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to what was left <strong>of</strong> the original enterprise. The other survivors now lived inLima and Trujillo and in the southern part <strong>of</strong> the U.S. and in Europe. Theskeleton Genealogies 2a, 2b and 2c provide information on the differentbranches <strong>of</strong> the third generation <strong>of</strong> descendants. These enable one toappreciate how educational, occupational, marital, and spatial mobilityfactors – especially international migration – have combined to bring aboutthe demise <strong>of</strong> the original highly successful multiple enterprise, while atthe same time spawning a wholly new set <strong>of</strong> extra-local businesses andpr<strong>of</strong>essional occupations (both in Peru and the U.S.).3.2 Three-Generational Family GenealogiesAlthough it is impossible here to present a full account <strong>of</strong> the dynamics <strong>of</strong>the businesses and careers <strong>of</strong> the younger generations <strong>of</strong> the Jiménez family,the case highlights the advantage <strong>of</strong> adopting a diachronic intergenerationalcase study method that traces the livelihood trajectories and migrationhistories <strong>of</strong> individual family members. In so doing it is useful to focuson the reshaping <strong>of</strong> networks and exchanges between the individuals andfamilies <strong>of</strong> the senior generation and their descendants. In <strong>this</strong> instance Iwas fortunate to be able to build upon baseline data from the 1970s.44Several anthropologists have underlined the importance <strong>of</strong> threegenerationalgenealogical enquiries for the study <strong>of</strong> kinship relations andfor identifying differential work careers, access to resources and familyorganization. 11 This method is clearly <strong>of</strong> importance too for understandingthe emergence <strong>of</strong> specific migration movements and for mapping out theshifting livelihood commitments to “home” and the reconfiguration <strong>of</strong>family solidarities “at a distance.” The changes that take place over timereflect changes in types <strong>of</strong> work, income levels, education, marriage patterns,social status, cultural lifestyles, as well as language use and sentiments<strong>of</strong> “belonging.” While it may be possible to track these in a general waythrough identifying the flow <strong>of</strong> migrants to their destinations and describingthe degree to which they retain contact with their “home’”people, a morediscriminating analysis requires comparison <strong>of</strong> different types <strong>of</strong> personsand their family situations. This can <strong>of</strong> course be achieved, to a degree,through drawing a sample <strong>of</strong> migrants representing different socialcharacteristics and circumstances but, in my opinion, a more satisfactoryway <strong>of</strong> framing comparisons is by reference to a common genealogical treespanning several generations. This allows for the exploration <strong>of</strong> differentsocial and cultural components as well as destinations. It will also highlight11For a discussion <strong>of</strong> <strong>this</strong> and examples drawn from Mexico, Africa and Java, see Gabayet (1983),den Ouden (1989), Hüsken (1991) and Wartena (2006).

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