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tells a story <strong>of</strong> immigrants in New York City who are collecting donationsto help purchase a fire truck for their hometown villages (Cao 2005). Theirplan is to buy the most advanced fire truck in the United States and thendonate it to their hometown village. The same story also highlights the newreality <strong>of</strong> transnational communities in the case <strong>of</strong> Fujian; lives in FujianProvince and a migrant community in New York City are increasinglyconnected. Overall, these initiatives help make these migrant-sendingcommunities more attractive places to live, thereby retaining people whomight otherwise migrate.Remittance patterns are clearly constrained by the high cost <strong>of</strong> migrationin the case <strong>of</strong> Fujianese immigrants. Thus, un<strong>document</strong>ed migrants remitmore (in order to pay <strong>of</strong>f the debt) in general than migrants with a greencard. The cost <strong>of</strong> the migration journey limits the ability for migrants toremit money for productive uses before the debt is paid <strong>of</strong>f. In addition,the location <strong>of</strong> children also affects remittance patterns. The higher theproportion <strong>of</strong> children residing in China, the more likely migrants remit. 6Prior work suggests that local infrastructure is important in affectingthe emigrant’s decision to repatriate. We find some support for <strong>this</strong>. Thedistance to the nearest highway is an important predictor <strong>of</strong> remittancebehavior (an amount <strong>of</strong> remittances). We also find that in agriculturaldominatedvillages, immigrant households are more likely to use themoney for business, local education, and public projects than in other types<strong>of</strong> communities. We suggest that these rural communities tend to have astrong sense <strong>of</strong> community identity and, therefore, immigrant householdsare more likely to invest in business, as well as local education and publicprojects.288To further examine the linkage between international migration anddevelopment, we move away from Fujian Province to examine broadlyhow international migration has affected China’s national development. Itis well known by now that for the past twenty-five years or so, China hasenjoyed the most phenomenal economic growth that the world has ever seen(a consistent growth rate <strong>of</strong> 9-10 percent). Although factors beneath <strong>this</strong>economic record are complicated, we argue that the initial investment fromoverseas Chinese played a crucial role at least in the initial years <strong>of</strong> China’seconomic take<strong>of</strong>f. In some ways, <strong>this</strong> is by policy design <strong>of</strong> the Chinesegovernment. The first four Special Economic Zones in China to attractforeign investment are strategically located in Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Shantou,and Xiamen. The first three <strong>of</strong> them are in Guangdong Province, and the6The detailed results are available from the authors on request.

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