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The National Strategy for Child Exploitation Prevention and Interdiction

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Selected Quotes from Appendix C of the Study:“<strong>The</strong> purpose of this literature review is to move beyond fears or myths <strong>and</strong> paint anaccurate <strong>and</strong> data-centric portrait of what risks youth are truly facing. Although fears ofpotential dangers are pervasive, the research presented here documents the knownprevalence <strong>and</strong> frequency of Internet harm. Threats involving the Internet have notovertaken other harmful issues that youth encounter. For instance, although pervasive <strong>and</strong>frequently reported in the media (Potter <strong>and</strong> Potter 2001), Internet sex crimes againstminors have not overtaken the number of unmediated sex crimes against minors (Wolaket al. 2003b), nor have they contributed to a rise in such crimes. This situation may seemat odds with the large number of reports made of Internet crimes against youth—in 2006,CyberTipline (a congressionally m<strong>and</strong>ated system <strong>for</strong> reporting child crimes) received62,480 reports of child pornography, 1,098 of child prostitution, 566 of child sex tourism,2,156 of child sexual molestation, <strong>and</strong> 6,384 reports of online enticement of children <strong>for</strong>sexual acts (<strong>National</strong> Center <strong>for</strong> Missing & Exploited <strong>Child</strong>ren 2006). Yet the increasedpopularity of the Internet in the United States has not been correlated with an overallincrease in reported sexual offenses; overall sexual offenses against children have gonesteadily down in the last 18 years. State reported statistics show a –53% change in reportsof sexual offenses against children from 1992 to 2006 (Calpin 2006; Finkelhor <strong>and</strong> Jones2008), which Finkelhor (2008) argues is both significant <strong>and</strong> real. Furthermore, sexcrimes against youth not involving the Internet outweigh those that do; Internet-initiatedstatutory relationships are greatly outnumbered by ones initiated offline (Snyder <strong>and</strong>Sickmund 2006; Wolak et al. 2003b) <strong>and</strong> the majority of sexual molestations areperpetrated primarily by those the victim knows offline, mainly by family members oracquaintances (Snyder <strong>and</strong> Sickmund 2006). This appears to be partly true of Internetinitiatedsexual offenses as well, as a considerable percentage (44%) of Internet sexualoffenders known to youth victims were family members (Mitchell et al. 2005b).” p. 10.* * *“More importantly, 95% of sexual assault cases reported to authorities are committed byfamily members or known acquaintances (Snyder <strong>and</strong> Sickmund 2006). In a study ofInternet-initiated sex crimes reported to law en<strong>for</strong>cement, 44% of crimes were committedby family members <strong>and</strong> 56% were committed by people known to the victim offline,including neighbors, friends’ parents, leaders of youth organizations, <strong>and</strong> teachers;known cases involving strangers are extremely rare (Mitchell et al. 2005b). In otherwords, the threat of Internet-initiated sex crimes committed by strangers appears to beextremely exaggerated (Finkelhor <strong>and</strong> Ormrod 2000).” p. 15.* * *“Online sexual solicitations by adults are of great concern, because some of this type ofcontact is considered to “groom” youth (Berson 2003) <strong>and</strong> coerce them to participate ineither offline or online sexual encounters. Although conceptually similar to the processthat pedophiles use to recruit child victims (Lang <strong>and</strong> Frenzel 1988), neither onlinesolicitations nor Internet-initiated relationships particularly involve prepubescentchildren. It is generally assumed that adults use some degree of deception in theC-3

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