Equilibrium prices <strong>and</strong> information 53arguments, described above, they judge the price system‘informationally inefficient’, even though they assume away severaltypical ‘imperfections’ usually attributed to <strong>market</strong>s in reality (such as,for example ‘incomplete’ <strong>market</strong>s). Since Arrow’s (1962) paper it hasbeen common to argue that, because information has attributes of apublic good <strong>and</strong> there are increasing returns to its uses, a perfectlycompetitive economy will underinvest in its production. On the otherh<strong>and</strong>, Jack Hirshleifer (1971) has pointed out that, if secrecy ispossible, there may be overinvestment in information-gatheringactivities. Arrow (1984:143) offers an example of this possibility:each firm may secretly get the same information, either on nature oron each other, although it would of course consume less ofsociety’s resources if they were [sic] collected once <strong>and</strong>disseminated to all.An awareness of these issues leads Grossman <strong>and</strong> Stiglitz (1976: 251)to affirm that ‘although it is easy to show that the <strong>market</strong> solution isnot, in general, efficient, it is difficult to ascertain whether there is toolittle or too much information acquisition’.Stiglitz seems to have taken some of Demsetz’s criticisms of theusual welfare approach (presented in chapter 2) into account whenarguing recently that ‘obviously, economies with perfect informationare likely to function better than economies with imperfectinformation: That is an irrelevant comparison’. The relevantquestion, he states, is whether the <strong>market</strong> is ‘constrained Paretoefficient, taking into account the imperfections of information <strong>and</strong>costs of obtaining more information’ (Stiglitz 1987:13–14).However, this only takes care of what Demsetz terms the ‘fallacy ofthe free lunch’ —in this case, judging a situation inefficient becauseit does not include complete information, even though informationmay be costly. But Stiglitz’s (1987:14), <strong>and</strong> others’, conclusion thatsuch economies are ‘essentially never constrained Pareto efficient’suggests that they have in mind a better alternative that is not madeexplicit. This seems to be a variant of Demsetz’s ‘the grass is alwaysgreener’ fallacy which, in this case as in most welfare analysis,consists of assuming implicitly the existence of an alternativeinstitution (1) that can costlessly (or at least with advantage withrespect to <strong>market</strong>s) obtain the necessary <strong>knowledge</strong> <strong>and</strong> (2) that willhave the motivation to improve on <strong>market</strong> outcomes. Although herejects it explicitly, Stiglitz reintroduces implicitly the perfect
54 <strong>Prices</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>knowledge</strong><strong>knowledge</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ard in the form of an at least highly informedgovernment when he concludes that welfare improvements can inmany cases be achieved through appropriate combinations of taxes,subsidies, <strong>and</strong> centralization of decision-making (1987:14).At a later point, when in a comparison of government planning<strong>and</strong> <strong>market</strong> allocation he assumes that the government may haveno more information than private individuals, Stiglitz does notargue why even this should be an acceptable assumption. Evenfrom a <strong>perspective</strong> of costly information, it may turn out to beeconomically impossible to put in a government’s h<strong>and</strong>s as muchinformation as exists in a decentralized form in a <strong>market</strong>economy. The assumption becomes even less acceptable for a<strong>market</strong>-<strong>process</strong> <strong>perspective</strong>: Stiglitz does not specify forgovernment any mechanism that will replace the discoveryprocedure provided by prices <strong>and</strong> competition to individuals in a<strong>market</strong> economy.The ambiguities regarding which st<strong>and</strong>ard to use persist over allGrossman <strong>and</strong> Stiglitz’s work, as in much of the literature on theeconomics of information. These ambiguities become particularlynoticeable when, on the one h<strong>and</strong>, Grossman (1981:555; emphasisadded), in his description of Hayek’s argument, says, ‘a plannerwithout all of that information could not have done as well’, <strong>and</strong>, onthe other, Grossman <strong>and</strong> Stiglitz (1976:252; emphasis added), afterarguing about the informational inefficiency of prices, conclude that‘in this case a central planner with all the information can improve onthe competitive equilibrium’. 33Of course, most of these comments can be made from anequilibrium, somewhat Demsetzian, <strong>perspective</strong> that still acceptssome variant of Pareto efficiency as its norm. As the previous chapterstated, a disequilibrium, <strong>market</strong>-<strong>process</strong> approach will adopt adifferent normative st<strong>and</strong>ard. Streit (1984:394) seems to have it inmind when he says:As in other cases of socially useful competition, inefficiency from astatic point of view can be the source of dynamic efficiency. Andfrom this <strong>perspective</strong> of discovery <strong>and</strong> adaptation, the basicallystatic verdict of Pareto non-optimality carries little weight if any. 34From this <strong>perspective</strong>, the hope expressed by Rothschild (1973: 1304)that the economic profession will start ‘to develop st<strong>and</strong>ards ofefficiency <strong>and</strong> equity <strong>and</strong> to begin to ask what sorts of institutional
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Prices and knowledge
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ContentsAcknowledgmentsvii1 Introdu
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Chapter 1IntroductionIn recent deca
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ReferencesAkerlof, G.A. (1970) ‘T
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144 IndexCercone, N. 79change: and
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150 IndexVeljanowski, C.G. 43voting