Notes 129which permit them to be understood by others’. This, however, does notappear in Simon’s writings.8 The ‘boundedness’ refers, then, to objective rationality, meaning by this theperfectly informed decisions that would be made by the theoretical fiction ofan omniscient agent.9 On his idea of complexity, see also Simon (1962b). There is some similaritybetween Simon’s <strong>and</strong> Hayek’s (1964) notions of complexity. On complexity,see Grunberg (1978:546–9).10 Also see Simon (1976:430–1). Simon is fond of this example because, forhim, chess is ‘a microcosm that mirrors interesting properties of decisionmakingsituations in the real world’ (1972:412).11 This saturation could, presumably, occur at different stages such as that ofreception, of storage, or of the <strong>process</strong>ing of information.12 ‘In a world where information is relatively scarce, <strong>and</strong> where problems fordecision are few <strong>and</strong> simple, information is almost always a positive good. Ina world where attention is a major scarce resource, information may be anexpensive luxury, for it may turn our attention from what is important to whatis unimportant. We cannot afford to attend to information simply because it isthere’ (Simon 1978b:456).13 Simon (1970:167) defines an ‘information-rich’ world as one in which (1)the average search time required to discover a new opportunity is low, or(2) there are many highly valued opportunities. This idea involves a quiteparticular view of perception. For example, an entrepreneur could,apparently, become aware of too many opportunities, rather than find itdifficult to discover any at all. This view of perception will be consideredbelow.14 Baumol (1979:75–6) realizes that this is not what Simon is saying. On theattempt to make apparently non-optimizing behaviour compatible withmaximization, see Winter (1971:242–3); Bol<strong>and</strong> (1981: 1033); Langlois(1986:226).15 This is not so obviously true. It could be argued that the widespread use ofcomputers has made the world more complex.16 However, this behaviour may approach objective rationality in someexceptional circumstances ‘if the number of very important variables is smallat any given time, <strong>and</strong> if this list of important variables does not change fromtime to time without the change being noticed’ (Simon 1984:48; emphasis inoriginal).17 The neoclassical agent would ‘allocate just as much effort to scanning thehorizon for newly important variables as is justified by the marginal value (interms of improved decision making) of the scanning. This…alternative isvacuous, providing us with no clue as to how these marginal costs <strong>and</strong>benefits are to be estimated’ (Simon 1957: 48).18 See, for example, Simon (1957:204–5) <strong>and</strong> Simon (1978a:455).19 ‘We need far more empirical <strong>knowledge</strong> than we now possess as to thebases on which aspirations are formed <strong>and</strong> the conditions under which theyare modified’ (Simon 1958:399). There is some similarity between this idea<strong>and</strong> Mises’s (1949:13–14) notion of ‘felt uneasiness’ as a prompter ofhuman action. The differences between them seem to be due to the different
130 Notestheories of cognition held by Simon <strong>and</strong> <strong>market</strong>-<strong>process</strong> economists, asargued below.20 The <strong>market</strong> system allows individuals a choice between organizing activitythrough firms or through <strong>market</strong> trading according to what they perceive tobe most advantageous.21 Simon’s use of these concepts implies that, when he finds limitations inwhat he calls ‘<strong>market</strong>s’, his alternative is not necessarily governmentintervention: perhaps some other <strong>market</strong> alternative, such as firms, is thesolution. In fact, the next chapter argues that the <strong>market</strong> system stimulatesthe discovery of solutions to possible limitations of price-mediatedtransactions.22 Simon credits this idea to Dahl <strong>and</strong> Lindblom (1953).23 The price system is ‘an institution that reduces the amount of nonlocalinformation the actors must possess to make reasonable (i.e. satisficing)decisions’ (Simon 1981:57).24 The lack of an explicit distinction between <strong>market</strong> <strong>and</strong> non-<strong>market</strong>hierarchies is evident here.25 ‘We must keep in mind that…externalities…are rarely absent. Markets canonly be used in conjunction with other methods of social control <strong>and</strong> decisionmaking…’ (Simon 1983:89).26 ‘Bounds on rationality are interesting…only to the extent that the limits ofrationality are reached—which is to say, under conditions of…complexity’(Williamson 1975:22).27 The intention of the example is to build a simple situation so that this is true.It would be easy to turn this same example into a complex situation byarguing that the small number of traders introduces strategic considerations<strong>and</strong> other bargaining difficulties.28 ‘One reason why computers have been so important to Man is that theyenlarge a little bit the realm within which his computational powers canmatch the complexity of the problems’ (Simon 1976:430).29 See Dreyfus (1979: esp. 91–129).30 If human beings have this ability, Simon’s notion of satisficing may turn outto be of doubtful validity. (Individuals would not need to scan; their attentioncould be drawn directly to the most worth while alternative.)31 According to Dreyfus (1979:33), the ‘<strong>knowledge</strong> representation problem’refers to ‘the problem of how to structure <strong>and</strong> retrieve data in situations whenanything might be relevant’.32 Again, in this view the planner neglects <strong>knowledge</strong> of specific circumstancesbecause he is incapable of ‘absorbing’ it, not because he does not notice it orbecause it is, in some way, tacit <strong>and</strong> inarticulable.33 As pointed out, Hayek has also sometimes argued in this way.34 This may also explain his puzzling statement about the advantage in terms ofoptimality properties of <strong>market</strong>s over hierarchies.35 As will be pointed out, this does not mean that <strong>market</strong> participants will not, inspite of these disadvantages, find it useful sometimes to adopt hierarchicalforms of organization for carrying out their activities.36 For example, <strong>market</strong>-<strong>process</strong> economists have clearly improved theirunderst<strong>and</strong>ing of the nature of ignorance <strong>and</strong> discovery by facing thechallenges posed by the economics of information <strong>and</strong> search theory.
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Prices and knowledge
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ContentsAcknowledgmentsvii1 Introdu
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Chapter 1IntroductionIn recent deca
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Introduction 3to changes, and not a
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6 Prices and knowledgeOUTLINE OF TH
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Chapter 2A theory of the market pro
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10 Prices and knowledgeexistence of
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12 Prices and knowledgebehavior of
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14 Prices and knowledgedisequilibri
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16 Prices and knowledgeresources kn
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18 Prices and knowledgeproduce, bet
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20 Prices and knowledgeimportant in
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22 Prices and knowledgeauxiliary’
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28 Prices and knowledgemarket parti
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32 Prices and knowledgeoptimal allo
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38 Prices and knowledgeequilibrium.
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