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Despite the monetary advantages of international migration, a greaterpercentage of rural household members migrated to work inside Mexicothan internationally. One reason for this preference may be the initialunfamiliarity, cost, and difficulty that workers face in migrating to find ajob in the United States, particularly if they had to do so illegally. Anotherconsideration might be that local and international employment servesomewhat different but complementary family needs, including access todifferent types of resources as well as ease and frequency of contact betweenhousehold members. Norman Long’s ethnographic study of internal andinternational migrant Peruvian families found that internal remittancesinvolve reciprocal exchanges of goods and money that are embedded in“complex interlocking livelihood arrangements” between dispersed familymembers. In one case, migrants in Lima met about half their subsistencerequirements with food staples sent from the countryside, in exchangefor which rural family members were sent processed foods, fertilizer,medicines, and other essentials. While international remittances may beof greater monetary value, the variety and density of local reciprocity maymeet other important family needs and reinforce solidarity essential forsecurity and reproduction.Regardless, in Mexico Taylor and his co-researchers infer from regionalvariations in household data that the establishment of cross-border networksby a village’s first international migrants can provide assistance and lowerthe cost of subsequent international travel by members of households withmore limited resources. As participation in international migration hasspread between households within a community, the income of relativelypoorer families began to catch up with that of wealthier families, thus inthe long term contributing to the reduction of both poverty and incomeinequality. But what impact the reduced cost and greater earnings potentialof international migration has on internal migration is not clear. Is internalmigration diminished by rural workers deciding to seek work in the UnitedStates, or are the two forms of migration different enough in their purposesand functions that both flows might expand at the same time? Whetherinternal and international flows complement or, over time, substitute forone another is an issue that would benefit from both comparative andinteractive research on migrant households and sending communities.346Shifting the context from locations of origin to those of reception, thepaper by Susan Carter and Richard Sutch offers another perspective onthe relations between internal and international migration. Examining U.S.industrial labor markets at the beginning of the twentieth century, theyfound that both international and internal migrants were attracted to therelatively high-paying jobs offered in cities where large-scale industries