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edistribution were enforced through the emphasis given to gift exchangeswithin the circle <strong>of</strong> relatives and neighbors. Unlike the Mappilas, however,for whom gift-giving was generally a one-way relationship between themigrant and poorer non-migrants, reciprocity was stressed in Cherur.In addition, exchange relationships were limited to the particular castemembers. The matrilineal principle, which was the distinguishing feature<strong>of</strong> <strong>this</strong> community, reemerged as a consequence <strong>of</strong> the migration.Compared to both Veni and Cherur, where individual behavior was orientedtoward the interactive community context, in Kembu it was the family,particularly the nuclear household rather than the community at large,that formed the effective social group. Thus, the emphasis here was onthe reproduction <strong>of</strong> <strong>this</strong> unit. This accounts for the stress on accumulatingfamily wealth and pr<strong>of</strong>essional qualifications. The focus on the family waspartly counteracted by the value placed on the importance <strong>of</strong> the religiouscommunity. Time and effort were <strong>of</strong>ten spent on religious activities uponreturn from the Middle East, which meant frequent interaction with fellowchurch members. However, since there were around twelve churches inKembu (an area <strong>of</strong> approximately one and a half square miles), each hada fairly small congregation, thus affording only a very limited communitycontext.Although the ethnic structure <strong>of</strong> the community constrained how individualsused migrant remittances, it was in turn recreated by the affluence broughtabout by migration. Thus, at the time <strong>of</strong> my research, the Mappilas weremoving from being an inward-oriented and anti-modern community toone which increasingly participated in the larger society. They were takingpride in adopting the dress styles <strong>of</strong> the Hindus and in taking over many<strong>of</strong> their rituals (particularly during the marriage ceremony). Having thelatest consumer durables and “modern” building styles for their houseshad become a matter <strong>of</strong> prestige. Religiosity had also become redefinedin terms <strong>of</strong> “externals” (such as attending the mosque, sending childrenfor extra religious instruction, and the ostentatious giving <strong>of</strong> charity)over the earlier practices <strong>of</strong> keeping to the five daily prayer times, strictlyobserving the Ramadan fast, avoiding alcohol, and following the otherdaily prescriptions and proscriptions given by Islam.The Ezhavas had achieved a transformation in their economic and socialstatus as a consequence <strong>of</strong> the migration. From being a poor communitywith few rights, and only a little above the slave castes, they had becomean increasingly affluent section <strong>of</strong> society, rapidly becoming educated andpolitically powerful. They had also shed much <strong>of</strong> their caste stigma in theprocess and were becoming more confident, but also less cohesive. A new209

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