Equilibrium prices <strong>and</strong> information 45prices as summaries or surrogates of <strong>knowledge</strong> rather than withtheir disequilibrium role as stimulators of entrepreneurialdiscovery. 22 (In Sowell’s argument, as opposed to Grossman <strong>and</strong>Stiglitz’s, prices perform the role satisfactorily, although this, ofcourse, has something to do with what st<strong>and</strong>ard of efficiency isused.)Although acting as summaries is an important function of prices,Sowell seems to be unaware of the entrepreneurial one, or to take itfor granted. In fact, he could frequently be read as believing that<strong>market</strong> prices are not too different from equilibrium prices. Thus hesays, ‘nobody needs to know the whole story in order for theeconomy to convey the relevant information through prices <strong>and</strong>secure the same adjustments as if everyone had known’ (Sowell1980: 75; emphasis added), that ‘accurate prices resulting fromvoluntary exchange permit the economy to achieve optimalperformance’ (79; emphasis added), that ‘<strong>knowledge</strong> transmitted bylow prices (wages) is generally accurate <strong>knowledge</strong>’ (174), <strong>and</strong> thatwith respect to changing technology, tastes, etc., ‘price changes arevirtually instantaneous’ (216). These are statements anentrepreneurial <strong>perspective</strong> would not endorse without qualifications.However, this chapter will later argue that most of Hayek’s, <strong>and</strong>Sowell’s, argument can be reinterpreted from an entrepreneurial<strong>perspective</strong> <strong>and</strong> remain valid.Kirzner’s emphasis is more on the discovery of <strong>knowledge</strong> thanon its summarization or its transmission. But the question could beraised: could this discovery role perhaps be accommodated withinthe approach of Grossman <strong>and</strong> Stiglitz? It is, after all, their argumentthat imperfectly arbitraged prices provide incentives for informationgatheringactivities; in other words, it is because of price disparitiesthat the production of new <strong>knowledge</strong> becomes economically viable.Therefore, even in Grossman <strong>and</strong> Stiglitz’s framework pricesperform another informational role, although it is not highlighted:imperfectly arbitraged prices, as in <strong>market</strong>-<strong>process</strong> theory, lead to theappearance of new information. Of course, as has already beenindicated, Grossman <strong>and</strong> Stiglitz refer implicitly to production ofinformation-as-a-commodity, not to genuine discovery in the <strong>market</strong><strong>process</strong>sense. A consideration of some differing implications ofthese approaches will show that this distinction matters here.The apparent similarity of this implication of Grossman <strong>and</strong>Stiglitz’s approach to the modern Austrian argument could mean, forexample, that they would share the latter’s conclusions regarding the
46 <strong>Prices</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>knowledge</strong>informational advantages of <strong>market</strong> prices over other alternatives. Acomparison of, for example, the performance of <strong>market</strong>s with that ofa centrally planned economy, both of them under conditions ofdispersed, costly <strong>knowledge</strong>, would show the <strong>market</strong> providingpecuniary incentives for information-gathering activities, incentivesthat would not seem available under central planning. WithinGrossman <strong>and</strong> Stiglitz’s framework, there would appear to be norewards for costly information-gathering under a central planningsystem without prices <strong>and</strong> profit-motivated arbitrageurs.However, it is here that the information-as-a-commodityapproach makes a difference. From this <strong>perspective</strong> there might beno theoretical reason why an incentive system could not be devisedfor a centrally planned economy to achieve similar, if not better,results than a <strong>market</strong> economy. After all, given the way ignorance istreated in the economics of information, the <strong>knowledge</strong> that couldpossibly be found out <strong>and</strong> is worth knowing must be, as theprevious chapter described, already known, at leastprobabilistically, by the deciding agent (in this case, the centralplanner or the designer of this economic system). There would benothing in this approach, it would seem, preventing the design of anincentive scheme that would lead to an optimal amount ofinformation-gathering. 23 Then, the relative efficiency of the twoeconomic systems, as Grossman <strong>and</strong> Stiglitz argued in a quotationabove, could be established only after determining their respectiveinformational costs, an empirical matter not answerable by puretheory.On the other h<strong>and</strong>, the type of ignorance considered by <strong>market</strong><strong>process</strong>economists cannot be overcome easily by a central planner.The problem is not that the planner will have no incentive to engagein activities (including information-gathering) that he knows wouldbe desirable (which may, of course, also be the case). It is that therewill be nothing (such as pecuniary profits in a <strong>market</strong> economy) tospur his entrepreneurial discovery of what the desirable activities are.In Bartley’s (1985:31) words,the problem is not only how to utilize uncommon existing dispersed<strong>knowledge</strong>, but also how to elicit implicit <strong>and</strong> not yet fathomed<strong>knowledge</strong>…Competition not only makes the best use of existingdispersed <strong>knowledge</strong>, but also generates new <strong>knowledge</strong> whichnone of the participants in the <strong>process</strong> yet possesses. [Emphasis inoriginal.] 24
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Prices and knowledge
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ReferencesAkerlof, G.A. (1970) ‘T
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144 IndexCercone, N. 79change: and
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150 IndexVeljanowski, C.G. 43voting