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Prices and knowledge: A market-process perspective

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102 <strong>Prices</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>knowledge</strong>The identification of advantages of the <strong>market</strong> (‘speed’ ofresponse) <strong>and</strong> of central planning (’quality’ of response) suggests toNelson the existence of a trade-off that may provide support for somecombination of both systems (such as indicative planning or an‘industrial policy’). In this respect, he says that ‘it is no wonder thatmany countries that have expressed strong general adherence toprivate enterprise have established mechanisms to try to makeindustry responses to changed conditions proceed in a more orderly<strong>and</strong> coordinated fashion, <strong>and</strong> to guide those <strong>process</strong>es so as to reducethe extent of income losses <strong>and</strong> individual hardships’ (ibid.: 104). 8A MARKET-PROCESS PERSPECTIVEOn poorly articulated <strong>and</strong> informal theorizingNelson’s description of the argument of advocates of free enterprise as‘informal’ <strong>and</strong> ‘poorly articulated’ may be due to his holding the quitegeneralized view, mentioned before, of what constitutes appropriatetheory. In spite of his professed disagreements with equilibriumanalysis, Nelson favors a mathematically formalized approach toeconomics. He therefore wants a ‘well-worked-out generally acceptedformalism which explains how a decentralized <strong>market</strong> system tracks amoving target…’ (Nelson 1981:102–3).Nelson says that ‘to someone who proposes that private enterpriseresponds accurately to changed <strong>market</strong> conditions, the failure ofgeneral equilibrium theorists to prove stability, save under verystringent conditions, should be a severe embarrassment’ (ibid.).However, the literature dealing with the stability of general equilibriumcould only provoke embarrassment if there were reason to believe ithas modelled adequately the cognitive abilities of individuals in a<strong>market</strong> <strong>process</strong>. But, as shown in chapter 2, sophisticated theorists inthis field of inquiry, such as Hahn <strong>and</strong> Fisher, have expressed greatdissatisfaction in this respect. It is an agreed-on fact that no generallyaccepted formal theory of the disequilibrium behaviour of individualsexists yet. Furthermore, some theorists have argued that such a theorymay not even be possible for any reasonably realistic setting. 9 Nelsonthus assigns too much importance to the very limited results obtainedby stability analysis. 10Although there is therefore no reason for <strong>market</strong> advocates to be‘embarrassed’, Nelson’s complaint about the absence of a generally

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