Equilibrium prices <strong>and</strong> information 49information. Instead, he argues, Hayek distinguished between twotypes of agents: what modern Austrian economists would callentrepreneurs, <strong>and</strong> what can perhaps be described as price-takingindividuals with only local <strong>knowledge</strong>. He quotes from Hayek:If only some of [the tin users] know directly of the new dem<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong>switch resources over to it, <strong>and</strong> if people who are aware of the newgap thus created in turn fill it from still other sources, the effect willrapidly spread throughout the whole economic system…<strong>and</strong> allthis without the great majority of those instrumental in bringingabout these substitutions knowing anything at all about the originalcause of these changes.(133; emphasis added)In this interpretation Hayek was saying, in 1945, that prices aresufficient statistics only for the ‘great majority’ of agents, that onlythese individuals make the necessary adjustments, responding to pricechanges without ‘knowing anything at all about the original cause’.The prices they react to are being set by alert entrepreneursdiscovering <strong>and</strong> exploiting profitable opportunities.This version of Hayek may be interpreted in two ways. Hayekmay be resorting to the heuristic device of isolating economicfunctions for the purposes of analysis <strong>and</strong> thus speak ofentrepreneurs, price-taking consumers <strong>and</strong> price-taking resourceowners as separate agents. This is perfectly legitimate.Alternately, he may be taking this division of tasks as an accuratedescription of reality. This second interpretation may beobjectionable.Although Grossman <strong>and</strong> Stiglitz’s criticisms are partiallyobscured by their emphasis on <strong>knowledge</strong> inference, 29 it is possibleto think, even for Hayek’s tin example, of cases in which most (orall?) traders would like to know more than just the price change.For example, is this change transitory, requiring only a temporaryreduction in the consumption of tin, or is it permanent, justifying,for example, the adoption of new production techniques <strong>and</strong>machinery? Price-taking individuals would perhaps not need toanswer this type of question if there were ‘complete <strong>market</strong>s’ (or atleast, given the costs involved in setting up <strong>market</strong>s, ‘optimallycomplete’ <strong>market</strong>s) <strong>and</strong>, consequently, enough futures prices. But itis doubtful whether Hayek would have wanted to make thisassumption.
50 <strong>Prices</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>knowledge</strong>It is probably more realistic to say, with Mises (1949:252), that ‘inany real <strong>and</strong> living economy every actor is always an entrepreneur’.The idea of prices as sufficient statistics has to be used, if at all, in amore limited sense, as in a recent statement by Hayek where he saysthe price mechanism operates as a medium of communicating<strong>knowledge</strong> which brings it about that the facts which becomeknown to some, through the effects of their actions on prices, aremade to influence the decision of others.(1979:125)The point then is not that it is enough (sufficient) for an individual toknow prices, in addition to his preferences, resources, <strong>and</strong>technologies, to act correctly—the target of Grossman <strong>and</strong> Stiglitz’scriticism. Instead, it is that prices reduce the amount of detail that heneeds to know to do so. 30 As O’Driscoll <strong>and</strong> Rizzo (1985:39) put it,‘the crucial point is that, overall, more information is conveyedthrough a <strong>market</strong> price system than without one.’ The effectiveness ofprices in this role will depend crucially on the existence of a rivalrouscompetitive <strong>process</strong>, an issue considered below.There is another interpretation of Hayek to consider which at firstappears also to treat prices as sufficient statistics. Vernon L. Smith(1982a) has conducted experimental tests regarding ‘the institutional<strong>and</strong> technical conditions necessary to achieve a competitiveequilibrium (C.E.)’. 31 He says:one view, which has comm<strong>and</strong>ed a modest following since theclassic work of Adam Smith, suggests that the attainment of C.E.allocations do [sic] not require any individual participant to have<strong>knowledge</strong> of the circumstances of other agents, or to have anunderst<strong>and</strong>ing either of the <strong>market</strong> as an allocation system or of his/her role in promoting ‘an end which was no part of his intention’.(1982a:166; emphasis added)Smith singles out Hayek as the economist who has presented thisposition ‘more strongly <strong>and</strong> more influentially in recent decades’(1982a:166). Smith decides to test what he therefore terms the ‘Hayekhypothesis’, which affirms that ‘strict privacy together with thetrading rules of a <strong>market</strong> institution are sufficient to producecompetitive <strong>market</strong> outcomes at or near 100% efficiency’ (167). By‘strict privacy’ he means ‘each buyer in a <strong>market</strong> knows only his/her
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ReferencesAkerlof, G.A. (1970) ‘T
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138 ReferencesKihlstrom, R.E. and M
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144 IndexCercone, N. 79change: and
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150 IndexVeljanowski, C.G. 43voting