Notes 13137 No example is drawn from Kirzner’s writings because the issue of complexityhardly appears explicitly in them. It is largely due to his concentration onentrepreneurial discovery, even in simple contexts, that the need for thedistinctions made here becomes evident.38 For example, Hayek’s concern has recently been interpreted to be overwhether the central planner will be able to cope with the enormous amount ofinformation, ‘whether the king can h<strong>and</strong>le the job of collecting <strong>and</strong> using therelevant information…’, given that he ‘has a limited ability to <strong>process</strong> [it]’(Farrell 1987:117, 121). See also Buchanan (1985:16), although he seems tobe aware there is more to the problem.39 See, for example, Hayek (1935b:155). Also Lavoie (1985a:161–2).40 An idea that also appears in Schultz (1975:831–2).41 See, for example, O’Driscoll (1977)42 This, for example, is what seems to be happening in those anecdotes aboutsocialist economies that describe plant managers as unable to comply withtheir output quotas because the production of the required inputs was notcontemplated.43 Although co-ordination of actions can coexist with disco-ordination of<strong>knowledge</strong>, it is not clear whether there could be co-ordination of <strong>knowledge</strong><strong>and</strong> disco-ordination of actions—the latter due to ‘complexity’. This woulddepend on whether co-ordination of <strong>knowledge</strong> includes <strong>knowledge</strong> of theappropriate arrangements to overcome complexity successfully. (Coordinationof <strong>knowledge</strong> would perhaps lead to optimal disco-ordination ofactions!)44 See, for example, High (1986:114).45 The full elucidation of this point <strong>and</strong> of the whole issue would require muchmore space than can be devoted to it here.46 Another implication of the distinction made here is that, although in thehabitual use disco-ordination of actions refers to observable problems, thoseof Kirzner’s type that take the form of missed opportunities may neverbecome visible. This is important because, from this entrepreneurial<strong>perspective</strong>, the disco-ordination that occurs in a planned economy, forexample, is not limited to the observed shortages or surpluses of goods. Italso includes the unknown number of alternative ‘facts’ (types <strong>and</strong> qualitiesof products that could be made, what quantities of them to produce, withwhat production technologies, what resources are available <strong>and</strong> in whatquantities, etc.) that were never discovered <strong>and</strong> exploited. The ignorance ofthese facts constitutes probably the most serious source of inefficiency inthose economies.5 Change, responsiveness <strong>and</strong> co-ordination1 Nelson (1977:132–43; 1981). The argument also appears, unmodified, inNelson <strong>and</strong> Winter (1982), but it seems reasonable to attribute it to Nelson.2 That is, (1), that under certain assumptions a competitive equilibrium isPareto-optimal, <strong>and</strong> (2), that any Pareto-optimal outcome can be achieved asa competitive equilibrium by a suitable distribution of initial endowments.
132 Notes3 Economists, Nelson <strong>and</strong> Winter (1982:358) say, are aware of the fact thatnot all firms act as price-takers, that there are public goods <strong>and</strong>‘externalities are pervasive’, that economic agents may lack perfectinformation, <strong>and</strong> so on.4 Nelson (1981:95) credits Simon for the ‘most forceful articulation of themeaning <strong>and</strong> significance of bounded rationality…’.5 Nelson (1977:136) points out the failure of economists—whom he does notidentify— ‘to recognize the contradiction between those arguments for<strong>market</strong> structure which are based on the premise that behavior of acompetitive regime will be Pareto optimal, <strong>and</strong> those arguments for real<strong>market</strong>s which are focused on the alleged flexibility <strong>and</strong> responsiveness ofsuch a regime…’.6 Nelson (1981:95) notices that both Mises <strong>and</strong> Hayek, ‘the two advocates ofprivate enterprise in this debate, pose their arguments in a form much moredistant from that of contemporary welfare economics than does Lange, theadvocate of Socialism’.7 The other exception to the ‘static <strong>perspective</strong>,’ in his view, is ‘the earlySchumpeter’. Because of his questionable differentiation of Mises’s <strong>and</strong>Hayek’s argument, Nelson seems to believe that Lange’s was an appropriateresponse to Mises’s challenge.8 In the light of the economic analysis of regulation <strong>and</strong> the theory of publicchoice, Nelson may have been too hasty in attributing such altruistic motivesto these government interventions. However, it should be noticed, he ends bynot advocating any particular regime because he does not ‘have any strongnotions about the answers’ to these organizational questions (Nelson1981:110).9 See the quotation of Gordon <strong>and</strong> Hynes (1970) in chapter 2.10 For a survey of this literature, see Fisher (1983).11 The tone of this statement is cautious because a <strong>market</strong> economy need notactually achieve equilibrium even under imaginary unchanging conditions.However, as long as this equilibrium state was not reached, a <strong>market</strong> systemwould still stimulate entrepreneurial activity, whereas no equivalentdiscovery <strong>process</strong> would be at work in a planned regime.12 Mises <strong>and</strong> Hayek used a similar assumption, although Mises (1936: 142)correctly pointed out that to do so ‘we need only avoid asking how thisstationary condition is achieved’. See, e.g., Mises (1920: 109–10), <strong>and</strong>Hayek (1940:188).13 In Nelson’s book with Winter, consideration of these possibilities appears tohave been deliberately suppressed (Nelson <strong>and</strong> Winter 1982:38).14 The terms ‘hierarchy’ <strong>and</strong> ‘organization’ will be used interchangeably.15 The term ‘non-<strong>market</strong> hierarchies’ is used because although it will most oftenrefer to government-generated organizations, what is meant, more generally,is organizations created by individuals whose decisions are not motivated byprofits in the <strong>market</strong> <strong>and</strong> who are significantly immune from its competitivepressures (in the sense that they do not have to compete for the acquisition ofresources <strong>and</strong> may not be overly concerned about pecuniary losses caused bytheir decisions). In the case of government, this independence from the<strong>market</strong> is due to the possibility of obtaining resources through non-voluntarymeans.
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ContentsAcknowledgmentsvii1 Introdu
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Chapter 1IntroductionIn recent deca
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