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English - Support to Participatory Constitution Building in Nepal ...

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The Remake of a StateThese mismatches on rhe<strong>to</strong>ric and realities are ideological, conceptual oroperational. They are either tactical or strategic <strong>in</strong> nature. However, theyare strongly socialised <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nepal</strong>i society and therefore ethics, accountability,responsibility and transparency are limited <strong>to</strong> a mere rhe<strong>to</strong>ric.Another potential risk for post-conflict development <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nepal</strong> is deal<strong>in</strong>gwith higher expectation of people <strong>in</strong> one side and failure of politicians <strong>to</strong>deliver the promises they made <strong>to</strong> general public on the other. Post-conflictdevelopment strategy and operational procedures have <strong>to</strong> avoid mak<strong>in</strong>gany unrealistic promises. Development is a time-consum<strong>in</strong>g process andrequires huge resource and time. Unrealistic promises <strong>to</strong> people createproblems, if failed <strong>to</strong> fulfill. However, development sec<strong>to</strong>r <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nepal</strong> has greatpotentials for achiev<strong>in</strong>g stability and peace and address<strong>in</strong>g expectationsof people if available resources are used transparently, follow<strong>in</strong>g goodgovernance pr<strong>in</strong>ciples and rule of law. Political <strong>in</strong>terference, bureaucraticmanipulation, corruption and mal-governance are the deadly bottlenecksfor <strong>Nepal</strong>'s development sec<strong>to</strong>r.4. ConclusionAs <strong>Nepal</strong> is <strong>in</strong> the post-conflict turbulence, state build<strong>in</strong>g is of primeconcern. It has <strong>to</strong> enhance state capacity <strong>to</strong> perform its tasks such asensur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>clusion of excluded <strong>in</strong> the political decision-mak<strong>in</strong>g, achiev<strong>in</strong>gpeace, justice, livelihood security and economic prosperity of the people,provid<strong>in</strong>g security <strong>to</strong> its citizens and res<strong>to</strong>r<strong>in</strong>g and ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g lawand order, respect<strong>in</strong>g human rights and implement<strong>in</strong>g rule of law andenhanc<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>ternational relations.In case of <strong>Nepal</strong>, state build<strong>in</strong>g and state restructur<strong>in</strong>g are closely<strong>in</strong>terl<strong>in</strong>ked. It would be extremely difficult <strong>to</strong> achieve the objectives ofstate build<strong>in</strong>g without state restructur<strong>in</strong>g. Therefore implementation ofall the components of state build<strong>in</strong>g and state restructur<strong>in</strong>g discussed<strong>in</strong> the earlier sections should be the preconditions for the actions frompolitical parties, government, state bureaucracy, security, judiciary, civilsociety, researchers, academia and all citizens.The current political situation of <strong>Nepal</strong> is a great opportunity fortransform<strong>in</strong>g the centralised, exclusionary and <strong>in</strong>effective state <strong>in</strong><strong>to</strong> amodern, prosperous and <strong>in</strong>clusive nation. But stabilisation of <strong>Nepal</strong>i stateis possible only with the rational comb<strong>in</strong>ation of political-bureaucraticsecurityreform and economic growth.43

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