom običnom čoveku drugačijeetničke pripadnosti važno je imati slobodu kretanja,doći do potrebne dokumentacije na materinjem jeziku,kako očuvati identitet itd. Svima je podjednakodosadilo da se situacija ne menja i da društvo tapka umestu. Kosovu je važno da dobije stolicu u UN-u. Srbijije važno da što manje zemalja prizna Kosovo. Kosovuje važno da ga što više zemalja prizna, između ostalogai zbog mogućnosti učestvovanja u sportskim svetskimi evropskim događanjima. Koliko se ovo tiče običnoggrađanina na Kosovu, osim što moramo priznati dasve liči na jednu beskrajnu fudbalsku utakmicu pa nemožemo reći da je bilo kada dosadno. Udarci su redovnisa obe strane a loptu predstavlja jedan prosečanobičan građanin Kosova.Gorica Šćepanovićmakedonija: čekamo...Upravo bi tako glasio najtačniji opis dešavanja uMakedoniji za proteklu godinu. Mi čekamo... nešto.Svako od nas ponaosob je u iščekivanju nečeg. Umaniru najboljih vremena Jugoslovenskog „budućeg“komunizma. Onog komunizma koji smo takođe čekali.Kao što Neo u Matrix-u uporno čeka onaj voz na stanici.A ne zna ni kada će doći, ni da li će uopšte doći.No, da vidimo, šta tačno mi to sada u Makedonijičekamo?Čekamo da se EU i NATO urazumeI prošlu je godinu spor sa Grčkom oko imena našedržave dominirao u javnom životu. Iako se ništa bitnou pregovorima koji se vode pod pokroviteljstvomUN-a nije pomerilo. Grčka strana insistira na novomimenu za opštu upotrebu (erga-omnes). Makedonskastrana pokušava da se izbori za tzv. dvojnu formulu– jedno ime u odnosima sa Grčkom, ustavno ime zameđunarodnu upotrebu (potporu za svoj stav nalaziu faktu da nas je 128 država sveta već priznalo podustavnim imenom – Republika Makedonija). Oficijalnistavovi EU i NATO predstavnika su poprilično „rezignirani“i jedni i drugi upućuju na bilateralne pregovore ilina proces koji se vodi pod pokroviteljstvom UN-a, štoje, čini se, jedno te isto. Jer se i unutar tog procesa svesvodi na bilateralni dogovor dveju zemalja uz posredstvomedijatora. Bez obzira na međunarodno pravo.Da, i pisac ovih redova smatra kako se radi o iracionalnomkonfliktu, van međunarodnih pravnih normi,ovo je konflikt između izrazito neravnopravnih stranau kome slabija strana trpi samo štete kako god da seokrene. Sadašnja Makedonska Vlada još uvek stoji nastavu da će bilo kakav mogući sporazum sa Grčkomoko promene imena države dati na javni referendum.Sudeći po javnom raspoloženju, takav referendum imaminorne šanse za „uspeh“. Što znači, ostajemo tu gdejesmo. Čekamo. „Mi jednostavno trebamo saopštitinašim međunarodnim partnerima da mi ostajemoposvećeni vrednostima EU, ali prosto ne možemoprihvatiti ovakav diktat i na ovakav način promenitiime države. Mi im jednostavno trebamo reći, tu smo ičekamo.“ Znači, čekamo.Čekamo ljepše i starije barokno SkopjeJoš je prošle godine Vlada bombastično najavilasvoj megalomanski projekat o izgradnji novog baroknogcentra Skopja, popularno nazvan „Skopje 2014“(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iybmt-iLysU).Nakon prvotnih žustrih reakcija kao i fizičkih sukobau centru grada (kada su na primer bili napadnuti studentiarhitekture - Prva Arhi Brigada zbog toga štosu protestvovali protiv vladine ideje da izgradi pravoslavnihram državnim novcem, između ostalog), stvarisu nastavljene kako su i bile planirane. Centar Skopjadramatično menja lik i to traje evo već godinu dana.„Albanski skopski“ odgovor je skoro bio predstavljenu vidu projekta o trgu Skenderbeg. Neki bi reklida umesto jednog velikog trga u centru jedinstvenoggrada koji se prostire na obe obale reke Vardar, azove se Skopje, već dobijamo dva zasebna trga obilatoukrašena sa nekoliko desetina skulptura „svojih“nacionalnih heroja. Jedan na levom, drugi na desnombregu Vardara. Ostatak države, je čini mi se već izabraosvoje favorite, pa se post-postmoderni slučaj baroknoSkopje 2014 posmatra maltene kao fudbalska utakmica.Svako navija za svoje. Sa strane.Čekamo da „izdajice“ ili „patrioti“ shvate da supogriješili i da se pokajuU prošlogodišnjem izveštaju sam pisao kako jejavnost u Makedoniji polarizovana do uzavrelosti. Sadaveć vri. Dramatična je (koliko i stupidna) lakoća kojom

36su se u javnosti ugurale podele na takozvane „patriote“i „izdajice“ (prošle su godine aktuelni bili „sorosoidi“ i„makedonoidi“). Ovo je ujedno i tema za čiji se računisporučuje i najveći nivo nasilja u javnosti. Jedan je TVvoditelj u emisiji hladno izjavio kako izdajice i zaslužujugovor mržnje, jer se i ne može drugačije sa njima. Iu laganoj šali dodao da je njihova likvidacija možda isledeći korak. Pošto je od strane nekih aktivista optuženda javno širi govor mržnje, odmah je uputio privatnutužbu za klevetu jer mu je povređen ugled. Postaloje normalno da za doslovce svaku temu postoje dvastava. Sve se može svesti na odnos prema očuvanju(ili izdaji) imena države i odmah se zauzima radikalnotvrd stav na tu temu. Po jedan za svaku od ove dvegrupe. A, drugih grupa i nema. Bar ne u javnosti. Opojedincima/kama i da ne govorimo. Kao što nemani srednjeg puta ili bar osnovne komunikacije izmeđuove dve suprotstavljene strane. Interesantno je to kakokompletno identične izjave date u sličnim kontekstimamogu imati dramatično suprotna tumačenja u javnosti.Kada recimo predsednik države priča da se zalažeza razumni kompromis sa Grčkom, on je nacionalniheroj. Kada to isto kaže, recimo, predsednik opozicijeon je automatski izdajica. U najmanju ruku. Naša vidljivajavnost je mnogo mudra.Mi ustvari čekamo da se javnost konačno pojavijavnoŠta to znači? Našu su javnost kidnapovale političkeelite i instalirale ad-hoc organizacije koje su spremnesimulirati sve što treba, gde god treba. Grupe građanačesto demonstriraju ispred kancelarija opozicije. (Šta litraže od opozicije? Da nestane?). Druge grupe građanasvaki javni autentični izraz nezadovoljstva uguravaju udnevnopolitički diskurs kao da je to pitanje života ilismrti. (Čak i kada su zahtevi dugoročni. Zašto?). Malose autentičnih organizacija uspelo održati. Sada vredispomenuti nezavisnu studentsku (konačno!) udruguSlobodni Indeks kao jednu od tih. I sve bi ovo bilo unekakvom redu da je društvena angažiranost otvorenoi iskreno promovirana i prihvaćena kao normalnapolitička aktivnost. Ali mi živimo u društvu koje je sasvimlagano kompletni prostor politike, u cijeloj širinishvaćanja te reči, ostavilo isključivo političkim partijama.To je njihov ekskluzivni prostor. „Fuj, politika, toje prljavo, nečasno.“ „Mi smo nepolitički aktivisti“ susamo neke od izjava koje se često čuju. I onda se sviizbezume kada se nečije javno zalaganje podudara ilisuprotstavlja sa ustoličenim i jedinim nosiocima politike– političkim partijama.A, da, u najnovijem izveštaju „Reportera bez granica“,u pogledu slobode medija Makedonija je rangiranana 68 mesto od 178 rangiranih. Pad je dramatičanimajući u vidu da smo tek prošle godine bili rangiranina 34 mjestu (a pretprošle na 42). To su isti oni medijikoji odlučuju koji će od predstavnika gorespomenute„javnosti“ dobiti prostor u eteru da promovira svojeideje i da utiče na diskurs. Nema se šta reći više.I na kraju, mi još uvek čekamo da se završi svetskaekonomska krizaUstvari, budimo iskreni, to možda baš i ne čekamo.Jer, čime bismo onda pravdali da 31,5% stanovništvaživi u siromaštvu i da je skoro 30% građana oficijalnonezaposleno? A mi se u međuvremenu tako silnosukobljavamo, i mrzimo jedni druge, i pretimo jednidrugima, i... za sva druga pitanja.P.S. Ova silna čekanja su očito uticala i na mene. Ija sam dugo čekao da se ovaj tekst nekako magičnosam napiše. Imao sam najbolje izgovore. Izvinjavam sezbog toga dragim prijateljima/cama iz CNA koji su mestrpljivo čekali. Na kraju sam ipak morao, razumljivo jeli, sam sjesti za kompjuter.Boro Kitanoskibosna i hercegovina: dostojanstveno u mestuZa početak ovogodišnjeg teksta o kontekstu rada iživota u BiH jedna dobra vest: Bosna i Hercegovinajoš uvek postoji. Bosna je još uvek živa. Kljakava – aliživa. Uprkos, kako onima mnogima koji joj žele brzu isigurnu propast, tako i onima koji joj se kunu u večnuljubav. Među prvima je, u žestokoj konkurenciji, svakakonajistaknutiji i u protekloj godini bio Milorad Dodik,bivši premijer i novoizabrani predsednik „Srpske“ (uprevodu: predsednik BiH entiteta poznatog pod imenomRepublika Srpska). Među drugima, takođe brojnimai u svojoj ljubavi neobuzdanima, poseban utisakostavio je Željko Komšić, novi-stari član predsjedništvaBiH iz reda hrvatskog naroda, inače izabran većinskomvoljom Bošnjaka/inja, (i „ostalih“). Tako se na primeruBiH možemo ponovo uveriti da ljubav ubija skoro podjednakoefikasno kao i mržnja. A kada to imamo u vidu

37moguće je razumeti zašto u rečenici kojom počinjeovaj tekst nema nimalo ironije. No kako bi se bolje razumeokontekst ovih reči potrebno je napraviti malipregled šta je to sve država BiH, kao i njeno društvo,preživela u prethodnih 12-ak meseci.Početkom oktobra 2010. godine, država BiH, injeni građani i građanke preko leđa su preturili jošjedne opšte izbore. I ovi su, kao i većina prethodnih,komentarisani kao „sudbonosni, ključni, presudni“.Reč „promene“ čula se čak češće nego „konstitutivnosti integritet“, ali ipak nešto ređe nego čuveno„dostojanstvo“. U političkoj areni nedeljama pred izborenadmetali su se grlati predstavnici mnogobrojnihpolitičkih partija sve zastupajući i do zadnje kapi(tuđe) krvi braneći – dostojanstvo (čoveka, radnika,Srbina, Hrvata, Bošnjaka). Isključivi muški rod u prethodnojrečenici je više nego nameran. Žena je u tojkampanji (na bilbordima i listama) bilo taman tolikoda se zaradi uzdržana pohvala od strane činovnika/caneke međunarodne agencije koja se bavi nadgledanjem(po naški: monitoringom) rodne ravnopravnosti.Onima koji nisu toliko zabavljeni brojkama, procentimai formom bilo je jasno da je ovo još jedna u nizu„ozbiljnih igara za mudre muške glave“. Osim daklelidera političkih stranaka, u javnom prostoru su bilizastupljeni i akteri/ke civilne scene, kao i mnogobrojnejavne ličnosti koji su odreda pozivali/e na izlazak naizbore, zauzimanje stava i – promene. Autorka ovogteksta, još uvek bez BiH državljanstva, a time i bez pravaglasa, bila je svesna da na cinizam nema prava. Noautorka ovog teksta nije mogla ni tada, a ni sada dase „opasulji“ niti da shvati o kakvom to dostojanstvu,a niti promenama trube ovi mnogouvaženi članovi/cenašeg društva.Osnovnog ljudskog dostojanstva ovde naime nemani na mapi, a promene su tako daleko j ednostavnozato što ne postoje politički relevantni niti građanskiosvešteni nosioci promena. Zbog toga se i „promene“postignute ovim izborima čine nekako, u najmanjuruku nedovoljnima i neadekvatnima. Šta zapravoimamo kao rezultate ovih izbora?Ubedljivu pobedu Dodikovog SNSD-a u svim izbornimjedinicama u RS, uključujući i pobedu njihovogkandidata na izborima za srpskog člana PredsjedništvaBiH, kao i ubedljivu pobedu Milorada Dodika na izborimaza predsednika RS. Shodno tome iz ovog BH entitetamožemo očekivati nastavak politike maksimalnousklađene sa nadahnutom opaskom njihovog lidera:„Republika Srpska zauvek, a BiH dokle mora! Istorijanas uči da ništa nije nepromenljivo, pa tako ni postojanjeBiH“. Takođe jako ubedljivu pobedu ostvarioje HDZ BiH, u svim izbornim jedinicama sa većinskimhrvatskim stanovništvom. Uspeh je pomućen ogromnomfrustracijom Hrvata u BiH zbog nemoći da izaberu„svoje“ kandidate za hrvatskog člana Predsjedništva.Praktično jedina promena u rasporedu političkih snagadesila se tamo gde je u većini bošnjačko stanovništvo.Poraz je doživela Stranka za BiH Harisa Silajdžića (i njegovatvrdoglava i dijalogu nesklona politika), a veliki(mada relativan) uspeh ostvarile su SDP i SDA, čiji sukandidati pobedili i u trci za hrvatskog (Komšić), odnosnobošnjačkog (Izetbegović) člana Predsjedništva.Već isto izborno veče pažljivijim posmatračimapostalo je jasno da nas posle ovih izbora čekaju velikekomplikacije sa formiranjem vlada i post-izbornihkoalicija, ali i žešći sudari i konfrontacije po pitanjubudućeg uređenja i teritorijalnog ustrojstva BiH kaodržave. Dragan Čović, lider HDZ-a najavljuje konačnuborbu za treći entitet u BiH, a Milorad Dodik bahatoporučuje da uživa u tome kad je drčan i kad podrivaBiH kao državu. Iz „uzdanice promena“ SDP-a poručujuda ne bude li njihov predsednik Zlatko Lagumdžijaizabran za čelnika Vijeća ministara BiH oni će FederacijuBiH ekonomski i politički urediti po uzoru nanekadašnju Zapadnu Nemačku, koja će Republiku Srpskuprogutati politički, ekonomski i moralno, baš kaošto je nekada Istočna Nemačka bila progutana!Promene? Kako da ne. Etniciziranost bosanskohercegovačkogdruštva vidljiva je nego ikada ranije, kaošto je i vidljiv nedostatak pozitivnih političkih projekatai vizija koje bi mogle da se etnicizaciji suprotstave. Prvosocijalni, pa tek onda politički fenomen poznat podimenom „Željko Komšić“ samo govori u prilog tvrdnjida prava i pozitivna politička alternativa još uvek nestanuje ovde. Iako je nemali broj onih koji će njegov(neverovatan) uspeh na izborima tumačiti upravo kaoizigravanje etničkog principa, potpisnica ovih redovasmatra da se radi o nezreloj i dugoročno gledano,pogubnoj strategiji koja iza paravana „građanskosti“zapravo demonstrira zakon jačeg tj. brojnijeg.Zbog tih, i mnogih drugih fenomena bosanskohercegovačkogsociopolitičkog života, najzanimljivijestvari za analizu zapravo su izmeštene izvan pukihrezultata izbora. Pitanje je kada će se ovo društvomoći suočiti sa činjenicom da još uvek boravi upredpolitičkom stanju, gde su maglovite i namernonedefinisane kategorije etnonacionalnog vokabularadominantne nad političkim programima i jasnimideološkim opredeljenjima. A takvo stanje prouzrokujebednu (ekonomski, moralno i politički) situaciju izkoje je teško nazreti izlaz. Imajući to u vidu nije teškorazumeti kako je moguće da prve dve političke par-

38tije koje jasno kažu da jedna sa drugom NEĆE NI-KAKO sarađivati budu upravo dve najmoćnije partijesa predznakom „socijal-demokratski“. To nam takođepomaže i da razumemo zašto oni koji se diče svojomsocijal-demokratičnošću sve više liče na socijaliste jednogdrugog kova. One nacional(ne)-socijaliste. No,kao što vidimo, na ovim prostorima iz istorije učimovrlo selektivno.I dok se ovaj tekst privodi kraju, još jednom da sevratim na reč „dostojanstvo“. Radi se sigurno o je dnojod najizlizanijih reči, čija je zloupotreba zajednička itotalitarnim i tranzicijskim i tzv. demokratskim sistemima.Svima su puna usta građanskog, nacionalnog,rasnog, verskog itd. dostojanstva. Kako to izgleda naprimeru BiH?Radničko dostojanstvo – brane ga svim silama,mnogobrojni ministri/ice, kriminalizovani tajkuni,poslodavci i ini. Poslednji izraziti primer branjenjaradničkog dostojanstva dogodio se pre koji dan uJablanici. Na grupu radnika koji su štrajkovali u krugufabrike pušteno je 300-ak specijalaca koji su intervenisalisa sve suzavcem i policijskim psima. Epilog –trideset povređenih radnika i priznanje Ministarstvaunutrašnjih poslova da je nasilni upad u krug fabrikebio protivzakonit.Novinarsko dostojanstvo – varira u zavisnosti odvrste i kvaliteta novinara/ki. Oni skloniji istraživanju ipostavljanju neugodnih pitanja imaju manje prava nadostojanstvo. Njima se nekažnjeno mogu upućivatiporuke – da zaslužuju metak u čelo, da bi trebalo dadožive infarkt i slično. Inače, BiH je na 47. mestu 21 poslobodi medija, sa tendencijom pogoršavanja togstanja.Dostojanstvo onih kojima je potrebna lekarskapomoć – puno se polaže na to, ali znate kako je – svetskaekonomska kriza, nema se. Samo bi zlobnici moglida pomisle da sa tim neke veze imaju nepotizam i korupcija(tu smo, uzgred, na 93. mestu). I dok čekamo daprođe svetska ekonomska kriza (i da prestanu da nasmaltretiraju svi redom) pa da malo sredimo bolnice izdravstvo – tu je jaran iz dalekog Maroka. Mekki Torabileči i isceljuje dodirom i vodom. A hiljade i hiljade ljudise već danim tiskaju ispred olimpijske dvorane Zetrakako bi sebi priuštili neku nadu i kakav-takav zdravstvenitretman.Sve u svemu, problema je u ovoj zemlji mnogo.Za mnoge od njih kao da se očekuje da će se samiod sebe rešiti čim uđemo u EU. Kažu desiće se i to,već 2020 i neke (samo da ne bude hidžretske). No, neveruju svi više u tu sliku zamamne i svetle budućnostikoja BiH čeka unutar EU. Sve je jasnije da se ovdeopasno tapka u mestu i da unutrašnja nesposobnostBiH kao države da se nosi sa sistemskim i strukturalnimograničenjima i problemima sve više iritira, umesto dazadobije podršku na međunarodnoj sceni. Ukolikosami građani/ke ove zemlje uskoro ne počnu da delujuu skladu sa tom odrednicom, ova će zemlja još dugovremena tavoriti u mraku unutrašnjih trvenja i antagonizamakoji prete da eskaliraju na vrlo ružan način. Ikrajnje nedostojanstveno.Tamara Šmidling21Godišnji izveštaj Reportera bez granica (RSF), koji se objavljuje redovno od 2002. godine.

39iz ličnogugla“buđenje”Ono što mi se počelo događati prilikom susreta saveteranima i obilascima stratišta po ovoj našoj“nesretnoj” zemlji, imalo je za mene neki osjećaj“buđenja” u odnosu na stanje koje sam proživljavao uprvih par godina poslije rata, kada sam imao priliku dase sretnem s ljudima “s one strane”, nebitno da li smose poznavali od prije ili ne.Značilo je to govoriti o stvarima i temama koje su doskora, po mom viđenju, bile smatrane “tabuiziranim”.Ljudi se uglavnom više trude više da se pridržavaju nepisanogpravila, tačnije kodeksa ponašanja, koji namne dozvoljava da druge pitamo za stvari za koje samine bismo voljeli da budemo pitani, pa se više vremenaprovede razgovarajući o političkim i privrednim prilikama,i o tome kako su mnogi iskoristili to zlo vrijeme iokoristili se njime, nego što se pita i razgovara o grobnicama,silovanjima, smaknućima, klanjima, logorimai tako dalje u nedogled, pa ako hoćete i o nekim svijetlimprimjerima humanosti i plemenitosti iz proteklogratnog perioda.Osjetio sam to “buđenje” na način da mogu da govorimotvoreno o svim ratnim zbivanjima i ulogamaljudi u njima, normalno sa svojom percepcijom i subjektivno,i osjetio sam da se ”gard” spušta lagano i koddrugih i sve više smo ljudi, a sve manje se krijemo iza“naši i vaši”, i tražimo svoje pozicije u proteklim zbivanjima,pa i vlastitu odgovornost.Ne treba ni da spominjem da je CNA popalila dobardio tih prekidača u našim glavama i isprovociralanaše podobro oštećene vijuge da krenu u novom smjeru,ne da devastiraju i ruše, već da grade neke nove,neću reći mostove, već obale na koje treba postavititemelje tih mostova koji treba da se podignu.Sav taj proces koji se odvijao kod mene vjerovatnoje bio u dobroj mjeri prepoznatljiv kod drugih, čim samdošao u priliku da se od mene traži, da tako kažem -usluga.U toku posjete veterana Zavidovićima, po izlaskuiz Spomen sobe, obratio mi se Lj., vidno uzbuđen.Očekiv’o sam tu navalu emocija kod njega, jer brigadaiz njegovog kraja imala je ogromne gubitke nazavidovićkom ratištu i soba je bila ispunjena zarobljenim“trofejima” na kojima su bile oznake te jedinice. Onmi je i počeo govoriti o tome, i kako ga je to pogodilo,jer dosta poznanika i prijatelja mu je ovdje izginulo,a dosta ih se još uvijek vode kao nestali. Uglavnom,zamolio je, ako nije problem, da uskoro on i par nekihnjegovih prijatelja dođu u Zavidoviće i da im seomogući obilazak Spomen sobe.S obzirom da je Spomen soba u prostorijama RVIZavidovića i kod njih se nalazi ključ od te prostorije,konsultovao sam se sa A. i dobio sam odgovor danema nikakvih problema, samo da se par dana unaprijednajave, upravo zbog uzimanja ključa.Tako sam i prenjeo informaciju Lj. i sa takvim dogovoromsmo se i razišli.Nakon možda nepunih mjesec dana, Lj. me je kontaktiraoi najavio dolazak. Ja sam izvršio sve predradnjei očekivao ih. Međutim, to jutro kada je trebalo dakrenu, nešto se desilo, mislim da je u pitanju bio smrtnislučaj, tako da me je obavijestio da neće doći.Prošlo je od tada više od mjesec dana kada me jeponovo nazvao i najavio se.Opet sam sve pripremio, obavijestio A. i M. i čekalismo sigurno dva sata, ali opet nazva i reče da sa automnešto nije u redu i da ne mogu doći taj dan.Kada je sutradan nazv’o i rek’o da su krenuli, uzeosam to sa rezervom i mislio da će opet za sat neštoiskrsnut’. M. je bio na poslu, a A. je imao neke svojeobaveze i rekao je da može kratko biti s nama. Ja samiz firme otišao u prostorije RVI i tamo u društvu predsjednikai sekretara organizacije proveo sat vremenačekajući. Znali su da neko od Srba dolazi u posjet, alinisu otvarali tu temu. I A. je bio tu i trudio se da malodovede u red prostoriju Spomen sobe.Ubrzo sam dobio poziv od Lj. i on mi reče kako suparkirani ispred zgrade. Izašao sam ispred i ugledao ga,i s njim dvojicu nepoznatih, tako da me je to donekleiznenadilo, jer očekiv’o sam da će doći sa nekim kolegamaiz svoje boračke organizacije, a koje sam ja

40imao priliku da upoznam prilikom posjete Prnjavoru.Upoznali smo se i ako se dobro sjećam, mislim da jejednom ime P., a drugom B. Vidio sam da nose “oficirske”torbice i foto aparate. Pomislio sam: “Jebo te Lj.,koga si ovo doveo!”. Nisam baš u njima vidio ljude kojisu eto, došli nešto da vide i evociraju uspomene. Biosam u tom trenutku ljut na Lj. što me nije obavijestiounaprijed o tome ko će doći, al’ možda se bojao da ćuga u tom slučaju odbiti.P. je upitao hoće li moći oni da uđu i pogledajuSpomen sobu. Rek’o sam im da i jesmo iz tog razlogatu i pozvao ih unutra.A. se pozdravio s njima i izvinio se što mora daide. Uveo sam ih kod predsjednika RVI u kancelariju ičovjek ih je ljubazno primio, izrazio dobrodošlicu i rekaoljudski, da ako šta može da učini neka se slobodnoobrate i neka se osjećaju komotno.Za to vrijeme kod mene u glavi je vladala konfuzija.Hiljade pitanja se roje, traži se odgovor ko su, jesu likakvi “bezbjednjaci”, šta ih stvarno zanima. Jedino štome je ohrabrivalo je to što sam i ja kod njih prepozn’oznakove nekakve nelagode.“Zvono tišine” stajalo je nad nama dok nismoušli u Spomen sobu i na nekin način se izolovali nasčetvorica. Tad i poče neka priča i jedan reče da je iznekog mjesta kod Banja Luke, a drugi čini mi se iz Srbca,ali nisam siguran. Upitaše smiju li da fotografišu, jaonako nevoljko rekoh da smiju, a u sebi mislim koji ćeim to klinac, za čiju arhivu.Tek onda se Lj. uključi i reče, ako sam dobro skont’o,da jedan od njih traga za ocem, a drugi za bratom,koji su nestali na ovim prostorima. Možda ružno zvuči,ali meni je tada laknulo. Bilo mi je potrebno da znamsvrhu njihovog dolaska, a znao sam da su dolazilejedinice i iz tih mjesta.Nisam htio da im ubijam nadu, ali rekao sam da oddokumentacije koja se nalazi ovdje sve je sto posto većobrađeno, da su ti podaci već proslijeđeni nadležnimslužbama, a da oni slobodno izvole i pregledaju svešto ih interesuje.Tako je i bilo, pregledali su sve zaplijenjene vojneknjižice, lične karte, vozačke dozvole, ratne dnevnike islikali su dokumente od pojedinaca koje su prepoznali,ili za koje su znali da su iz njihovih krajeva. Ja sam se upočetku malo trz’o, jer puno se “rovarilo”, a nisam ni jatu baš kao kod svoje kuće, međutim potrudio sam seda ljudima omogućim da provjere baš sve. Nažalost,nisu našli nikakve podatke o svojima, ali drago im jebilo što su imali priliku da pogledaju i potraže.Oni su svoj dio posla završili i ostatak vremenaproveli smo u razgledanju ostalih eksponata izSpomen sobe. Pitali su, ja što sam znao odgovaraosam i tumačio.Vidio sam sjetu na njihovim licima, kaošto se vidi kod svakog normalnog čovjeka kad vidi svata imena i slike poginulih. Pogotovo je to izraženo kodljudi koji su izgubili bližnje.Izašli smo, pozdravili se sa ljudima iz RVI, zahvalilise na gostoprimstvu i stali na parking da popušimo pojednu. Bili su izuzetno zadovoljni, kažu da nisu očekivaliovakav prijem, ali Lj. im je rekao da poznavajući menenije ni sumnj’o u to. Pozdravili smo se, oni se uputišekućama, a ja na pos’o i “dumanje”.I opet da se vratim na ono “buđenje” sa početkapriče. Da mi se ovako nešto desilo prije toga, da sampod nekim okolnostima došao u sličnu situaciju dana ovaj način treba nešto da uradim, ne bih izdržao.Potrošio bih se i rastrglo bi me na komade, jer bihrazmišlj’o o tome da li ikakav izraz dobre volje dačinim prema ljudima koji su dio nečega što je htjeloda i mene i moje uništi, da li su ti “njihovi” poginuli bilikrvoloci ili tek nesretni vojnici, da li su bili tobdžije kojis osmjehom gađaju škole i vrtiće ili prisilno mobilisaniljudi sa zdravstvenim problemima, koji nemaju pare dakupe komisiju.Šta će reći moja sredina i “dokazane patriote”?Hoće li me proglasiti za izdajnika i optužiti da zbogpara izdajem tekovine? Hoću li postati gori i omraženijiod onih koji su klali u moje ime? Hoće li mi dopustitida skrnavim Spomen sobu branitelja, dovodeći neke“četnike”? I mogu još da nabrajam šizofrena pitanja,koja bi mi se, siguran sam, vrtila po glavi i izjedala me.Ali, hvala Bogu, nije tako. Ja sam dočekao svojesvjetlo na kraju tunela i mogu bistre glave i bez prigovorasavjesti da učinim svaki gest ili da pomognem,ako sam u prilici, svakom ljudskom biću koga je ranioovaj rat i čiju žrtvu ne prepoznajem po imenu, nego poboli koja je ostala poslije nje.Amer Delić, veteran Armije BiHNovembar 2010.

veliko hvala svima vama koji nam pružate podršku

ABOUT THECENTRE FOR NONVIOLENT ACTIONCNA’s mission has been to work on the building of lasting peacein the region of the former Yugoslavia through the promotion of thecultures of nonviolence and dialogue, and through the trust buildingamong individuals and groups, as well as constructive dealingwith the past as one of the key elements of the peacebuilding.We have been striving to achieve a society of lasting peace wherethe development of critical thought, taking responsibility for societyand community, the encouragement to reassess one’s own attitudesand the acceptance of the diversity are cherished. To achieve thesesocial values, we apply different kinds of activism, while focusing onpeace education, publishing and video production.What do we want and what are we striving for?With our work we want to incentivise and encourage the promotionof peace as a basic social value and ridding of the war andviolence as ways to solving conflicts. Dealing with the past in theregion of former Yugoslavia has been the focus of our interests andwe advocate for the definition of this process as a multilayered andcomplex process that includes also: the work to deconstruct the “enemyimages”, to build trust among people in the region of the formerYugoslavia and to establish a culture of remembrance; advocacyfor promotion and development of public policies aimed at dealingwith the past; the reexamination and deconstruction of nationalism,militarism and patriarchy as the ideological pillars of violencein every society. With the programmes of peace education and activitiesin the field of documentary production and publishing westrive to create new and strengthen the current resources for peacework in the region of the former Yugoslavia. Our desire is to createand to support the capacities focused on value-based approach topeace building, led by commitment to human rights protection andfreedoms of all individuals and the values of dialogue, co-operation,social justice and solidarity among the individuals and groups.In which way do we want to accomplish this?By respecting the basic principle “live what you preach” as wellas by creating a firm value-based foundation in our work, but alsoin the way the organization itself is functioning. In openness for dialoguewith all those who want it and in readiness for co-operationwith those with whom we share visions and values of nonviolence,culture of dialogue, constructive criticism and struggle against injustice.In the focus on regional cooperation as an important elementof the lasting and sustainable peace in the region of formerYugoslavia.In readiness to change, develop, learn and adjust ourselves tothe demands of the real needs of our societies, not the demandsof donors and “real-politik.”

foreword toFriends of CNA,We present you CNA’s annual report, September 2009 - September 2010, for perusal, readingand as an incentive for feedback. This is our thirteenth annual report. That’s about as long as wehave been present in the region of former Yugoslavia (and sometimes elsewhere), where “we dealwith difficult matters”, as our colleague Adnan said.In the past year, those matters (and not just difficult ones) included: basic training events,work with war veterans (amount and intensity of which has increased significantly); conference onreconciliation, participation in international and local seminars and conferences; promotion of ourlatest documentary “Intermittent Line”; work on release of the book “Images of Those Times” of lifestories of veterans and their family members...We worked hard and we worked a lot. Hopefully, not too much or too hard, because energyshould be preserved for the years ahead of us and the challenges that await us in our societies, butwithin CNA, too. In the past year, a great deal of our energy was invested again into consolidationof the organization and intentions to structure and organize ourselves better and more just. As aresult, two new bodies within CNA were formed – the resource and programmatic groups, whosetask is to improve the mode of operation and key decision making processes thus making all ourlives easier. Apart from that, we used a great deal of our capacities on various things that you willfind in this report because it is somehow regarded as something one does not write about, butactually does it. Anyway - we made and wrote reports, tried to provide funding, moved office andrenovated both of them, tried to get the car we had paid for, there was some time and imaginationleft for thinking about some new things we’d like to do; we planned some new activities; we weremeeting continuously with veterans’ associations, maintained and strengthened partnerships; kepthaving internal meetings and so on and so forth. Turbulent year, turbulent times...Despite our best efforts and intentions, we did not stay together. Our colleague Nenad Porobićleft the organization and took a new job. We use this opportunity to thank him sincerely for all hisefforts in organizing the aforementioned activities. Sarajevo team was joined by Jessica Žic, ourcolleague who is hired as a civil peace worker, on the project supported by the Federal Ministryfor Economic Cooperation and Development of Germany (BMZ). Her impressions of the first fewmonths of life and work in Sarajevo are included in this report.We hope that in the future we will also be able to keep up with the societies in which we areactive, and that we will think about the end of our work primarily when there’s no longer any needfor peace building in our region. We’re working on it.Till next yearCNA Sarajevo / Belgrade Team

44basic trainings in peacebuildingIn the past year, CNA organized two ten-day, basic trainings inpeacebuilding. Thus we managed to maintain the pace of twobasic training events per year, which coincides with our strategicdecision that we had made some years ago to gradually reducethe number of training events, and invest more capacities intodesigning and implementing other (also new) activities. However,we can say that basic training events will remain a cornerstoneof our work and one of our most recognizable activities(along with the work with veterans and documentaries).peaceeducationprogrammesRelevance of CNA’s Basic Training for the Region of FormerYugoslaviaA huge number of applications we receive for each basictraining (last time we got nearly 180 applications) tells us thatthe need for this type of peace education in our region is stillvery large. That is confirmed by the situation in all the countriesof our region in which we are active, more of which you can findin the last chapter of this report. In none of the countries of theregion peace education is institutionalized, nor is it the part ofthe curriculum. To tell the truth, some elements are adopted andincorporated into subjects such as for example “civic education”,but systematic and clearly conceptually designed peace educationthat addresses some of the most serious socio-politicalproblems of our societies is still responsibility of peace groupsand organizations.The thing that CNA basic trainings in peacebuilding offerand what makes them probably unique in our region is - consistency(they have been organized for almost 12 years) and aclear focus and emphasis on cross-border cooperation and regionalnetworking. Our experience proves that a large part ofthe motivation people have to apply for this training lies in theopportunity to meet and work for 10 days with people fromdifferent parts of former Yugoslavia. That is another way ourbasic training events contribute to a current, ongoing discussionon political and social scene and that is the question: Whatis the region for us today? Our value orientation and the (political)position on this issue are clear and confirmed by our insistenceto work in the entire region (except in Slovenia). Forus, this region is an assemblage of highly interconnected andinterdependent contexts, which, despite all the existing differencesamongst the countries, form a commongeographical, cultural, economic andpolitical sphere. However, it is interesting toanalyze what the region means to the peoplewho have attended our training events recently.For those slightly older (roughly over35), this region is also a site of remembrance,a meeting point and a basis for the constructionof some (old) identities. For youngergenerations it is obviously a set of more orless exotic places about which little is knownexcept for daily political or celebrity/sportrelated news. Therefore it is a major challengeto thematize the necessity of linkage,dialogue and building of good neighbourlyrelations, but also of dealing with the violentpast in this region, in a way that would beappropriate and comprehensible to peoplewho differ greatly in a generational, professionaland value sense.When we think about socio-politicalproblems of our societies we can say thatat our latest training events we also soughtto relate to the needs and adjust the trainingconcept to the current situation. We canproudly say that we’ve done it quite successfully,and that some political impulses thatwe have been receiving from the highest authoritiesof Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovinaor Croatia 1 show that our focus on dealingwith the past and peacebuilding certainlywas not amiss. By insisting on these issuesand their clear theoretical and methodologicalframing we send a message regardingwhere we see priority in peace work in ourregion, while notably distancing ourselves1In terms of more open and constructive attitude towards the responsibility of one’s own side for the crimes and misdeeds ofthe past wars.

45from the bunch of other programmes in the regionthat are focused almost exclusively on gaining variousskills and self-improvement.Who applies, who participates at the basic trainingevents?The core of our approach to peace education is thatpeacebuilding begins with oneself, from a personallevel; but that its purposefulness is achieved only whenpersonal changes and knowledge are transferred ontoa social level as well, by way of activism. It is not irrelevantto emphasize given the evident growing importanceof inflating one’s CV, that our basic training givespriority to activist over academic experience, while itvalues readiness for self re-examination and reflectionfar more than learned phrases about democracy, tolerance,civil society, Euro-Atlantic integrations, and soon. Therefore, it is far more designed for those willingto shake up their positions and values and do someactual work in their communities, then for those whoneed a certificate of participation to decorate theirresume and help them find a job in an internationalagency.More war veterans apply to basic training events,and it’s also noticeable that there’s a huge interestamongst people working in educational institutionsand media. We are really glad about it, especially consideringour impression that for quite some time NGOshave not been the first address from which arrive enthusiasm,creativity and the willingness to undertakea social change. Therefore, one should focus on otherresources, no matter how unexpected they may seem(as is the case with a group of veterans).Geographically speaking, there are several interestingtrends. We receive in increasing number ofgood, original applications from Croatia, even though3-4 years ago it seemed that the interest for our trainingthere completely abated. The interest is increasingamongst people in Bosnia and Herzegovina, althoughstill very few Croatians from Bosnia and Herzegovinaapply. A lot of applications come from Macedonia tooand we are thrilled that they do not fall into the standardNGO cliché ‘work a little – travel a little’. When itcomes to Serbia, there’s a lot of interest, but the applicationsare as like as two peas and almost fully reflectthe dominant daily political NGO language. We stillhave a problem with a small number of applicationsfrom Kosovo and Montenegro, although we try to organizetraining events in the regions / states to whichpeople with passports of Kosovo can travel freely,and that is one of the reasons why these two trainingevents were organized in Montenegro. It is interestingto note that the number of applications from Montenegrodropped dramatically since the country haddeclared its independence. Certainly all of these tendencieshave to do with shifts in the political arena andit would be very interesting to analyze this connectionmore closely in some other article.At the end of this introductory piece on basic trainingevents, we whish to emphasize that judging by theexperience and knowledge that we have gained up todate, basic training events played an important role formany people in terms of their empowerment, incentivesand support in recognition of their own capacitiesand powers to take part in many local initiativesof work on peacebuilding and dealing with the past inthe entire region.This gives us a sense of importance regarding whatwe do and motivation to continue.T.Š.basic training in peacebuilding, ulcinjUlcinj, Montenegro, 23 October - 2 November 2009This was the 31 st Basic training in peacebuilding(nonviolent conflict transformation) organised byCNA. The training team included Helena Rill, NedžadHorozović, Sanja Deanković from CNA and NenadPorobić.Basic training events have evolved with respect toboth their topic and content. We combined variousthemes as well as changed the methodological approachto them, but the essence and the main goalhave remained the same: the multiplication of knowledge,experience and skills regarding work on peacebuilding,the promotion of the values of nonviolence,rising the awareness, sensitization and responsibilityfor both oneself and one’s society, and the empowermentof individuals to take an active role in it.One of the learning points was to re-focus regardingthe people with whom we work in this programme.It is important to have people who are able to multi-

46ply experience and knowledge gained in the training,which is most often the case with people in the media,education, politics and ex-combatants, etc. whilethere should be fewer people from non-governmentalorganizations. In fact, many of them have knowledgeand experience that very often aren’t based on clearpersonal reflection, and their participation reduces thespace for other participants who are not experiencedin in-depth re-examination, which is one of the basicpreconditions in the context of learning in training.We perceived the training as intense, and that wasthe feedback we received from the participants – importanttopics were discussed even without our directincentive, the work was deep and copious, the peoplere-examined themselves and moved further. There’shardly a person that we didn’t notice undergoing achange, when we compared the first and the last dayof the training, which definitely gives hope that societycan change if the right way is found. Participantsdemonstrated motivation to do something in theircommunities, particularly in their workplaces, whichis mostly the case with people pertaining to groupsabovementioned (that is especially so for those whowork in education).Finally, here is one of the statements from the writtenevaluation of the training: I’ve got a lot of energyto reflect on my own in a great way – upon both myown actions and those of others (community) and tocontinue working on the transformation of my microenvironment.I will be persistent and loud, but at thesame time more reasoned - before any action I will furtherre-examine and check with myself whether what Ido is really “it”.H.R.basic training in peacebuilding, tivatTivat, Montenegro, March 19 – 29, 2010The thirty-second basic training in peacebuilding,organized by the Centre for Nonviolent Action washeld in Tivat, Montenegro from 19 to 29 March, 2010.The training was facilitated by Helena and Nenad P.of our Belgrade office and Tamara and Sanja of CNA’sSarajevo office.Regarding the concept of the training our main impressionis that we followed the group’s needs quitewell and that the topics complemented one anotherfrom the very beginning with well rounded thematicunits. That was also the result of some innovations andsupplements we have been introducing at the last fewtraining events.While setting the concept we were careful to offermore defined conceptual and theoretical frameworkfor the work on peacebuilding and dealing with thepast (through a number of theoretical inputs and byclearly underlining the connection between personal

47and social level of activity in the work on peacebuilding,and theoretical framework for understanding thedifferent levels of work on dealing with the past in orderto clearly perceive the importance of the role andresponsibilities of an individual in these processes).We also strived to leave enough space for work onpeacebuilding, nonviolence and nonviolent action sothat the people would get a chance to reflect on theirown about the possibilities to act and thus becomeempowered and encouraged to get involved concretelyin their communities.There was plenty of openness and willingness forpersonal work and re-examination of one’s own attitudeswithin the group. Some people were ready fordeep emotional exploration of themselves and theirown position within petrified social injustices that arebecoming “normal” and are less and less re-examinedin the society we live in.We noticed there wasn’t enough work on thetheme of structural and cultural violence in our societies.That’s the task we should resolve for the followingtraining events: to find a way to tackle the subject in awider and deeper sense.Although the group had many political activists,especially from Serbia, we missed their prominentpresence in the work process from the standpoint oftheir political affiliation. We must come up with a wayto encourage people to take responsibility for the discussionat that level and for re-examination and criticismof their own political agenda for the situation insociety / societies.An important focus of the training, besides peacebuildingand dealing with the past, was nonviolenceand the values of nonviolence, as well as exploringhow to design nonviolent activities. For many peoplethat was an incentive and encouragement to reflecton the possibilities of action once they return to theircommunities. Regardless of the fact that these topicswere covered in the last two blocks, there was stillenough energy and willingness for serious work.This was an inspiring training with a lot of peoplewho have potential to get really involved in their societies.We do hope to stay in touch with many of themand have a chance to work together on our advancedpeace education programmes.S.D.

48dealingwith thepast:activitiesconference „neighbours, not enemies“Sarajevo, April 22 – 26, 2010For the first time in thirteen years of our existence,the CNA team organized a regional conference onreconciliation. What we have re-examined, defined,debated through many of our other programmes foryears, is now framed in the form of a four-day eventthat was held in Sarajevo’s Saraj Hotel, in April. Theactivity was organized as a part of the project named“Peace Building in the Western Balkans - From Normalization,To Reconciliation” which CNA has beenimplementing in partnership with Miramida Centre,Grožnjan, Croatia. In a way, the conference was somewhatformal follow-up to the last years’ “Miramidays– Days of Peacebuilding” on the similar theme.The programme of the conference offered a thematicand methodological diversity, without losingsight of the need for a clear focus and framework ofthe discussion. Therefore, the following introductorypresentations were offered as a part of the plenarysessions’ programme: Victimization as an obstacle toreconciliation; Role of veterans in the reconciliation process,Media and reconciliation. The workshop part wasintended as an open space for asking questions thatare often overlooked, or considered self-explanatory -What is our region for us now? How much does it costwhat we do? What is the gender of war and reconciliation?How is REKOM initiative perceived by the warveterans? Special segment of the conference’s programmewas dedicated to a round table on the theme:Do we need reconciliation in the region?The conference brought together over sixty participantsfrom Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia andCroatia. Hence, it was probably the first time ex-combatants,activists, theorists and researchers, journalistsand politicians found themselves alongside each otherat a public event on this topic. Therefore, during fourdays people of different professional, living as well asvalue orientation had a chance to discuss together andexchange their views on the reconciliation process anddealing with the past in the region of former Yugoslavia.Without pressure to reach forced conclusions andagreements, and without imposed expectation to producea so-called “joint concrete actions”, respectablegroup of experienced people simply talked and learntduring the plenary sessions, workshops and breaks.The main thematic focus of the conference wasa process of reconciliation in the former Yugoslaviawhich we wanted to examine, (re)define, and perceivefrom different angles. The very notion of reconciliationtypically causes controversy. It is both abstract, and oftentoo “flexible”. In need of concretism and systematization,we wanted to encourage critical examinationof the existing concepts and models, as well as theapproaches their exponents have. The idea was to tryto critically re-examine current practices, even if it involvescriticism of one’s own approach (and especiallythen!), without additional banality and reaching for the

49recipes like “everything for some, something for all”.Another focus somehow imposed itself during theconference. It was the role and possible contributionof war veterans to the reconciliation processes, dealingwith the past and peacebuilding. Even though onlyone session was devoted to this issue directly, the verypresence of numerous veterans from various armiesand organizations resulted in the fact that the role ofthis group was constantly on the conference’s agenda.Therefore we were somewhat unexpectedly given theopportunity to conduct a parallel process that wasnot part of the conference’s main agenda. Namely,it was the process of sensitization (of both veteransand activists) of ones to the others. We do not deludeourselves that the obvious existing gap was thereforeradically reduced, but we can not but chuckle to thefact that we have considerably contributed to the factthat the representatives of veteran population becomeregular participants, not only of these type of events,but also of the wider process of reconciliation.Finally, we are particularly pleased with the largeturnout of our colleagues from different areas to ourinvitation to participate at the conference, and a verygood response from media representatives who coveredthe conference and reported from it. Althoughthis was a step away from the usual procedure for CNAand a journey into the unknown in a certain way, werealized that we were up to such a task because theneed for this type of networking and sharing definitelyexists. It’s only that most of us are either too tired of“endless talking” or too busy with their own activitiesand projects. The feedback we received after the conferenceencourages us to continue in this direction,and it’s up to all of us to fill the space between this oneand some next similar conference with dedicated andresponsible work in this field.For more information on the programme, contentof discussions and presentations, and participants’ reviewof some key questions, conference’s booklet isavailable on the following link (available only in BHSlanguages):http://www.nenasilje.org/publikacije/pdf/CNA_Susjedi.a.ne.neprijatelji.pdfT.Š.

50ex-combatants trainingBrčko, June 11 – 15, 2010 & Jahorina, July 09 – 13, 2010Training for ex-combatants is one of the activitiesof CNA’s work with war veterans. It is special becausepeople who were not so long ago shooting at each,now sit together and talk, and the “other one, the evil”perhaps for the first time becomes personified in somehuman character and shape. Emotionally challengingand difficult issues are discussed openly thus encouragingre-examination of one’s own role and the role ofone’s side for the past wars and re-examination andidentification of one’s own responsibility for today andtomorrow. Believing that the combatants are peoplewho have and can have major impact on our societies,through training we try to encourage participantsto be more active in building a more just and bettersociety.The eighth training for combatants from the regionwas held in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It consisted oftwo phases. The first one was held in a northern Bosniaand Herzegovina’s town of Brčko, on the border withCroatia, from June 11 to 15, 2010. One of the reasonsfor choosing Brčko is its geographical accessibility topeople from the region. The place is also interestingfor the fact that all three constituent peoples of Bosniaand Herzegovina share the power in the district, underthe patronage of the international community. Our tieswith Brčko have also to do with some recent activities- visits to the sites of casualties, where all three veterans’associations (of Republika Srpska, the CroatianDefence Council and the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina)were together our hosts, which was in fact theimplementation of the idea of the trainees who hadattended the last year’s training for combatant of warsin the region of former Yugoslavia.The group comprised of 13 trainees. This trainingwas attended by veterans from Nuštar (Republicof Croatia), Odžak, Zapadni Mostar and Gornji Vakuf/Uskoplje who responded to our invitation and withwhom we hadn’t had prior cooperation.The training team, which included AdnanHasanbegović, Nedžad Horozović, NenadVukosavljević and Nermin Karačić, set out the followingbasic objectives of the training:• Establishment of dialogue between former combatantsfrom different warring sides.• Sensitization for different views and opinionsabout events from the wartime past.• Development of empathy• Trust building• Building of a “platform” for future joint activities.The concept of the phase one of the training waslargely leaning on the previous training events, becausewe realized that they provided trust buildingand a safe space for the participants, as well as enabledus to meet the objectives which the training teamacknowledged in the end.After the phase one the training team had the impressionthat the trust was established, primarily inCNA, as well as trust amongst the trainees, thereforea good space was created for the phase two to ensue.The phase two was held in the Bistrica Hotel, inJahorina, nearby Sarajevo, from July 9 to 13, 2010where we have been holding our training events forveterans and other activities of CNA, for years already.Two participants from Serbia and one from RepublikaSrpska who had attended the phase one of training,were unable to come. We invited five new veterans,some of which had already participated in someother CNA’s peacebuilding activities. Their motivatedcontribution to the discussions resulted in a betterquality of workshops and the training itself.The concept of the phase two was for most partbased on reflecting ideas for joint actions. We wentthrough the elaboration of these ideas, simulating thesituations in which people could found themselvesduring their actual implementation, primarily openingup the issues of meaning, message and significancethat those joint activities of veterans from differentsides might have for our societies and communities.

51Speaking about the possible difficulties and fears, ourroles and participation, and the role and participationof our associations, we got a clearer picture of the realchances for something like that to be done.The goals that we had set for this training werefulfilled. The impression is that everything went somehowmore easily and quickly than in previous yearsand this one has been one of the best training eventsso far. Perhaps there is a sense that in the end peopleleft somehow burdened, aware how difficult and arduousit was to confront oneself and one’s past, butsurely, perhaps for the first time, with some hope for abetter future. Here is the quote of a trainee: “It waseasier to take arms and fight, then to work on reconciliationand peacebuilding, but there is no otherway.” It is easy to recognize, even watching from theside, that amongst the people who passed throughCNA peace programmes, in most cases true reconciliationwas achieved and some new ties, trust and friendshipswere established. We share a common challengeto extend those impulses from a personal level to thelevels of our societies.N.K.war veterans visited sites of atrocitiesZavidovići, Brčko, Modriča, Šamac - April/May 2010This year we have organised the third cycle of jointvisits by war veterans from B&H, Serbia and Croatia tosites of atrocities and memorials related to the 1992 –1995 war. The group was comprised of participants ofthe war veteran training, which we organised in 2009,as well as of additional guests from former activitiesand people from local war veteran associations.This year we have visited four towns:Zavidovići 2 , 10 – 11/04/2010Brčko 3 , 12 – 14/04/2010Modriča 4 , 28 – 29/05/2010Šamac 5 , 30 – 31/05/20102In Zavidovići we visited: Memorial to civil and military casualties of Zavidovići Municipality located in downtown, Riđali – memorialfor killed soldiers of B&H Army, Dolina Gostovića – memorial for killed soldiers of B&H Army, 13th Kilometer – unmarkedformer military camp of „El Mujaheed“ unit, where Serb prisoners were killed and tortured in 1995.3In Brčko we visited: Luka – war-time camp for non-Serbs, Laništa – memorial for Croatian civil casualties killed in 1992, BukvikVillage – unmarked site of Serb civil casualties (memorial under construction).4In Modriča we visited: memorial room of RS (Republika Srpska) Army – Modriča, memorial for killed RS soldiers located inModriča downtown, Silos – unmarked camp for Serb civilians.5In Šamac we visited: Crkvina warehouse – unmarked camp for non-Serb civilians, memorial for soldiers of RS Army in Crkvina,memorial room of RS Army in Šamac, memorials in Šamac downtown for civil and military casualties, Bridge over Bosnia River –war-time front-line.

52In each of these towns, our hosts were local warveteran organisations, which we were preparing anddesigning such visits with in the previous period. InZavidovići our host was the Organisation of DisabledWar Veterans of Zavidovići Municipality, in ModričaWar Veteran Organisation of RS (Republika Srpska) andAssociation of Camp Prisoners of RS, Modriča, while inŠamac our hosts were War Veteran Organisation andCommittee of Disabled War Veterans of Šamac.The visit to Brčko was a special one, as there ourhosts were three War Veteran Organisations together,since Brčko District is the only town in B&H where WarVeteran Organisations of the three former parties atwar are equally present and active - Organisation ofDisabled War Veterans of B&H Army, Brčko District,Disabled Veterans of the Croatian War of IndependenceRavne, Brčko and War Veteran Organisation of RS,Brčko. In each visit, there were 20 of us approximately,while apart from hosts, there were people from VeteranOrganisations of Tuzla, Sarajevo, Prnjavor, Zagreb,Županja, Šibenik, Vranje, Vlasotince and Novi Sad.Organising this activity was initiated by the CNATeam, but willingness and motivation of people fromlocal war veteran organisations to take over the activityorganising and to take care together with us ofabout many things, which had to be done while preparingand implementing this type of activities, wasvery helpful.The main impression from these visits was that despiteof the demanding visit program and emotionallychallenging process, the group „bore“ this activityvery well. We spent a lot of time in discussions relatingto war consequences in the communities and placeswe visited. Courage of local people was obvious,when they took us also to unmarked sites, which wereconsidered as taboo in their environment and whichwere spoken about insufficiently. Meetings and discussions,which followed the visits, were very emotionaland empowering, because great empathy was felt forwar victims regardless of which side they were from.People were affected deeply just by looking at photosof killed soldiers and their medals displayed in thememorial rooms we visited. During discussions aftervisits, serious anti-war messages were articulated, aswell as shock because of human casualties. „What kindof humans are we to allow such large-scale crime?“,one of the participants asked himself, which reflectedgeneral mood prevailing in the group. Visiting memorialstogether and looking at the lists of killed civiliansand soldiers in various places and paying tribute impresseddeeply all people present and seemed to havesent powerful message of peace and human bearingof the burden of the recent war.We were also glad because we received directdeclarative support from local authorities in all theseplaces. In every town, representatives of local municipalitygovernment joined us and spent a few hours inconversation with us. We even noticed a kind of wonderingand surprise by the courage of having formerwarriors from once opposed armies involved in peacebuildingefforts. Inspired by such meetings, municipalitymayors spoke about much needed reconciliationbetween nationalities in their communities. An initiativewas launched by the group to have all unmarkedsites of casualties adequately marked, which was acceptedby representatives of local authorities with understanding.A dilemma remained as to whether thisinitiative would be realised, but it was important forus to have mentioned it as a necessity and to haveput pressure to authorities for such initiatives to beimplemented.A few striking details may be singled out from theoverall activity:The visit to the 13th kilometer in Gostivića valley offZavidovići, where „El Mujaheed“ unit of B&H Army waskeeping, torturing and killing Serb prisoners. By visitingthis site, which has not been marked, despite of thefact that some officers of B&H Army were prosecutedby ICTY for these crimes, a great progress has been feltin recognising and facing crimes made by „one’s own“side, without any calculations. This has sent a powerfulmessage to people from the other side that there is anhonest wish for reconciliation and sincere regret.The similar situation has been created by thevisit to Crkvina warehouse off Šamac, where non-Serbs were imprisoned during the war and many ofthem were killed. Messages of regret and feelings ofresponsibility with honest recounting of the events,which we have heard from our hosts in Šamac, haveprovide hope that eventually there will be a catharsiswith accepting and condemning crimes committed in

53„our“ name and in our communities in front of many„common“ people, both war veterans themselves andthose others who have mainly been silent about it sofar. It is important to mention that in Šamac, duringpreparations for the visit, we had a meeting with theMunicipality Deputy Mayor, who had been imprisonedfor 7 years for war crimes. We had quite constructivediscussions with him, during which he expressed hiswillingness to support us in visiting Šamac, as well asCrkvina warehouse. He had been sentenced to prisonfor indirect participation in that crime by the HagueTribunal.It is interesting that this year in Brčko we have hadan opportunity to be hosted by three war veteran organisationstogether, which were fighting against eachother during the war. The general context of BrčkoDistrict is also interesting, as this is a rare communityin B&H where there are indications of co-existencewithout clear majority of one nationality and where allshare a common space and social reality from equalpositions of power. Therefore, from a symbolic pointof view, the visit to Brčko is especially significant sincewe have managed to visit together the sites of casualtiesof all three peoples as well as to speak aboutit openly and to pay tribute to victims. It has beenhelpful to know that for quite some time now there isgood cooperation between local war veteran organisationsand that they often act together toward authoritiesin the fight for their rights and needs. In ouropinion, this initiative has further empowered them todeal with and face their war past in a constructive wayin future. Humanisation of the image of the „enemy“through understanding of their loss and suffering, aswell as piety for victims of the „other side“ create atmospherein which fear and hostility are significantlyreduced. This kind of activity is an opportunity fornecessary social dialogue. Through such meetings,we send a clear message to all levels of society aboutthe need for a different kind of political articulationof the relationship to the past. These are symbolicallypowerful actions, which encourage decreasing of hostilitiesand ethnic distance. They also encourage thinkingabout political alternatives and make it easier forpolitical leaders to take personally a step forward inthis direction (for example laying flowers by PresidentsJosipović and Tadić in Vukovar, visit to B&H by CroatianPresident Josipović, etc.)We are only partially satisfied by media coverage.Although we have sent invitations to various media inB&H, only few local and regional TV and radio stationsand journalists have responded. Among publicbroadcasters, RTRS and BHT have responded. It hasbeen our wish to have much greater media coverage,but it is obviously necessary to lobby more directlyamong journalists when such activities are in question.Unfortunately, it seems that many media still considerit more interesting to show bad news and violent incidents,rather than deep and significant messages ofreconciliation and sincere tribute paying to victims.During these visits, we have recorded a lot of videoand audio material and we hope to be able soonto make an authentic document for the purpose ofbroadcasting by various media in the region, if wemanage to get through to them at all.At the closing meeting, held in Šamac, great satisfactionhas been expressed by all participants of thisimportant peacebuilding story in the region, as well asa clear wish to continue with such initiatives.To conclude, we bring the statement of a participant,as one of the best descriptions of the atmospherefrom the meetings and topics we have discussed.- I would like to thank all from CNA for bringingus together, as well as to our hosts for their welcome.I am grateful to M. for insisting on marking the 13thKilometer, because my countrymen suffered there. Thishas been difficult for me today. In the memorial room,I have seen the emblem of the brigade from my village,the emblem which got there by force, which was takenoff from a dead man. I would like to thank A. for talkingabout it. No one deserves to be tortured brutally,including prisoners of war. I have heard about the 13thKilometer site from an honourable medical doctor ofPrnjavor. Those who tortured were not Muslims, butunhumans. They were not doing what was inherent inthe religion and tradition of Muslim people. My brotherwas on another hill. I have seen that there also werepeople from various places who were killed. This warhas brought nothing good to anyone. I would like onceagain to thank everyone, including people whom I seefor the first time now.A.H.

54roundtable “the role and contribution of war veterans toreconciliation process”Gornji Vakuf/Uskoplje, Bosnia and Herzegovina, September 18, 2010The Association of Veterans (of the Army of Bosniaand Herzegovina) of Gornji Vakuf / Uskoplje, “Goranovi”,organized a visit to this town, as a collaborativeinitiative with CNA in honour of the International Dayof Peace, September 21. Part of the event was a roundtableon “The Role and Contribution of Veterans to ReconciliationProcess”. In addition to that, there was adiscussion with young activists and facilitators of theYouth Centre Gornji Vakuf-Uskoplje. Part of the groupcomprised of war veterans from Bosnia and Herzegovina(Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and RepublikaSrpska), Serbia and Croatia who had attendedCNA’s training for ex-combatants and members of veterans’associations (Croatian Defence Council and theArmy of Bosnia and Herzegovina) from Gornji Vakuf /Uskoplje.Gornji Vakuf / Uskoplje is a small town in centralBosnia, where the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovinaand Croatian Defence Council fought during the war(1992 - 1995). The town was divided into two partsand suffered huge destruction. After the war, the dividinglines were “buried”, buildings and infrastructure restored,but the division into Bosniak and Croatian parthas remained and is actually visible to this day. That’sthe reason this meeting of former combatants wasaimed at encouraging dialogue between the formerconflicting parties, as an incentive to other citizens andnew generations to re-establish dialogue, trust, toleranceand restoration of human relations in this town.This informal mixed group of veterans is willingand motivated to participate in and encourage variouspeace actions, demonstrating that as direct participantsin the war, who were on different sides andhave different national, religious or any other identityare willing to be the ones who will encourage peace,reconciliation and establishment of dialogue. Themost discussed topic at the round table which washeld at the Town’s Municipal Assembly was the needto include veterans from the local community intocollaboration with the veterans from the region asa part of the process of reconciliation and dialogue.Local members of the Croatian Defence Council’s Associationswho attended the meeting had a certainamount of reserve and caution towards such ideas, butthe dialogue and friendly atmosphere resulted in theproposal that it was necessary to continue with thesemeetings and a joint message concerning the InternationalDay of Peace was agreed emphasizing a desireto act toward building a lasting peace in the region. Itis important to underline that several members of theCroatian Defence Council Associations cancelled theirparticipation in this activity due to, as we were told, theparliamentary elections and an untimely political moment.It tells us first of all that is necessary to put evenmore effort into gaining the trust of local veterans’ associationsand individuals for a concrete involvementin such activities. This meeting can be viewed as a majorstep in that direction.After a joint lunch and a walk around the town,there was a discussion with youngsters at the YouthCentre GVU. This discussion with the youth and theirview of their daily life experience was very moving andemotional. The veterans of the group had an immediatechance to hear the experiences of young peoplewho are growing up in a divided community, after havingexperienced war as children. Now they deal withvarious types of discrimination, pressures and anxieties.Through this conversation, one could feel thetragedy of war and its trans-generational impact andconsequences it has on the lives of young people.We hope to visit Gornji Vakuf/Uskoplje again with asimilar line-up and continue with initiatives like these.Local people have shown us that organization of suchmeetings is extremely significant and important tothem and that in this way they gain support for theirefforts in organizing life in their community.The event was covered and broadcast by CroatianRadio Television which we find extremely important.Unfortunately, except for the local web portal, it wasthe only media outlet that responded to our invitationto cover the event.A.H.

55Senior police adviser (who announced that hewould use the film in an academic training ofthe multiethnic Macedonian police units) commentedthat examples of “positive” communicationshould be given a priority over the “negdocumentariesandpublicationsthe film screening of“intermittent line” in macedoniaSkoplje, Prilep, Kumanovo: November 2009 – January 2010In November 2009 and January 2010, we organizedthree film screenings of the documentary “Intermittent Line”in Macedonia (shot in 2008), which was directed by NenadVukosavljević and produced by Centre for Nonviolent Action.“Intermittent Line” (Испрекината црта / Linja e ndërprerë)is the fourth film in the simulated dialogues series dealingwith relations between Albanians and Macedonians inMacedonia. This film contains interviews with persons, whosevoices do not make their way into the public space, thus establishingcommunication between them and encouraging amore open inter-ethnic understanding of the painful experienceof conflict that occurred in 2001, and its causes andconsequences.We had planned to organize three screenings (in Skopje,Prilep and Kumanovo), but ended up having two as a partof the November cycle - in Skopje (on November 12) andPrilep (on November 14). The one in Kumanovo was originallycancelled due to some organizational problems. Sinceit is important to us to organize the screenings together withpeople who are active in local communities, the screening inKumanovo was held on the initiative of our new local partnerand film’s protagonist and former combatant, Predrag BingoPetruševski, in January 2010.The organization of all three screenings was supervisedand coordinated by Luan Imeri and Gordana Pirkovska Zmijanac.The screening in Skopje which was organized with Međaši– the First Children’s Embassy in the world (www.childrensembassy.org.mk/)and Luan Imeri (film’s protagonist) was attendedby about fifty people, eight of which were reporters.The screening was followed by an hour-longdiscussion that Kadri Haxhihamza, Ana Bitoljanu(both protagonists of the film) and NenadVukosavljević had with the audience (in Albanian,Macedonian and Serbian, with simultaneousinterpretation) which was moderated byGordana Pirkovska Zmijanac. After the motivesfor taking part in the film were disclosed, thediscussion followed. It revolved around experiencesrelated to the conflict, the importanceof accepting the “other” and walking in theirshoes, tolerance and diversity. Several peopleexpressed their need for similar films to bemade more often, and for this one to make itsway into media and educational institutions.Since there was a significant number of peopleactive in the NGO sector in the audience,the discussion revolved around the role of thecivic sector in the reconciliation process whichdidn’t make too much of a progress and theneed for much more effort to be invested intowork with people outside these circles. Establishingpreconditions for the return of a considerablenumber of refugees and displacedpeople all over Macedonia, was also discussed.

56ative” ones which should be banned from the publicspace. In response to it, the author of the film concludedthat reconciliation and forgiveness should notbe forced upon, and that reality should not be fakedand furthermore that we need to face the most painfulthings and make space for honest communication in aconstructive way.The screening in Prilep was organized togetherwith our local partners from the “Peace Action” (www.mirovnaakcija.org/). Aleksandar Markov (another protagonistof the film), Ana Bitoljanu, Luan Imeri andNenad Vukosavljević took part in an hour-long conversationwith the audience which was moderatedby Goran Taleski. The attendance was the same as inSkopje, but it was noticeable that people who do notbelong to the NGO sector came too and they werewilling to talk about topics they found personally painfuland challenging. The presence of several veteransof the Macedonian security forces who had participatedin the conflict resulted in the direct discussion.A desire to talk about the events of 2001 in a differentway than politicians tend to do was expressed alongwith the need for the crimes to be disclosed and a feelingof tension and insecurity fed by various and contradictoryinterpretations of the conflict. The interethnicrelations and divisions, current political problems,conflicts over the language, ethnic and state symbolsand their use were also addressed as well as differentviews of the Ohrid Agreement that had suspended thearmed conflict. The veterans expressed their views ofthe war and their motivation to participate in it, dissatisfactionwith the government’s attitude towards themand conceded that the film was a positive example ofdealing with issues that were essential for improvinginter-ethnic relations in Macedonia and prevention ofviolence. It was also obvious that those in attendanceat the screening wanted to seek Luan’s opinion onvarious topics, which indicated to a lack of daily interethniccommunication in Prilep.Macedonian veteran Predrag Bingo Petruševski,who reacted very emotionally and enthusiastically tothe film expressed his desire to organize a promotionat the Culture House in Kumanovo, on January15, 2010.The audience demonstrated huge interest for thisscreening (attended by about 150 people, significantnumber of which were young people and veterans ofthe Macedonian security forces, with several veteransof the Albanian National Liberation Army) whichwas followed by a 50-minute long discussion in Albanian,Macedonian and Serbian between Goran BingoPetruševski, Luan Imeri, Nenad Vukosavljević and theaudience, with moderating and consecutive translationprovided by Safet Ballazhi.The discussion included a direct victim of the conflictwho expressed her everyday pain and sorrow forthe killing of her husband, and who was seeking answersthat would make sense of that loss; a veteranwho asked all the victims of the conflict for forgiveness;peace activist who stressed the importance ofpersonal and collective responsibility for a joint tributeto all the victims of the war, a politician (“unfortunatelywas not able to contribute to resolving the 2001 crisis”),who sought answers to the questions that the film addressedand asked some on his own (offering his interpretationof the statements that his fellow politiciansfrom the other ethnic group gave in the film) as well aspeople from the community who expressed their frustrationwith the ethno-political divisions and conflicts,and mutual exclusiveness of different political optionsthat cause everyday divisions in the city and society.The fact that the media space of Macedonia lacksincentives for peacebuilding through communicationon inter-ethnic violence from the past (is the recognitionof that shortage a sign of urgency?) was proved bythe airing of the film on TV stations. It was broadcaston bilingual ALSAT-M channel and the state-ownedMTV1 (in Macedonian) and MTV2 (in Albanian). Thefilm was broadcast on ALSAT-M as a part of the showthat gathered Macedonian and Albanian combatantsin the first public dialogue of this kind since the endof the conflict. Luan Imeri also appeared in a popularpolitical show on channel TV5 about tolerance, duringwhich excerpts from the film were aired.The film made quite a splash amongst veterans.The day after the screening in Prilep Macedonian veterans’association “Dostoinstvo” had its session duringwhich the discussion about the film was one of the twoitems on the agenda.The Foundation Open Society Institute – Macedoniaasked to make a hundred copies of the film anduse it as a resource in their forums about the future ofMacedonia.Our partners in Macedonia and we feel highly empoweredby the production and screenings of the “IntermittentLine”. We are encouraged for further work,as well as for some form of further cooperation.Quotes from the screening:“I certainly would not want it to happen again toanybody, trust me. This should happen to no one. Noone. The thing I want the most is for this country to bestable. Mostly because I have two children who should

57live here. That’s what I want the most. And I don’t wantwhat has happened to happen again to anyone, anyone.I also have to say, I am sure that my husband didnot kill anyone, my husband was a driver, a mechanic.He did not shoot at the frontline”.“Obviously, this whole effort has achieved one ofits goals simply because we are gathered here to talkabout these things. To talk about this topic openly. Anotherobjective that has been fulfilled is that I, as a directparticipant in military operations, am now speaking infavour of peace. In favour of coexistence, of respect, respectfor differences. That idea is one of the ideas of thisfilm. So that we, all the people, start talking to eachother, knowing the differences...”N.P.about the oral histories book “images of those times”The collection of oral histories of combatants andtheir family members “Images of Those Times”should be released in the autumn of 2010. In this articleyou can find more about the idea and the contentof the book.From the Foreword... ... What we wanted with this book of oral historieswas to collect in one place and publish the storiesof combatants, war veterans, but also civilians, maleand particularly female members of their families. Wechose this concept, guided by a strong impression thatin our societies war is in most cases perceived as a“male’s” issue, of which only men - combatants, defenders- have something to say. Theperspective of women, who have survivedwars and lived through them indifferent ways, typically remains in thebackground or sidelined. The work onthis book has confirmed our belief thatshowing male and female perspective isneither homogeneous nor unambiguous.As the published interviews show,experiences and life stories are diverseand multi-layered. It is therefore impossibleto draw a clear line between theseperspectives without reaching for essentialism,so close to the patriarchalway of thinking, inside of which one“knows” exactly who should do what and whose role itis. On the contrary, in this book you can read both thestory of a veteran woman, and the story of a man whodid not carry arms, but whose father had been killedin the war.The focus of this book is on the wars, waged in thenineties in this former Yugoslav region, with a particularreference to the 1991-1995 wars. However, sincepersonal stories are interwoven with collective narratives,they are also imbued with the memories of thewars of the past, and more recent periods ... Specialattention was devoted to the triangle of Serbia - Bosniaand Herzegovina - Croatia, although the echo ofother areas, especially that of Kosovo can be heard.The World War II is mentioned in personal histories ona few occasions and is interwoven with the wars of thenineties. Although wars are the focus of this book, inone story one can read about how people lived beforeand after the war, what their everyday life and socialaspect of their lives were like...Our work on collecting oral histories is in a waya continuation of what some other organizations hadbeen doing in this field before us, one of which is theDocumentation Centre Wars 1991-1999whose incredibly valuable work we findworth mentioning. However, the distinctivenessof this book and our approachlies in the fact that stories were collectedand conducted by former war veteransand peace activists, representatives oftwo social groups that are often in conflictthat is accompanied with labellingeach other or even overt contempt.All the interviews were conducted inthe summer / fall of 2009, after a threedaytraining which was attended bythirteen people - veterans and activists.The preparations for the actual interviewwere carefully designed and carried out, in accordancewith the present standards in the field of collectingoral histories. Finally we got twenty interviews fromeleven interviewers. All the interviews were accuratelytranscribed and stored in an archive while the mostimpressive ones in our opinion were published in thisbook.It was challenging to work on this book, collectingstories and sometimes having difficulties deciding

58whether to include a personal story or not, reading inone place how people were coping with the war andits consequences and furthermore, indirectly sharingmany personal losses, whether it was someone’shome, health, their loved ones ... According to Žuna,one of those who spoke: “The war destroys everythingfrom the top of every single hair of one’s head down tothe little toe, soul, just everything”... On the other hand,these life stories also bring authenticity, simplicity, caringfor others, love, and plenty of other emotions thatcan not but touch you. Personal stories and personalunderstanding are important parts of peacebuilding.This collection of personal stories is our contributionto widening the space needed for sharing personal experiences,without which we believe, the chances ofgenuine mutual and human understanding would betremendously reduced.Although these are personal stories of ordinarypeople, according to Aga-Pop, one of the speakers,one can also recognize from them collective narrativesimbued with the traumas of both distant and recentpast. Although this book is not intended to providematerial for the analysis of ethnic / collective narratives,it is still impossible to escape them and they permeateand shape personal stories and experiences in asimilar way to that in which they shape and influenceour society. In certain cases, however, the power of thecollective narrative completely disappears as opposedto the power of personal story.We hope that this book will be read with an openheart and the stories of people will be approachedwith an intention of understanding them, instead ofcondemning and rejecting them, which is frequentlythe case.H. R.

59We have received the biggest number of applicationsso far (nearly 180), and the reason for this lies(apart from the fact that the previous two academiesprovided excellent publicity) also in a bigger effortthat the organizing team invested into the promotionof the Third Peace Academy. Hence, besides the usualinvitations sent via email, people were invited throughbanners placed on some of the most popular alternativeweb portals in the region while the promotion ofthis programme in Priština, Kosovo, was attended byaround fifty people.According to the trainees’ assessment, the courseswere quite stimulating and reached a high level. Theobjections were mainly related to methodologicaluniformity and even inadequacy at certain moments(either not enough or too much discussion, eithernot enough theory or too much theory - dependingon one’s liking and preferences). The gains are, asit seems, numerous. People stay in touch, think andwrite. This time we have received the biggest numberof essays (a total of 41) after the Academy and theirquality has significantly increased, in comparison tothe previous years. Starting with this year, the lecturerswere involved with reading and the selection of bestessays which seemed to motivate people to make aneffort and write down their thoughts. One of the mainprogrammatic challenges for the future is related tofinding new potential lecturers, able to create spacefor interaction, discussion and exchange, that will turnneither into a mere ex-cathedra lecture with 15 minincooperationwith otherorganisationsthe third peace academySarajevo, July 18 – 27, 2010Last summer, the Franciscan Student Dormitoryin Sarajevo, for the third consecutive year, became agathering place for about 60 participants from all overformer Yugoslavia and also from Germany, Ireland,Turkey, USA, UK. Among this year’s participants wereactivists, theorists, journalists, employees of collegesand schools and a few veterans who attended one ofthe three courses offered.When the team of seven people from four differentorganizations (besides CNA, there were colleaguesfrom Nansen Dialogue Centre Sarajevo, MCC SouthEast Europe office and Terca, Sarajevo) nearly five yearsago started to plan this activity, we described what wewanted to create as a “meeting place”. We were a littleaware that those words were somewhat overused, butwhat was driving us towards them were a need and afeeling that somehow we had lacked a place to meetand reflect. For one thing, after three Peace Academieswe organized that’s what we have achieved exactly -that people want to come and meet up, think criticallyand examine the world we live in.In 2010, the organizing team of PA offered threecourses (two in Serbian/Croatian/Bosnian languageand one in English):• Religion and nationalism, Vjekoslav Perica• Understanding elements of collective violence andmass crimes and its consequences, Vlasta Jalušičand Tonči Kuzmanić• Memory and its role in Conflict and Conflict Transformation,Orly Friedman

60utes left for discussion, nor into workshop with a soleaim of sitting in a circle and randomly sharing personalexperiences for the sake of it. Peace Academy neitheroffers training events nor college courses. It aims to bea point of intersection between theory and practice,reflection and action. It’s a space inside of which differentemancipating practices meet, criticize and jointogether.Thanks to a good teamwork organization and cooperativenessof lecturers and participants, the organizationwent on without too much stress or panic. Itseems that the biggest challenge in the organizationaland technical sense was how to find a suitable restaurantwhere about 60 people can eat decent food, fordecent money in a decent environment ... and within adecent time frame (without waiting for an hour and ahalf). Furthermore, how to ensure that the wonder oftechnology known as the Internet operates throughoutthe duration of the Academy.initiative by building a more comprehensible structurefor it. Its value and programmatic orientation that washoned nearly five years ago will not be changed. Theorganizing team hopes the change in PA would leadto capacity building and better distribution of tasksthat will leave more time for dealing with the programmaticand creative work. For now, the Foundationhas one employee who is in charge of administrativework. How will the future of this old initiative andnew organization look like, remains to be seen. Whatis certain is that there’s no shortage of motivation andenthusiasm. That’s enough to continue. Sorry, to beginwith.PS For more information on the Future of PeaceAcademy please visit www.mirovna-akademija.orgT.Š.What’s next?In order to make the Peace Academy sustainableand effective, (in terms of detestable language of projectmanagement) big changes needed to take placein the way it was operated and in its status. Therefore,last August the Foundation of Peace Academy wasregistered. Starting from next year it will try to liveits own independent life. We did not decide on it sothere would be even more NGOs in Bosnia and Herzegovina,but in order to breath a new life into thisveterans in peacebuilding: potentials and limitationsSarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, September 27 - 28, 2009From September 27 – 28, 2009, a seminar on thetheme: The Role of Veterans in Peacebuilding: Potentialsand Limitations was held as a result of partnershipbetween MCC (Mennonite Central Committee) Sarajevooffice and CNA, in Sarajevo. Along with the organizers,the implementation of this seminar was helpedby the Centre for War Trauma from Novi Sad, Serbiaand our special guest - trainer Carl Stauffer, from theMCC office in South Africa.The participants were the members of the organizationsfrom the region (Centre for War Trauma, MennoniteCentral Committee, CNA and Trauma Centre,Sarajevo) and seven veterans from Bosnia and Herzegovina,Serbia and Croatia. The veterans who took partat this meeting are long term collaborators of CNA onpeace activities we have organized in the region. Thebasic idea of this meeting was an exchange of variousapproaches to work with veterans in the field of peacebuilding in the former Yugoslavia and South Africaand the promotion of the activities and experiencesup to date of the organizations and individuals activein this field. Our intention was also to start a dialoguebetween veterans and peace activists at the regionaland international level. The seminar was designed as acombination of presentations, exercises, work in smallgroups and discussions, through which our guest fromSouth Africa and representatives of CNA and Centrefor War Trauma were taking us.

61The facilitators presented their work with veterans,and the ways in which veterans could be involved inthe process of peacebuilding.The interesting workshops were those where CarlStauffer, who has been working with veterans fromSouth Africa for several years already, presented hismethod and approach and most of the time in theprogramme was devoted to it. That allowed us to geta better insight into the context of peacebuilding inSouth African Republic and to compare it with thecontext of our region which was the most discussedtopic in the workshops. We also had the opportunityto talk about the impact of local cultures and theirspecificity with respect to the process of peacebuildingand reconciliation, which proved to be an inspiringtopic, especially for veterans.Methods that were used included a lot of creativeand empirical exercises related to activism and reconciliationwhich was quite well received by the presentveterans and other participants.CNA team made a presentation of their activitiesand approaches, and with the support of veterans, initiateda conversation about the advantages and difficultiesof involvement of veterans in the peacebuildingprocess in our region.An important impression from the seminar wasveterans’ willingness to get involved with more specificand advanced forms of peace education, such wasthis one.This type of activity also indicates that there’s aneed, ability and interest in a more concrete internationalcooperation in the context of veterans’ contributionto peacebuilding at both local and global level.As a continuation of this idea, for next year, MCCplans to try to arrange a meeting of veterans from theformer Yugoslavia and veterans from some other postwar area in the world, with the support of CNA.N.H.advanced training“dealing with the past in the context of peacebuilding”Wustrow, Germany, November 23 – 27, 2009Our close long-term cooperation and partnershipwith Kurve Wustrow - our sister organization was materialisedlast November in yet another way. Our colleaguesNenad Vukosavljević and Tamara Šmidlingparticipated in the implementation of the advancedtraining programme that Kurve has been organizingevery fall, for the past several years. The CNA’s trainingpair designed and facilitated a five-day training on“Dealing with the Past in the Context of Peacebuilding.”The main characteristic of the whole series of theadvanced training events is that they are open to aninternational group of participants who posses certainprior knowledge and experience in areas covered bythe training. Hence, we had an opportunity to workwith a really small group, consisting of seven participants,with a distinct diverseness of both personal andprofessional backgrounds and orientations. The groupincluded people from Nepal, Burundi and Germany.Most participants from Germany were preparing forvolunteering (as civil peace workers) in Bosnia, Macedoniaand Palestine, which means that the role ofso called “outsiders” in these societies was frequentlythematized in these training events. In addition to that,there’s our long-term experience of work in the regionof former Yugoslavia, so we can say that despite thesmall size, our group certainly did not lack diversity ofperspectives, experiences, and sometimes even values.For us in the training team, the biggest challengewas finding a common language and base from whichwe were to start analysing the situation in our mutuallydiverse societies. Working in international groupskeeps reminding you that no arbitrary analogies areallowed, and that the situation in every society mustbe put in a concrete historical and political context inorder to understand the local process of dealing withthe past. During the five working days we tried to putemphasis on mutual exchange within the group andto initiate questions and discussions that would shedmore light on the complexity of the process of dealingwith the past and reconciliation in order to helpus recognize the similarities and differences betweenour contexts.As it is usually the case, besides working on themain theme, we did a lot more on many other levels- primarily on practicing authentic and experiential

62intercultural learning (by way of decrypting differentcommunication codes, which wasn’t always easy; aswell as by fighting against self-intelligibility of somegenerally accepted notions like truth, justice or transitionaljustice). Our intention was to offer a conceptualframework for work on dealing with the past inthe context of peacebuilding to the participants andtherefore familiarize them with a specific perspectiveof work in this field that is wider than the standard “arrestwar criminals” approach.The actual venue where the training took place isan interesting one and deserves to be mentioned here.It is a house that belongs to Kurve Wustrow, and itreally brings specific dynamics, especially to us whohave been accustomed to working in hotels all overthe former Yugoslavia. Nothing of the atmosphere of ahotel can be found there. Instead, you get a chance towork in a “domestic” environment that we all took careof - with all its strengths and weaknesses. It is a uniqueactivist concept (even lifestyle) that Kurve cultivatesthat we think should be enriched by an introduction tothe local context of Wendland region. Since you haveparticipants from all over the world, many of whomfind themselves abroad for the first time in their lives,it is worth considering how to additionally introducethem to the place where they spend their (autumnal)training days. All the more so, since that is not yourtypical “EU-consumerist paradise” (which is the imagethat many people have of Germany), but the regionwith several decades long history of social and activistengagement.In any case, this October brings the chance to continuethis kind of cooperation, as well as correct someof last yeas’ oversights, with CNA members facilitatinganother advanced training on the same topic. Wehope this time the group will be bigger, hence surelythere will be no shortage of challenges and inspiration.T.Š.international conference new horizons.Linking Development Cooperation and Transitional Justice for Sustainable PeaceBerlin, January 27 – 28, 2010www.frient.de/en/conference2010/programmeThe FriEnt (Working Group on Development andPeace) conference held in Berlin attracted many decision-makers,scientists and practitioners from aroundthe world. Due to creative energy of the organizers,the concept applies allowed much more exchange andindepth discussions than one usually experiences atconferences. Since I truly dislike long, I-do-great-workandhave-all-the-answers kind of boring speeches, itwas remarkable that organizers have vastly succeededin creating such learning and exchange space whereimportant questions could be raised and probably alsosome very important answers could be found.It would be impossible to report appropriately onlearning points, so here are some of the impulses andthoughts I have picked up and would like to mention:Peacebuilding cannot be squeezed to fit “logicalframework”. (representative of DFID, British developmentagency)We (various actors in this field) ocassionally understandeach other.Being flexible and adaptive instead of rigidly planning,is often more apporpriate in peacework.Aftermath of violent conflict can not be settled orresolved solely through judiciary.I was strengthened in my resistance towards usingthe term “transitional justice” which apppears ratherinappropriate and overstretched to cover all it is meantto cover (and gets expanded daily towards the terms“peacebuilding” and “dealing with the past”)My participation was within the conference WorkingGroup: Education and Remembrance: Laying theGround for new GenerationsI have conducted a workshop within this workinggroup, titled “Complexity of Dealing with the Past(DwP) - Based on experiences in Western Balkans”,download http://www.frient.de/downloads/Nenad_Vukosavljevic_Paper.pdfCongratulations to FriEnt team on their achievementsand thanks for the energy invested.N.V.

63activitieswe joinedinternational conference“nonviolent livelihood struggle and global militarism: links & strategies”Ahmedabad, India, January 22–25, 2010The conference which was organized by the WarResisters’ International (WRI) in collaboration with GujaratVidyapith (University), Gujarat Sarvodaya Mandaland Smpoorna Kranti Vidyalaya (Institute of TotalRevolution) was held in the Western Indian state ofGujarat.The whole conference had a special quality to itdue to the place, country and region in which it tookplace and I believe that it would have somehow beendifferent if the organizers had chosen some other region.Firstly, in order to reach India, one has not onlyto travel for several thousand miles, but also to crosssome personal borders, look at the world from anotherpoint of view (and leave their own aside, as much aspossible), observe some different values, not comparingall the while but trying to understand.The conference was prepared with great ambitionand gathered many participants, speakers, workshopfacilitators etc. (few hundred of them, actually). It wasopened by Arundhati Roy, an author and activist, in thisregion mostly known for her novel “The God of SmallThings”. She is an activist whose life is threatened becauseshe raised her voice against some standpointsand/or actions of the state (of India). Togehter withAshish Nandyi, she is one of the key critics of globalization,capitalism and militarism.In addition to this topic, in the Conference’s plenarysessions, speakers were presenting the contextsof their origin and the problems related to it, such as:Displacement, ‘Development’ and militarism, Mining -threat to community, Fuel for war, Nonviolent resistancefrom local communities, Nonviolent struggles for land,Forming trans-national alliances.The workshops were diverse regarding both thesubject matter and the point of view of the speakers,and the workshop participants and speakers camefrom countries like Ecuador, Germany, South Korea,Chile, India, Colombia, Kashmir, Papua New Guinea ...What crossed my mind was that there were all theseproblems and so many motivated people, enough togive you, too, a shot of motivation. There’s a hope thata different world is (still) possible, or at least that thereare people who really believe in it.Some of the workshops were related to the displacementof the indigenous communities, militarybases and displacement, furthermore: Violenceagainst regional identities; Meaning of ‘war on terror ‘to social movements; Constructive work and self-sustainabilityas nonviolent resistance; Nonviolent actionsagainst NATO; The question of peace in West and CentralAfrica; Towards nonviolence as a philosophy of life:class, peace, and’ transformation ‘; India - the strugglefor land rights; Women and population displacementcaused by development; Nationalism and anti-fascistmovements and so on.Together with Boro, CNA’s colleague from Macedoniaand Olga from Russia, I facilitated a workshopon Nationalism and anti-fascist movements. Participantswere people from different parts of the world,and, of course, with different views, which was quitea new experience for me (being used to the problemsof the region of former Yugoslavia). It is interestingthough how nationalism, unfortunately, speaks a commonlanguage to all of us who were in the workshop.The difficulty of the workshop lied in the fact that therewere people who had already reflected on these issuesand dealt with them, and also those who were onlyjust trying to find out what exactly it was about andwhat nationalism looked like elsewhere. Sometimes,as it was the case here, it is easier to look at someoneelse’s yard rather than one’s own.

64Yet another important point of this Conference wasan organized trip to one of the centres (Rural ServiceCentre, situated 65 km away from Ahmedabad) thatGandhi had founded with his followers. The Centreis an educational and agricultural self-sustained systemin the affected area with low literacy rates. Afterthe visit to the Centre I had an impression that eventhough I live in the Balkans, which is burdened withnumerous problems and the legacy of the war, I amstill privileged because of living here.The conference was closed by Narayan Desai, aprominent Indian follower of Gandhi. Since the followingday an anniversary of Gandhi’s death was commemorated,the hosts organized a march to Gandhi’sashram, Kochrab in which a memorial service was held.I was especially impressed by the attitude of peoplein India towards Gandhi with some kind of worshipfor him. After having been India and being able to geta better insight into the Indian context, somehow I un-derstood his importance and the meaning it had inthe past and has today. The distance I have since I livein the Balkans and in a completely different context ofliving and problems has resulted in me having a totallydifferent attitude towards Gandhi. I can not say thatit has changed very much, but I do see him from acompletely different point of view and with differentunderstanding.After the conference, from January 27 to 29, WRIhold a council session in which I was elected. It wasa great honour because it meant that both my workand the work of CNA were recognized. Like all organizations,WRI has their own dynamics, their ups anddowns, but I especially admire people who have beendedicated to it (for a number of years) like Howard,Joanne, Andreas, Javier, Jorgen and others. Knowingthose and some other people helped me to broadenmy perspective on peace work at least a little bit, and Ihope to be able to contribute to their work.H.R.workshop: „dealing with difficult pasts in the western balkans and westerneurope – possibilities and perspectives for trans-european cooperation“Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, June 02 – 04, 2010The international workshop „Dealing with difficultpasts in the Western Balkans and Western Europe –possibilities and perspectives for trans-European cooperation“was organized by the French-German YouthOffice, the André Malraux Centre in Sarajevo and theYouth Initiative for Human Rights Bosnia-Herzegovina.The workshop took place in Sarajevo 02. - 04. 06. 2010.The 23 participants, working in NGOs, memorial sites,museums and research-centres, came from Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, France, Germany and Serbia.Jessica participated in the name of CNA.The overall goal of the workshop was to bring togetherprofessionals from Western Balkans and WesternEurope who are involved in the field of dealingwith difficult pasts in order to exchange experiencesand to examine possibilities for cooperation.The confusion about how to call the meeting fromthe site of the participants during the workshop („....thisconference... – ahm- ... workshop....“ ) was the „runninggag“ , due to the mix of methods which were used:Context overviews regarding the situation of Dealingwith difficult pasts in the Western Balkans and WesternEurope in form of lectures, presentations of activitiesin the field of Dealing with the past and examplesof regional and international cooperation, explorationtours of sites in Sarajevo and workshop-moduls on developingconcrete actions for cooperation.During the workshop the complexity of the situationand the challenges which exist in the field of dealingwith the past especially in the case of Bosnia-Herzegovinawas worked out very well. Does dealing withthe past in BiH really mean dealing with the past, sincein BiH nearly everybody still has to cope with the aftereffects of war, and conflicting memories exist? Dealingwith the past in the Western Balkans is also a politicalissue: monuments are used to mark one’s own territory,to remember one’s own heroes and victims, whiletrying to prevent the establishment of monuments forthe victims of the „other“ side. In contrast, in Germanyand France dealing with the past is handled more withprofessional distance.As an initiative for further cooperation the organizationof a workshop/forum in 2011 was proposed, includinga 3- day study trip to different memory sites inthe Western Balkans before the workshop.The workshop was held in a respectful atmosphere,in a spirit of „learning from each other“.J.Ž.

65word of a newteam membercoming to cna sarajevoJessica ŽicIn the meantime, some months have passed since my arrivalin Sarajevo:I do not get lost in Bascarsija anymore, and I do not jerkwhen somebody asks „Gde si?“, thinking that he/she is callingme (Jessi!). Moreover, I can recognize the refrains of somesevdalinke. And I have even gotten used to news reportsabout war crimes, genocide and mass graves...Coming to CNA, sent by its German partner organization,KURVE Wustrow, means integrating in a team with a highdegree of professionalism and a lot of experience. Thinkingabout a small peace organization without hierarchies likeCNA, many people may imagine something like a crazy, nonorganizedcrew of Hippies. But, also if a lot of things are goingon in a sympathetic, non-formal, trust-based way, I realizedthat having no hierarchies does not mean not to have clearresponsibilities and standards of planning and implementingactivities. Also, if the structure of CNA is quite easy to understand,the subject of its work is not: It is complex, loaded withemotions, with a high risk of misunderstandings.Since my colleagues only have to hear one word to knowin which direction somebody’s argumentation is going, thefirst challenge for me was – and still is – to read the codeswhen places or names are mentioned, and to build up a kindof raster in my mind to be able to sort out thethings people say, and reflecting about theirmeaning between the lines.To me it seems like the image of Internationalsin BiH is very bad, according to the experienceof the locals, that Internationals oftenbehave like coming from the “civilized west” tothe Balkans, without knowing about the contextof the region, with prepared solutions,pseudo-analyzing the situation, telling somethingabout reconciliation.Being asked how I experience the situationin Bosnia, the answer may sound banal forthe people here who survived the war: thereare hardly no contacts and a lot of mistrustbetween the religious/ethnic groups, and thissituation is fueled by media and politics. Everythingseems to have an ethnic label, and notmuch space is given in society to overcomethese clusters. People are still struggling withwar experiences, also if some of them cognitivelydecide not to deal with the past.Nevertheless I think I am perceived as an„International“, it is also my personal interestto support the work of CNA in the field ofbuilding lasting peace in former Yugoslavia,since my father comes from Croatia and half ofmy family lives there, being part of „that story“.During my internship in Serbia I was workingwith refugees, coming from Croatia and Bosnia,and the personal contacts were very impressingfor me. As a social worker for refugees inGermany, being confronted with their stories, Ioften asked myself what is the situation like forthose who had to stay, not being able to flee.Or which situation they would have to face ifthey returned to their countries after the conflict.So, coming to CNA Sarajevo means a greatchance for me to learn, I am very happy aboutthat possibility, and I hope I can usefully contributeto the organization’s mission.

66croatiaIn the past year, Croatia has been struggling to meet the conditionsneeded to continue the negotiations for accession to theEuropean Union. Another year is almost over (once upon a time,2010 was supposed to be the year of joining the “magnificentEuropeans”), yet there is no end to the chapters that ought tobe closed.Without pretension to cover all the important events thathave marked this period, I singled out those most memorableones of the past year that had to do with more or less successfulwork on closing the “accession chapters”.Slovenes have ceased to be our national enemy No 1, whichhampers the negotiations for Croatian accession to the EuropeanUnion.Little over a year ago, the agreement on the border disputebetween Slovenia and Croatia was settled in the Trakošćan castle.It seems there might also be a solution to the problem ofCroatian clients’ savings deposits in Ljubljanska Banka 6 . Nowthat we’ve proudly defended our piece of Croatian homelandin the Piran Bay, other great temptations and challenges haveremained. They have nothing to do with Slovenes, but ratherwith those we keenly keep on electing and putting our trust intoyear after year.In order to restart the negotiations on joining the EuropeanUnion it is necessary, to put it simply, “to complete some chapters”of judicial reform, fight against the corruption and organizedcrime, processing war crimes, refugees’ and minorities’ issuesand full cooperation with ICTY. And that’s a lot of work, nodoubt about it. Unless those from Europe to whom we look as ifthey were the Virgin of Medjugorje (because Croatia is above alla Catholic state) don’t turn a blind eye, it’s unlikely we shall everjoin their ranks. And that’s what we want and what we strive to,or at least everyone says so: state leadership, local politicians,Croat Church, media and most people.Now, let’s start with the judiciary and the new laws ...In May, the Government adopted a new Labour Act (LA),which was presented as being in compliance with Europeanstandards, changes of which are related to the extension ofcontextsin whichcna workscollective bargaining rights. Rather than imposingpenalties to employers who do notpay salaries to their employees (which wasthe initiative of the opposition) or encouragingthe adoption of the general collectiveagreement for all employees in Croatia, theGovernment in fact calls upon a unilateraltermination of the collective agreement thushanding over the employees to the mercy ofthe employers and their work bylaws. Tradeunions, together with opposition parties andnongovernmental organizations organizedsigning of a petition in favour of the referendumon the LA. Lot more than statutory10% (more precisely: 15.95%) was collected;however the Constitutional Court rejectedthe referendum because the Governmenthad withdrawn the bill. Was the Governmentafraid of its citizens’ judgement because itwould mean that the law contrary to the decisiontaken at the referendum could not beadopted for another year or is it just a wayto restart the procedure of the adoption ofthe new/ old Labour Act, this time with onlyskin-deep changes?Perhaps the results of the judicial reformare reflected in the fact that this timethe decision of the Constitutional Court wasreached very quickly – it took only a month,while the decisions on some other sensitivesocial issues are being dragged on andavoided endlessly. For example, the reviewsof constitutionality and legality regardingthe Abortion law which was submitted to this6After the disintegration of former Yugoslavia a problem of about 130 000 Croatian clients whose savings deposits were kept inCroatian branch of Ljubljanska banka has remained unresolved to this day. For two decades they have been trying to regain theirdeposits, with the total debt estimated to about 150 million € including interests. Until now, it has been unclear who should paythe debt– the state of Slovenia, Nova Ljubljanska banka (legal successor of Ljubljanska banka) or some third party.

67instance in 1991, the Law on artificial and medically assistedinsemination (2009) and the Law on Cooperationwith The Hague (2001) are still pending. In thesecases the decisions are still awaited because politicsknown as “better to be silent than to make fuss” seemsto take precedence over constitutionality and legality.The fight against corruption and organized crime...Ivo Sanader, the former Prime Minister, returned tothe Parliament, and in style, some would say.He says: “some amazing developments in the aftermathof my departure forced me to come back”. Aftersome rumble amongst the reporters and MPs, a seatwas found for him and he was once again protected byparliamentary immunity, like an endangered species.He took his seat in the Parliament again, after Croatiawas brought to the brink of economic ruin underhis rule and after serious charges for corruption andcrime were brought against most of the CEOs of stateowned companies who are now in custody, but wereonce his associates (the most infamous scandal wasthe one in connection with Hypo Bank). This time itwas USKOK (The Bureau for Combating of Corruptionand Organized Crime) and DORH (State Attorney’s Officeof the Republic of Croatia) who failed, which is yetanother proof that the law does not apply equally toall in this country.Damir Polančec, former Deputy Prime Minister inSanader’s Government, stands accused for paying theunnecessary expert study, which cost the state half amillion kunas. It sends a strong message to see theformer Deputy Prime Minister standing in the dock.However, it remains to be seen whether it is only thebeginning of the confrontation and fight against corruptionand crime on the highest level or Polančec isthe scapegoat and an alibi for the whole structure ofcorruption at the top of the administration?While the Government and state leadership pleadignorance, factories go bankrupt, people are left destitute,and according to some estimates, about a millioncitizens of Croatia are starving.Humiliated and exhausted workers of Kamenskotextile factory recently went on hunger strike and protestedin front of Zagreb Cathedral because they havenot been paid for five months and cannot supportthemselves or their families.The ministers offer their sympathy, but since thecompany in question is privately owned, they say theycannot do anything. They can do nothing because theGovernment refused to accept the opposition proposalto persecute not paying wages to workers but alsobecause certain businessmen have evaded paying forhealth care and pension benefits and taxes for yearsand the system protects big business. It is very difficultto exercise a basic human right to a dignified life in ourcountry and we also lack human solidarity given thatthe support to the Kamensko workers came only fromtheir family members and students gathered aroundthe web portal Slobodni filozofski.Kamensko’s workers are no exception. It’s just anothersad news from day to day life in Croatia abouttroubled factories ruined by privatisation and theiremployees.It seems that after numerous rallies, the citizensprotests to preserve the Varšavska Street pedestrianzone in downtown Zagreb failed. The interest of privateinvestors’ Hoto group, took precedence over thecitizens’ will. All building permits for erecting constructionon the city’s public lots were valid and issued bythe City Council with Mayor Milan Bandić at its helm.Even though 50 000 people signed the petition againstthe construction in Varšavska Street and the protestsof citizens initiated by two NGOs: the Right to the Cityand Green Action forming a human shields around theconstruction site continued, it was all in vain. Mid-July,police carried out mass arrests of protesters, therewere no more trees in Varšavska Street, and the wholestreet was dug out with the strong assistance of riotpolice, which arrested 151 persons.The construction continues, as well as the citizens’protests while the procedures of obtaining and approvingcertain building permits are being re-examined.The Varšavska Street has become a symbol ofresistance against wild capitalism and encroachmentof public goods, and hopefully a strong message forthe future: citizens are not a mere unconscious votingcrowd; they can and will exercise their legal right tocontrol government decisions.The prosecution of war crimes, refugee and minorityrights, cooperation with the Hague Tribunal...The sentence to Branimir Glavaš for the war crimeof killing Serbs in Osijek was reduced. At first, the SupremeCourt reduced the sentence from ten to eightyears of imprisonment due to “circumstances of warand the fall of Vukovar”, as it was explained. Croatiamakes no mention of the outrageous behaviour ofpeople in the Croatian Democratic Assembly of Slavonijaand Baranja (political party Glavaš had founded)and some individuals and “entrepreneurs” from Osijekwho organized fundraising in order to bribe the judgesof the Supreme Court so they would abolish Glavaš in

68the “Duct Tape Case“. 7 It’s scandalous even more sosince his sentence was actually reduced, and he saidthat “if I was really guilty for the killing of these peopleI should be sentenced to at least 20 years”.Although the denial of the crimes have finallystopped and the intent and cruelty were disclosed afterall, what remains is a bitter taste in one’s mouthbecause the crimes committed during the HomelandWar are still treated as something left to the arbitrarywill of individuals and rather accidental. Regardless ofthe fact that Glavaš is currently serving time in Bosniaand Herzegovina, where he once ran away when histrial was reopened, he will continue to receive his parliamentarypension.The sentence in the process to Croatian generalsIvan Čermak, Mladen Markač and Ante Gotovina isexpected to be delivered in December, The Prosecution’sOffice asked they be sentenced to 17-27 yearsfor crimes committed against Serbs during and in theaftermath of the Operation Storm.At the same time, the average Croatian citizen isconfused and wonders why that is so, because “theOperation Storm was a military-police operation thatbrought us freedom, the action in which we pushedaway our “arch enemy” and regained control over ourterritory.”Celebrating the Homeland Gratitude Day in Knin,The President of the Republic Ivo Josipović stated: “Becauseof the small portion of the events that were notwelcome, the entire operation is often being unfairlyquestioned which is incorrect and not right from a political,historical and moral standpoint”.A small portion of the events that was not welcome?!That small portion of the events that was notwelcome resulted in the exile of the entire Serbianpeople from Croatia! The suffering of others still goesunrecognized, and even if a crime is punished, it willremain socially unaccepted as a crime.Hence, the rhetoric of the state leadership hasnot changed although more was expected from IvoJosipović, especially after his visit to Ahmići 8 thatcaused a huge, tectonic shift on the Croatian socialscene and offered a glimpse of the shake up of nation’ssacred truths. The visit to Ahmići was a big step,and I do not want to diminish it, but yet again, at thebeginning of the road leading to social catharsis, aftermaking one step ahead, we stumbled on the first rockthat set us three steps aback. Such a social climate ultimatelyhinders lasting solution of the rights of Serbsregarding their property, status etc.Hence, what to say in the end?Here we are Europe, even though we are in an economicchaos, with a minimum of economic growthand a foreign debt that we will not repay for another 5generations, our administration is slow, judicial systemis corrupted, there’s a million people on the verge ofstarvation, the unemployment is rising monthly; butwe are better then Serbia, Bosnia, Montenegro, Macedoniaand others... so, take us in because we’re yours...Sanja Deankovićmontenegro without alternativeThe least common, but certainly one of the mostoriginal answers to the already legendary question:“Do you support Milo (Đukanović) or Momir(Bulatović)?” would be: I do! Apart from the most frequentand dull explanation of that answer (that it onlyserves to circumvent further discussion) there is anotherone, according to which, it means a refusal toaccept what’s been offered, non-compliance with thechoice, negation of the alternative presented as theonly possible and essential. What kind of choice or alternativeis it about, in Montenegro? Firstly, the choicebeing offered is almost always false; the range of alternativesamongst which citizens can choose freely ina democratic way does not exist. The only thing theycan do is choose lesser of two evils, and that is at thesame time the argument of those who supply us withthese false alternatives. Wonderful choice that is – beingforced to choose an evil, in any case.This report, too, can be based on the fact that inthe past year, Montenegro was characterized by nothingbut a series of most incredible false alternatives,which were unfortunately, rarely answered with aforementionedanswer – the one that would dismiss themin advance, refusing to accept that kind of alternative.7The “Duct Tape Case” is a war crime committed by the members of the Croatian Army in Osijek, in 1991, under the command ofBranimir Glavaš, then commander of the town’s defence. About a dozen Serbs from Osijek were eliminated and thrown into theDrava River. All the corpses were found with their hands tied down and gagged with duct tape.8On April 16, 1993 the members of the Croatian Defence Council (HVO) committed a war crime in the village of Ahmići, in centralBosnia killing 116 people.

69To put it more drastically, almost everything that is beingdone in Montenegro is of such utmost importancethat it simply HAS NO ALTERNATIVE.EU Without AlternativeAll available public and secret forces of Montenegrohave been activated in order to complete EUintegration process successfully and as soon as possible,while the process itself, of course, has no alternative.After having responded to the questionnaire withmore or less success, in the process that took severalattempts to finish and with more secrecy than it is allowedin a democratic society, Montenegrin officialskeep announcing with fanatical joy the possibility ofreceiving EU candidate status day in day out. What anamazing success of young Montenegrin democracy!An issue as big as that, must bring along the fact thatthe needed stability and security of the state can primarilybe obtained through NATO membership, thereforethe campaign to join NATO is progressing rapidly.Last year the Parliament approved of the deploymentof Montenegrin soldiers in Afghanistan, thereforethese days, another contingent is getting ready to replacethem. This means that the revitalization of democracyin friendly Afghanistan has been defendedwith Montenegrin lives as well, for almost a year now,while there’s no mentioning of neither NATO nor Godforbid EU membership (surely the two are being soldtogether). The most worrying is that except for the fewlonely outcries, indented to score some low and pettypolitical points, there is no single organized anti-NATOor anti-militarist campaign in Montenegro whatsoever.Montenegrin Nation With No AlternativeMinistry of Education and Science of Montenegro(i.e, Slavoljub Stijepović, newly elected minister who is,by all accounts, appointed just for that purpose) hasdrafted and proposed the adoption of a new EducationAct according to which Montenegrin languagemust be studied as an official language in all educationalinstitutions. It appears that the completion ofMontenegro, i.e. of Montenegrin nationalism is underway, full steam ahead: after the restoration of independence- the territory, followed by the EducationAct - the language, and most likely the law on religion- the Church, therefore the last communist strongholdin the Balkans, is being successfully transformed intothe youngest nationalism in the region, following itsneighbours’ recipes. Just like any other, our spoilt littlenationalism must be fed with hatred toward the otherand at this moment that is the Serbian “occupying andconquering” people in Montenegro. For God’s sake,human rights can not be respected completely, becauseMontenegrin language has no alternative, henceover 60% of the citizens of Montenegro who speakSerbian, over 10% of those who speak Albanian aswell as those who speak Bosnian and Croatian - as ofSeptember 1 st must learn Montenegrin as the officiallanguage, contrary to the Constitution of Montenegro.The series of campaigns and reactions that camefrom almost the entire local and international communitywere initiated and the president was put underpressure not to sign the bill, but in vain. As a consequence,in the name of Serbian, Croatian and Bosniakpeoples in Montenegro, initiatives were launched toallow school curriculum in native languages in the municipalitieswhere those nations are either majority ormake up large percentage of population. Correspondinginitiatives were pushed through by Montenegrinsin Serbia to allow curriculum in Montenegrin languagein some places in Serbia. Nothing unusual – mightcomment the reader of this report in case they do notknow that it’s the same language. Ah, with nationalism1 times 0 is equal to 2, and 1 divided by 1 is equalto 3! One can only imagine the kind of multiplication,division and results the implementation of this law willprovoke in already deeply divided society. The worstthing is that it all starts from an early age – from thefirst grade of primary school.Violence without AlternativeMany workers of Montenegro commenced theyear 2010, impoverished, without resources to cater totheir basic needs, in endless debts and lethargic whenit comes to just about anything. The most striking of allwere, however the miners who went on strike at theirworkplace - underground. Their agony - without food,water or daylight - lasted for days, until the Prime Ministeraddressed them, in a personal letter promisingthey would get their unpaid wages. The radicalizationof the protest showed how trustworthy he was. Theminers blocked the entrance to the mine and got beatenup by his dutifully loyal police. Those are the samepolice forces that raided a disco in a coastal town ofBudva, demolishing its interiors and behaving violentlytowards the guests, pushing them around, punchingand knocking them down. The “performance” withthe policemen wearing masks and being fully armedwas so authentic, that some English and French guestsconcluded there must have been a terrorist group carryingexplosives in the disco and the police were toget rid of them. Again, the very same police pushed,

70carried out (by pulling their legs and arms), and arrestedabout thirty residents of Golija (near the borderwith Bosnia and Herzegovina), who wanted to protestpeacefully and prevent the Army from destroying thesurplus weapons in their village (an interesting choiceof location: populated place, with rich flora and fauna)and from polluting the countryside well known for itsecological-beauty. That’s the way it goes ... What kindof alternative one is to expect as long as an attack of acitizen against a politician and a major against a citizendoesn’t mean a thing and the State Attorney says that“criminals have morals and respect her because theyknow she will not wrongly accuse anyone”? Oh, oursafe homeland!Dealing With the Past Note Even As an AlternativeThe Kaluđerski Laz case, the Morinj camp case, thebombing of Dubrovnik continue to unravel based ona good old recipe: only the direct perpetrators standaccused, while those who were part of the political andarmy leadership at that time and the most responsiblefor what was happening don’t even get to be mentioned.The announced founding of the DocumentationCentre, an institution that would collect documentsand materials of the wartime and intensify workon dealing with the past is not going to happen. Whenthe process (of dealing with the past) is mentioned itseems as if it were the Japanese-Russian war (1904 -1905), in which Montenegro did take part (on the Russianside, of course), but it was so long ago and so faraway, just as was fair and honourable warfare althoughmore on a symbolic than real level, that every discussionabout it seems rather absurd and fairylike.The Standard Of Living without AlternativeLooking at the list of new citizens of Montenegro(Thaksin Shinavatra, Darko Šarić, possibly MiroslavMišković, Pamela Anderson, maybe Roman Abramovich)one might think that the plan to attract hugeforeign investments via high-end tourism is graduallybeing achieved. However, once we know that it costshalf a million € to get the citizenship of this countryand when we read carefully the biographies of the newMontenegrins, it becomes quite clear what part of theworld we are in. Namely, once the most beautiful prisonin the world is now the richest fortress and hideoutfor overseas bosses and drug dealers. The caseof Darko Šarić, fortunately a Serbian citizen, althoughborn in Pljevlja, who now owns half of Montenegro,still remains an enigma for both European and Montenegrinpolice, as well as police forces of the region,while the pairing of his worldwide cartel with the statestructures will remain a mystery, as it seems, forever.When we add a few “minor” mafia shootouts that tookplace on the squares of coastal towns in broad daylightresulting in brutal murders, long and diligentlyprepared and created international image of Montenegroas a stable, prosperous and above all safe touristdestination is dizzily rising, and is confirmed by thetourist season which has “never been better”. Therefore,welcome - WE ARE CLOSE!Radomir Radević; Kristina Bojanovićserbia: sovereignty! but integral, please.Two nouns: integrity and sovereignty (with a rangeof accompanying epithets), have been reigning supremein the public space of Serbia this year. Thesetwo words lie in the foundations of parliamentary decisions,media headlines and officials’ statements, explainingall our circumstances and predicaments. It’senough to reach for them to shout down the incompatiblesand silence the discussion. Conformity is pursued– it is a purpose and an end in itself. Conformitywill spare us (the citizens of this state) of reasonlesssuffering caused by re-examination of not only ourtoday’s leaders’ steps, but it will also alleviate dealingwith the painful issues from the past.And what ongoing events of the political arenacould we now manage to depreciate and swallow,starting calmly yet another ordinary day, while simulatingnormalcy?The International Court of Justice delivered its advisoryopinion on the request of Serbia’s authoritieson whether the declaration of independence of Kosovowas in accordance with international law – andaffirmed it was. The reaction in Serbia was quite tempestuous.The ruling was interpreted in various ways,but the dominant discourse came down to it beinga political decision. Both President Tadić and ForeignMinister Jeremić said that the official policy would notchange and that Serbia would never recognize Kosovo’sindependence, thus reaffirming the tendency

71of local politicians to determine not only the present,but also the future of their citizens, in an absolutistmanner. The response to the controversial opinion wasquick, efficient and (somewhat) coherent. The originalResolution on Kosovo 9 , which was to be submitted tothe UN General Assembly, was supported by a significantmajority of the Serbian Parliament, while thesolution to the decades-old problem was once againtransferred to another place (from the scope of theInternational Court of Justice to the one of the SecurityCouncil). In the meantime, the previously acceptedResolution was amended in the direct talks with theEuropean Union officials and adopted by the UN GeneralAssembly unanimously. The cooperation of highestofficials has been welcomed by international actorsand the new rounds of negotiations between Serbianand Kosovo officials, with international mediation,were optimistically announced. It remains uncertainwhether this time around the negotiations will be approacheddifferently (it was announced that the practical,less painful issues than the one on status would beresolved first) and whether negotiating strategy wouldtake into account real problems of Kosovo society (likerestrictions on movement, poverty and unemployment,among others) or they would reflect medievalnational myths and narratives.This year’s most important event regarding thewartime events from the nineties was the adoption ofthe Declaration on Srebrenica 10 by the Parliament ofSerbia, fifteen years after the Army of Republika Srpskaunder the command of Ratko Mladić committedthe genocide against the local Bosniak population. Thepolitical ground was being prepared long in advancein numerous consultations, to ensure the parliamentarymajority for the Declaration (127 of 250), which wasadopted after thirteen-hour debate. During the preparationof the Declaration the word genocide was replacedwith the word crime, with noticeable insistencethat the crimes against the Serbian population wouldbe addressed in the following declaration. In the region,the Declaration was received as a positive step ofthe official policy, while its content 11 refers to the rulingof the International Court of Justice in the lawsuit ofBosnia and Herzegovina against Serbia and Montenegrothat ruled Serbia was responsible for both failingto prevent the genocide in Srebrenica and to punish orextradite perpetrators to the Hague tribunal, referringprimarily to Ratko Mladić. In addition to strengtheningthe needed political will, which would eventually resultin the arrest of Ratko Mladić and Goran Hadzić, we arefacing a process of recognition of Serbia’s role in thewars of the nineties that would reflect an honest attitudetowards the past, instead of it being exclusivelythe result of pressures and stipulations of internationalcommunity.The last state-organized mobilization of the masseswas arranged following the death of Pavle, the 44 thPatriarch of the Serbian Orthodox Church - a “humble”man who “refused all worldly honours”. A three-daymourning was declared and the media scrupulouslycovered the death of Patriarch who assumed his positionin 1990, skilfully avoiding to address the ninetieswars and the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church andits leaders in them. 12Along with closing one’s ranks goes marking, i.e.defining the territory. Hence President Tadić speaksabout the clash of cultures and civilizations, all thewhile sharing concern for “the preservation of ourChristian identity”. 13 The Serbian Mail charges for mandatorystamps whose proceedings go to the fund tobuild the Temple of Saint Sava in Belgrade. The declarationson religious and national unity are beingadopted and grandiose crosses are being erected (inNiš and Kragujevac). When a community define itselfon the basis of ethnic, religious and hetero-normativematrices, leaving a little room for the recognition andrespect of other identities, it is difficult to prevent oradequately respond to the violence toward the others.This year’s example for this kind of approach is theviolence that occurred in Jabuka, a small village nearPančevo. After the killing of a Serbian minor by an underageRoma, an outburst of violence and hate speechagainst the Roma population erupted and lasted forseveral days before the police intervention. There’s stilla great deal of fear among Roma people, with occasionalpositive steps towards resolving this problem. 14There are more such examples – like violent attacksagainst those who are different (German tourist in Belgradewas attacked, because he “looked gay” 15 andTeofil Pančić 16 , a newspaper columnist and author, who9http://www.b92.net/info/vesti/index.php?yyyy=2010&mm=07&dd=27&nav_id=44804810http://www.b92.net/info/vesti/index.php?yyyy=2010&mm=03&dd=31&nav_id=42144011http://www.slobodnaevropa.org/content/Skupstina_Srbije_Deklaracij_Srebrenica/1998622.html12http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,4896408,00.html?maca=bos-rss-bos-all-1475-rdf13http://f1.b92.net/info/komentari.php?yyyy=2010&mm=06&dd=30&nav_id=44220314http://www.pescanik.net/content/view/5430/61/15http://www.slobodnaevropa.org/content/beograd_ada_ciganlija_napad_kriminal_nemci_zivanovic/2127184.html16http://www.vreme.com/cms/view.php?id=942901

72publicly condemns all forms of fascism in our society,on regular basis). In both cases the assailants were arrestedshortly afterwards, which is encouraging. Nowit is up to the judiciary to do their job effectively andwithout political compromise, and send a clear messagethat the state will not support such attacks, neitherdirectly nor indirectly, but will severely sanction it.In the case of Pančić, all hopes that the transformationwill occur have failed. The charges were re-qualifiedand the assailants were sentenced below the statutoryminimum. 17In the course of this year there was a noticeableincrease of activity and a number of meetings of politicalleaders in the region, resulting in positive andencouraging messages that were sent out to our societiesabout starting the dialogue and jointly resolvingsome controversial issues (mutual charges of genocidebetween Croatia and Serbia, for example).There’s noticeably more political will that is beinginvested in increasing visibility of problems of sexualminorities in Serbia. Unlike last year, when the GayPride was cancelled due to a lack of political will toguarantee safety for the participants, this year thePresident received the delegation of LGBT organizationsand supported the parade, describing it as “acivilizing step forward” 18 . Let’s hope that this supportis not only declaratory, and that the Gay Pride will beheld safely this year.Visa-free regime for Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegrocame into force on December 19 last year. Thefreedom of movement we have finally got made ourholidays nice and made it easier to breathe. However,who are the ones who can take advantage of this freedomof movement? According to the Prime Ministerand the Minister of Economy, we’ve come out of theworld economic crisis (which is often used as a euphemismfor war and post-war economic collapse, plunderingtransition, enormous accumulation of wealthby the tycoons, increased class inequality and destructionof social policies) several times already. In themeantime, following the orders of the InternationalMonetary Fund, the welfare and public spending is beingcut, the Labour Law and the Pension and DisabilityLaw are being altered and amended, i.e. tightened allthe while we have the lowest wages in the region 19 andthe list of soup kitchens is getting longer. 20The Serbian government adopted the decision tofinally abolish the military service, starting January 1 st2011. Happy New Year!Nenad PorobićkosovoWhen high politics is viewed from the standpointof an ordinary citizen of Kosovo, one can declarethat there were no major changes in the last year: forthe administration in Belgrade, Kosovo remains a partof Serbia, under the UN Resolution 1244 adopted inJune 1999, which reaffirmed sovereignty of Serbia overKosovo. For Priština, Kosovo has been an independentstate as of February 2008.Beside the high politics and the fact that until now71 countries have recognized Kosovo as an independentstate, (although rest of the world didn’t – as theadministration in Belgrade would underline regardingthis matter), practically, on the ground the lives of ordinarypeople have remained the same. The unemploymentrate is raging 41 %. It will further grow with thereturn of Roma refugees from the European countries.It seems that this forced return to Kosovo will be thefirst “successful” one, having in mind that only a fewthousand displaced non-Albanians returned to theirhomes out of a total 200.000. The latest example isa returnee village of Žač where twelve returnees arebeing stoned on almost daily basis. They are not beinghurt by the stones only for they are still living in tents,while waiting for their houses to be rebuilt. On top ofeverything aforementioned I should add that the levelof corruption has not been reduced, and then there’shuman trafficking. There are a number of problemsthat are being discussed repeatedly, but obviouslywithout major success.If we step out of the shell of an ordinary man andscratch the surface little deeper, we shall come acrossthe hot topic as of recently. It will surely continue tobe so next year, too, having in mind how slowly theseissues resolve: after the recent adoption of the UNResolution that united all members of the EuropeanUnion on the issue of Kosovo, the dialogue and ne-17http://www.blic.rs/Vesti/Hronika/208485/Pancic-Ovakva-presuda-je-problem-drzave18http://www.blic.rs/Vesti/Drustvo/196240/Tadic-podrzao-odrzavanje-Parade-ponosa19http://www.b92.net/biz/vesti/region.php?yyyy=2010&mm=05&dd=24&nav_id=43340520http://www.politika.rs/rubrike/Drustvo/Ljajic-Liste-za-narodne-kuhinje-sve-duze.lt.html

73gotiations between Priština and Belgrade will reopen.What will be negotiated, where, how and when remainsunknown. What is certain is that the two sideshave different views on almost every issue; thereforesitting together at the same table won’t be easy. Thenew negotiations would provide an opportunity for eitherside to resolve some of the problems, overcomesome of the obstacles and strengthen their position onthe way to integration into the European Union. Thedialogue between the two sides should start beforethe New Year. Brussels has offered to host the negotiationsand the UN to be an observer. Priština wantsthe EU and U.S. to be observers while Belgrade wouldlike China and Russia to be involved in the talks. Howthe pieces will come together remains to be resolved,but it is almost certain that the two sides will decideon their own regarding: where, how, when and who.There are opposing views even on who should leadthe negotiations on both sides, but this time the internationalcommunity should for the first time be amere observer without taking part in decision makingwhatsoever. Are the two sides even ready to make theirown decisions?What are they going to negotiate? Priština doesnot want to negotiate neither the status nor the territorialintegrity. A number of international actors believethat this questions can not be avoided and thatthey are the key to the solution of other issues as well,while some others think that the negotiations shouldstart with less important topics and then move on tobigger ones. Besides the status, the issue that certainlyrequires the utmost attention is the one of northernmunicipalities in which Albanian administration wasnot established. No major change occurred there afterthe war, nor was there any kind of integration ofSerbs. It is rumoured that another option might be thedivision, with the north of Kosovo becoming a part ofSerbia. Another alternative that is being mentioned isa territorial exchange with the mostly Albanian-populatedPreševo valley.For the Serbian side it is just as important to preservemonasteries and churches of the Serbian OrthodoxChurch in Kosovo. Having in mind that the propertyof the SOC was demolished during the 1999 warand again in March 2004 Serbian side will most likelyrequire extra-territorial status and the continued presenceof NATO forces on the sites of its most importantbuildings, although NATO has announced it will withdrawKFOR troops as soon as next year.Those two issues represent a huge challenge forPriština and they would rather negotiate customs,trade, transport, traffic and other easier and rathertechnical matters. It is clear from the above-mentionedthat for a start, the international community islikely to support the proposal to discuss those issuesin order to establish trust between two parties and furthermove on to the aforementioned, more importantissues. So far, we’ve had different negotiations in andbout Kosovo: standards before status, UN-sponsorednegotiations on six-point plan and then there is theMartti Ahtisaari’s plan of which only 50% was implementedover the course of three years. In order toachieve even the slightest success, all problems mustbe negotiated again from the beginning. Unless all theproblems are dealt with, we shall continue to have socalledfrozen conflict in Kosovo.There’s almost no mentioning whether the questionsleading to reconciliation are to be discussed ornot, like for instance: finding the missing persons or200,000 pending court cases. Those are the crucial issuesfor an ordinary citizen, because in order to livewithout hate, next to each other (we’ve stopped believingthat the coexistence is possible, therefore wenow tend to talk about neighbourly relations moreand more) we must resolve the things that keep ourpain outside and above anything else.For some ordinary person the most importantthing is to provide for their family, while for the otherof different ethnicity it is the freedom of movement,obtaining the documents in their native language orpreserving their identity etc. Everyone is just as fed upwith the fact that there’s no change and the society isspinning its wheels. For Kosovo, the important thingis to become a member of the UN. For Serbia, theimportant thing is that fewer countries recognize Kosovo.For Kosovo, it is important to get recognized byas many countries as possible, amongst other thingsbecause it means taking part in European and worldsport competitions. What does an ordinary citizen carefor all this, except that we must admit that it all lookslike an endless football match; therefore we cannotcomplain that we’re bored at any point. Both sides arethrowing punches on regular basis wile an ordinarycitizen of Kosovo gets to be a football.Gorica Šćepanović

74macedonia: we are waiting for...That would be the most accurate description of whathas been going on in Macedonia for the past year.We are waiting for ... something. Every one of us isexpecting something. Like during the best of times ofYugoslav “future” communism. The same communismwe had been waiting for, too. Just as Matrix’s Neo stubbornlywaits for the train at the station. Even thoughhe doesn’t know when it’s coming, or if it’s coming atall.Nonetheless, let’s see what exactly we are nowwaiting for in Macedonia.We are waiting for the EU and NATO to come totheir sensesThe dispute with Greece over the name of ourcountry was dominating the public life in the pastyear, too, although there were no major changes in thenegotiations held under UN auspices. Greek side hasinsisted on a new name for general use (erga omnes).Macedonian side is trying to win so-called doubleformula - one name in relations with Greece and theconstitutional name for international use (this positionis supported by the fact that 128 countries havealready recognized the constitutional name - Republicof Macedonia). Official views of the EU and NATOrepresentatives were quite resigned – both refered toeither bilateral negotiations or the process conductedunder the auspices of the UN, which seems to be thesame, because within that process it all comes down tobilateral agreement between the two countries, settledby mediators. Regardless of the international law. Yes,the author of this article also sees it as an irrationalconflict, outside the international legal frame. It is theconflict between two exceedingly unequal parties inwhich the weaker party only suffers damages. It’s a nowin situation. The present Macedonian governmentis still on the view that any possible agreement withGreece over name change be put to a public referendum.Judging by the public mood, such referendumhas a minor chance of “success.” Which means, we remainwhere we are. We are waiting. “We just need totell our international partners that we remain committedto the values of the EU, but simply cannot acceptsuch a dictate and change the name of the country inthis way. We simply need to tell them that, we are hereand waiting”. So, we’re waiting.We are waiting for even more beautiful and old,baroque SkopljeLast year the Government bombastically announcedits megalomaniac project to build a new baroquedowntown city of Skopje, called “Skopje 2014”(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iybmt-iLysU).After the initial fiery reactions and violent confrontationsin downtown Skoplje (on which occasion thegroup of architecture students called The First ArchiBrigade was assaulted for protesting against the government’sidea to build an Orthodox church, amongother things, with the public money), things continuedas planned. For almost a year now downtown Skopjehas been undergoing a dramatic change. An “Albaniananswer” in Skopje has been recently presented in theform of Skenderbeg Square project. Some would saythat instead of one large square in the centre of theunited city named Skopje, that lies on both banks ofthe Vardar River, we are about to get two separatesquares profusely decorated with dozens of sculpturesof “one’s own” national heroes – one on the left andthe other on the right hill of Vardar. It seems that therest of the country has already chosen their favourites;hence the post-modern case of baroque Skopje 2014is being observed almost as if it were a football match.Everyone is cheering their own, from aside.We are waiting for either “traitors” or “patriots”to realize that they were wrong and repentIn my last year’s report I wrote that the Macedonianpublic was polarized to the point of effervescence.Now, it’s boiling already. It is just as dramatic as it isstupid how easily the public became divided into socalled“patriots” and “traitors” (last year it was all about“sorosoids” and “makedonoids”). At the same time,this is the issue that is accompanied by the highestlevel of violence in public. A TV presenter emotionlesslydeclared on the air that the traitors do deservehate speech, because there is no other way of dealingwith them. He also added joking light-heartedly thatelimination may be the next step. Since some activistsaccused him of spreading hate speech in public, hesued them for libel for having his reputation tarnished.It has become quite normal to have two positionsfor virtually every issue. Anything can be reduced toan attitude towards the preservation (or betrayal) ofthe name of the state and radically tough stance onthe subject is immediately taken. One for each of thetwo groups. Yet, no other group exists, at least not inpublic, let alone individuals. Just as there is no middleway or at least basic communication between the

75two opposing sides. It is interesting that completelyidentical statements made in similar contexts can havedramatically opposite explanation in public. For example,when the president says he’s in favour of a reasonablecompromise with Greece, he is a national hero.When the opposition leader says the same thing, heautomatically becomes a traitor, at the very least. Ourvisible public is so wise.We are actually waiting for the public to finallyappear in publicWhat does that mean? Our public was kidnappedby the political elites that installed ad-hoc organizationswilling to simulate whatever, wherever needed.The groups of citizens often hold protests outside theoffices of the opposition. (What do they want from theopposition? To disappear?). Other groups of citizenspush every authentic public expression of protest intothe daily political discourse as if it were a matter oflife or death. (Even when it refers to the long-term demands.Why?). There are few authentic organizationsthat have managed to endure. It’s worth mentioninghere the independent student association (finally!)called Free Index, as one of those. All this would besomehow OK if social engagement was openly andhonestly promoted and accepted as normal politicalactivity. However, we live in a society that gradually leftthe entire space of politics, in the widest meaning ofthat word, solely to political parties. It is their exclusivearea. “Phew politics, it’s dirty, disgraceful.” “We arenon-political activists” are just some of the announce-ments that are often heard. And then everyone freaksout when someone’s public advocacy either matchesor defies exclusively enthroned protagonists of politics- political parties.Oh yes, in the new report of “Reporters withoutBorders”, in terms of press freedom Macedonia isranked 68th out of 178 countries. It dropped dramaticallyconsidering that only last year we were ranked34th (and the year before that 42nd). These are thesame media outlets that decide what representativesof the aforementioned “public” are going to be givena chance to promote their ideas and influence the discourse.There is nothing more to be said about it.Finally, we are still waiting for to the global economiccrisis to endActually, to be honest, we might really not wait forthat. Because, how else could we justify the fact that31,5% of the population lives in poverty and that nearly30% of citizens are officially unemployed? And inthe meantime we continue to engage in fiery conflicts,hate and threaten each other ... for all other issues.P.S. All this long waiting has obviously influencedme, too. I have long waited for this article to somehowmagically write itself. I had the best excuses. I apologizefor that to my dear friends in CNA, who waitedpatiently. In the end, understandably, it was me whohad to sit at the computer.Boro Kitanoskibosnia and herzegovina: spinning the wheels with dignityThere’s one good news at the beginning of thisyear’s article on the context of work and life in Bosniaand Herzegovina: Bosnia and Herzegovina still exists.Bosnia is still alive. Lame, but alive. Despite boththose who whish its imminent and inevitable doomand those who pledge undying love for it. Amongthe former ones, despite fierce competition, the mostprominent was Milorad Dodik, former prime ministerand president-elect of “Srpska” (translated: the Presidentof the entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, knownas the Republika Srpska). Amongst the latter, also numerousones and rampant in their love, particularlyimpressing was Željko Komšić, new-old member of thePresidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina and representativeof Croatian people, who was elected by the majorityof Bosniaks (and “others”). Hence, we can onceagain see for ourselves on the example of Bosnia andHerzegovina that love kills nearly as efficiently as hatred.And when we bear that in mind, it is possible tounderstand why there’s not a shred of irony in the sentencethat this article begins with. However, in orderto better understand the context of these words it isnecessary to make a small review of all the things thestate of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its society havebeen through for the past 12 months.In early October 2010, the state of Bosnia andHerzegovina and its citizens went through anothergeneral elections. Like most previous ones, these, too,were viewed as “critical, fundamental, crucial” ones.The word “changes” was heard even more often than“constituentness and integrity”, but still not as often asthe famous “dignity.” Weeks before the elections, loud

76representatives of numerous political parties werecompeting in the political arena, advocating and defendingthe dignity (of a man, a worker, a Serb, a Croat,a Bosniak) to the last drop of (other people’s) blood.The exclusively masculine gender in the previous sentenceis more than intentional. The presence of womenin the campaign (on billboards and lists) was barely bigenough to earn a subdued praise from the restrainedofficials of some international agency in charge ofmonitoring gender equality. To those who were notso preoccupied with numbers, percentages and formit was clear that this was another in a series of “seriousgames for wise men.” So, other than the leaders ofpolitical parties, public space was filled with actors ofthe civil scene and numerous public figures who calledupon going to the polls, taking a stand and changes.The author of this article, yet without the citizenshipof Bosnia and Herzegovina and therefore without theright to vote, was aware that she had no right to becynical. However, the author of this article could notthen, nor can it now realize and understand what kindof dignity or changes these highly-esteemed membersof our society are talking about.There’s not a trace of basic human dignity herewhereas changes are so far away simply because thereare no relevant political or civically aware changeagents. This is why the “changes” achieved by theseelections seem somehow insufficient and inadequate,to say the least. What do we really have as a result ofthese elections?There’s a landslide victory of Dodik’s IndependentUnion of Social Democrats (SNSD) in all constituenciesof Republika Srpska, including the victory of their candidatein the elections for the Serbian member of thePresidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and an overwhelmingvictory of Milorad Dodik in RS presidentialelections. Consequently, from this entity of Bosnia andHerzegovina, we can expect the continuation of thepolicy which is fully in line with their leader’s inspiringnote: “Republika Srpska forever, and Bosnia andHerzegovina as long as we have to! History teaches usthat nothing is irretrievable, and so is the existence ofBosnia and Herzegovina”. Croatian Democratic Union(HDZ) of Bosnia and Herzegovina won a very convincingvictory in all the constituencies with Croat majority.That success was overshadowed with a huge frustrationof Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina due to theirinability to choose “their own” candidate for the Croatianmember of the Presidency. Practically the onlychange in the disposition of political forces took placein areas with Bosniak majority. The Party for Bosnia andHerzegovina of Haris Slajdžić (with its stubborn policy,disinclined towards dialogue) suffered losses. The SocialDemocratic Party (SDP) and the Party of DemocraticAction (SDA), whose candidates won in the racefor Croatian (Komšić) and Bosniak (Izetbegović) memberof the Presidency achieved big (although relative)success.As soon as the election evening, it was obviousto the careful observers that major complicationswould ensue regarding forming a government andpost-election coalitions, as well as tough clashes andconfrontations on the issue of future organization andterritorial structure of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina.Dragan Čović, leader of HDZ, announces the finalbattle for the third entity in Bosnia and Herzegovinawhile Milorad Dodik arrogantly declares that he enjoysbeing defiant and undermining the state of Bosniaand Herzegovian. From so called “hope for change”- SDP comes a following statement: unless ZlatkoLagumdžija (their President) is elected as a leader ofthe Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina,they will organize the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovinaeconomically and politically similar to formerWest Germany, which would then swallow RepublikaSrpska politically, economically and morally, just as itwas once the case with East Germany!Changes? Right. Ethnicization of the society ofBosnia and Herzegovina is more evident than ever,just as there is an apparent lack of positive politicalprojects and visions that could challenge ethnicization.Primarily social but also political phenomenon knownas “Željko Komšić” only supports the claim that trueand positive political alternative still does not live here.Although there’s a significant number of those whowill interpret his (incredible) success in the elections asa way of circumventing the ethnic principle, the authorof this article consider it to be an immature and disastrouslyharmful strategy in the long run, which reallydemonstrates that the rule of the stronger, i.e. morenumerous lies behind the mask of “civility”.Because of these and other phenomena of theBosnian-Herzegovinian socio-political life, the mostinteresting things to analyze are in fact those beyondthe mere scope of the election results. The questionis when this society will be able to face the fact that itstill resides in pre-political state, where vague and deliberatelyundefined categories of ethno-national vocabularyare dominant over political agendas and clearideological orientations. This condition causes miserablesituation (in economic, moral and political sense)

77inside of which it is difficult to find a way out. With thatin mind it is not difficult to understand how it is possiblethat the first two political parties that made clearthat they would BY NO MEANS WORK TOGETHERwere the strongest ones with social-democratic prefix.It also helps us understand why those who boast withtheir social-democracy increasingly resemble to theother kind of socialists – the national socialists. However,as we can see, in this region we learn from historyin a very selective manner.I’m about the finish this article but let me get backonce again to the word “dignity”. It is certainly one ofthe most over-used words the abuse of which is commonto both totalitarian and so-called transitional,i.e. democratic systems. Everyone’s throwing the bulltalking about civil, ethnic, racial, religious, etc. dignity.What does it look like on the example of Bosnia andHerzegovina?Workers’ dignity – various ministers, criminalizedtycoons, employers and others go all out in defendingit. The last apparent example of workers dignity beingdefended occurred some days ago in Jablanica. Thegroup of workers who were on strike at the factorysite were attacked by 300-strong special forces whointervened with tear gas and police dogs. As a result,thirty workers were injured and the Ministry of InternalAffairs admitted that the violent raid on the factorywas against the law.Dignity of press - varies depending on the type andquality of journalists. Those more inclined to researchand asking unpleasant questions have less right todignity. Those who send them the kind of messagesthat they deserve a bullet in the head, or should get aheart attack and so on – go unpunished. By the way,Bosnia and Herzegovina is ranked 47th in the WorldwidePress Freedom Index List 21 , and the situations isdeteriorating.The dignity of those in need of medical help - a lot isbeing done, but you know how it is – world economiccrisis, money is tight. Only the cynics might think thatthe nepotism and corruption have something to dowith it (by the way, we are ranked 93rd in CorruptionPerceptions Index). While we are waiting for the worldeconomic crisis to end (and for all of them to stop harassingus) so that we can fix our hospitals and healthcare– there’s Mekki Torabi, our Moroccan buddy. MekkiTorabi cures and heals with his touch and water.Thousands of people keep queuing in front of ZetraOlympic Hall for days for some hope and some kind ofmedical treatment.All in all, there are plenty of problems in this country.Many of them are expected to be resolved bythemselves the moment we join EU. They say that willhappen as soon as 2020 or so (it better not be by theHijra calendar). However, not everyone believes in theimage of enticing and bright future that awaits Bosniaand Herzegovina upon joining EU. It is becomingever more apparent that we are spinning our wheelsperilously and that internal incapacity of the state ofBosnia and Herzegovina in dealing with its systematicand structural limitations and problems tends to irritatemore and more rather than win support on theinternational scene. Unless the citizens of this countrystart acting in accordance with that guideline soon,the country is going to vegetate in the darkness of internaltensions and antagonisms that are threateningto escalate in a very ugly way, for a long time. Andrather undignified, too.Tamara Šmidling21The annual report of Reporters without Borders (RSF), which is published regularly since 2002.

78‘awakening’from a personalpoint of viewWhat started to happen to me at the meetingswith veterans and visits to the execution sites inthis unfortunate country of ours, had a certain feel of‘awakening’ to it, in comparison to what I had beengoing through in the first few years after the war, whenI had the chance to meet with people ‘from the otherside’, whether we had known each other before or not.What it meant was to talk about issues and topicsthat were until recently considered a taboo, in myview. People mostly try to go by an unwritten rule, ormore precisely, a code of conduct, that does not allowus to ask the others about the things we would notlike to be asked, therefore more time is spent talkingabout political and economic situation, and how manypeople took advantage of this evil times and benefitedfrom them, then asking or talking about mass graves,rapes, executions, slaughter, camps and so on and soforth, or even about some brilliant examples of humanityand nobility of the last war.I felt this awakening in such a way that I could talkcandidly about everthing what was going on in thewar and about people’s roles in it, normally with myown perception and subjectivity. I also felt that that theother people’s ‘defence’ was slowly coming down, too.We were becoming more and more humans and wereless hiding behind “ours and yours”, and were lookingfor our own positions regarding the past events,including our own responsibility.No need to mention that CNA switched on a gooddeal of those switches in our heads and provoked ourbadly damaged brains to move into a new direction,not to devastate or destroy, but to build some new, Iwouldn’t say bridges, but shores onto which the foundationsof those bridges that are to be erected, shouldbe laid.The entire process that was going on inside of mewas probably quite recognizable with others too, assoon as I was in a position to be asked a favour, so tosay.During the veterans’ visit to Zavidovići, after leavingthe Memorial Room, Lj. approached me, visiblyagitated. I did expect the rush of emotions from himbecause the Brigade from his area had had some hugelosses on the frontline around Zavidovići and the roomwas full of “trophies” that bared the insignia of thatunit. He also started to talk to me about it, and howit had struck him, because he had lost a lot of friendsand acquaintances there, and a lot of them were stillmissing. Basically, he asked me, if it wasn’t a problem,for him and few of his friends to come to Zavidovići tovisit the Memorial Room.Since the Memorial Room is at the premises of theDisabled War Veterans of Zavidovići and they have thekey to it, I consulted A. and I was told that there wasno problem, and that all it took was a few days notice,to take the key.I passed the information on to Lj. and after havingagreed on it, we parted.Maybe less then a month later, Lj. got in touchand announced his arrival. I did everything in advanceand was expecting them. However, the morning theywere supposed to come something happened, I thinksomeone died, and he informed me that they wouldn’tcome.More than a month passed since then, when hecalled again and said he was coming.I prepared everything once again, informed A. andM. and we waited for what must have been two hourswhen he called again and said that there was somethingwrong with the car and they could not come thatday.When he called the following day and said theywere on their way I took it with a pinch of salt, thinkingsomething would come up again. M. was at work,and A. had something to do on his own and said thathe could be with us for just a little while. I went to theDisabled War Veterans’ premises from work and spentan hour there with the president and the secretary ofthe organization, waiting. They knew some Serbs were

79coming to visit, but did not open the subject. A. wasalso there, trying to tidy things up in the MemorialRoom.Soon I got a call from Lj. and he said they wereparked outside the building.I got out and saw him, and the two men I didn’tknow before, so I was somewhat taken by surprise, becauseI had expected that he would come with somecolleagues from his veterans’ organization that I hadhad the chance to meet during the visit to Prnjavor.We met and if I remember correctly, I think thatone was named P., and the other B. I saw they were carryingofficers’ purses and cameras. I thought “Fuck Lj.,who did you bring along!” They did not seem to me aspeople who came to see something and evoke somememories. At that moment, I was angry with Lj., fornot telling me in advance who was coming. Perhapshe was afraid that in that case I would turn him down.P. asked whether they could enter the MemorialRoom to see it. I told them that was what we werethere for and invited them in.A. said goodbye to them and apologized becauseha had to go. I brought them into the office of thePresident of Disabled War Veterans’ Association andhe received them nicely, welcomed them and saidcompassionately that if there was anything he coulddo they should come to him and that they should feelat home.All that time, I felt confused. Thousands of questionswere brimming in my mind, I was looking foranswers: who were they, did they belong to some securityforces, what were they really interested in? Theonly thing that encouraged me was that I recognizedsome signs of their discomfort, too.Some sort of bell of silence had come down uponus before we entered the Memorial Room and somehowisolated ourselves. Then we started talking andone of them said he was from some place near BanjaLuka, and the other one was from Srbac as it seemed,but I’m not sure. They asked whether they could takephotos, and I agreed reluctantly, but I was thinking tomyself: why the heck they wanted it, whose archivesdid they need it for?Then Lj. stepped in and said, if I understood well,that one of them was searching for his father and theother for his brother, who had both disappeared inthis area. It may sound bad, but I felt relieved then. Ineeded to know the purpose of their visit, and I knewthat units from their region had been here.I did not want to dash their hopes, but I said that allthe documents that were stored there were one hun-dred percent processed and that the data had beenalready forwarded to the authorities in charge but thatthey were free to look at anything they wanted.That’s exactly how it was, they reviewed all the confiscatedmilitary id cards, personal id cards, drivers’ licenses,war diaries and took pictures of the documentsthat belonged to the individuals they had known orthose they knew were from their region. I was initiallylittle uncomfortable because there was a lot of pokingaround, and I’m not really at home with it, but I wentout of my way to make it possible they check everything.Unfortunately, they did not find any informationon their loved ones, but they were glad they had thechance to look and see.When they were done with their part, we spent therest of the time looking around the other exhibits inthe Memorial Room. They asked and I answered as Icould and explained. I saw melancholy in their faces,just like with any normal person when they saw allthose names and pictures of the killed. This is particularlythe case with the people who have lost their lovedones.We went out, said goodbye to the people from theDisabled War Veterans’ Association, thanked them fortheir hospitality and stopped at the parking lot for asmoke.They were very pleased and said they did not expectsuch reception, but Lj. had told them he neverdoubted it, having known me.We said goodbye, they went home, and I got backto work and back to my thoughts.Anyway, let me get back to the ‘awakening’ fromthe beginning of this story. If something like this hadhappened to me before, if I had been under some circumstancesin a similar situation and had to do somethingin the same way, I would not have made it. I’dbe a rack, it would tear me apart to think whether anysuch expression of good will towards people who werea part of something that wanted to destroy me and myown, whether “theirs” who had been killed were somebutchers or just unfortunate plain soldiers, whetherthey were the gunners who shot schools and kindergartenswith a smile, or forcibly mobilized people withhealth problems, who did not have any money to bribethe authorities to let them off the hook.What will people from my community and those‘verified patriots’ say? Will I be labelled a traitor andaccused of betraying the legacy for money? Will I becomeworse and more hated than those who slaughteredon my behalf? Will they let me desecrate theVeterans Memorial Room by bringing some “Chetniks”

80into it? I can go on and on with such schizophrenicquestions, I’d surely keep thinking about it and thatwould torture me.But thank God, that is not the case. I have seen mylight at the end of the tunnel and I can do whateverand help if I get a chance to every human being, hurtby this war, whose sacrifice I do not recognize by theirname, but by the pain it left, with my head clear andwithout my conscience objecting.Amer Delić,veteran of Army of Bosnia and HerzegovinaNovember 2010many thanks to all of you who give us support