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in agriculture, or meeting expenditures <strong>of</strong> large magnitude on account <strong>of</strong>marriages, festivals, ceremonies, etc. The earnings from migration can besubstantial. It was believed by many scholars for a long time that remittancesform an insubstantial part <strong>of</strong> household income. A major proponent <strong>of</strong> <strong>this</strong>theory was Lipton (1980), who based his argument on the widely quotedIndian village studies conducted by the Institute <strong>of</strong> Development Studiesat Sussex in the 1970s (Connell 1976), which estimated remittances at 2–7percent <strong>of</strong> village incomes, and less for poor laborers. But the situation haschanged and migrant remittances now account for a substantial proportion<strong>of</strong> household incomes in several marginal areas (dryland farming andforested areas) across the country. For example, Singh and Karan’s study inBihar ( 2001) found that remittances accounted for one-third <strong>of</strong> the averageannual income <strong>of</strong> landless and marginal households sending migrants.Dayal and Karan’s study <strong>of</strong> twelve villages in Jharkhand found that 98percent <strong>of</strong> the migrants reported an improvement in their lives because <strong>of</strong>migration. Remittances accounted for 23 percent <strong>of</strong> the annual householdincome in sending households. Migrant households have a better diet andspend on average 15 percent more on food than non-migrating households.Roughly 13 percent <strong>of</strong> those owning five to twetny acres <strong>of</strong> land spenttheir additional income on productive uses. Mukherjee’s study <strong>of</strong> migrantwomen from West Bengal to Delhi who go to work as housemaids notes thatthe additional income has helped them to come out <strong>of</strong> poverty and acquiresome dignity, but the social costs have been high because they are separatedfrom their families (Mukherjee 2004). A recent study <strong>of</strong> nine villages inJhadol, Rajasthan (Custer et al. 2005) shows that remittances accountedfor 42–48 percent <strong>of</strong> total household earnings. Khandelwal’s 2002 study<strong>of</strong> temporary migration from the Ghattu Mandal <strong>of</strong> Mahbubnagar District,in Andhra Pradesh, found that migrants to the paddy fields <strong>of</strong> Karnataka<strong>save</strong> on average Rs. 2000-3000 each season. Another recent study <strong>of</strong> 955migrant households from drought-prone areas <strong>of</strong> Tamil Nadu (Sundari2005) showed that migration has raised the economic status <strong>of</strong> about 57percent <strong>of</strong> migrant families among the lower income groups, in terms <strong>of</strong>household income. There was an improvement in asset holdings <strong>of</strong> 53percent <strong>of</strong> migrant families, belonging to the low-income strata.It has been argued that migration worsens poverty because migranthouseholds are <strong>of</strong>ten in debt. But the relationship between debt andmigration is not straightforward. While some analysts have concludedthat migration increases debt levels because <strong>of</strong> higher expenditures duringtransit and at the destination, others have argued that migration improvesthe creditworthiness <strong>of</strong> households and they are able to borrow morebecause <strong>of</strong> that (Ghate 2005).171

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