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English - Support to Participatory Constitution Building in Nepal ...

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Conceptual frameworkmulti-millions <strong>to</strong> attend <strong>in</strong>ternational delegations. Most of them are oftenfocused on political balance, family satisfaction, gett<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>ternationalexposure and earn<strong>in</strong>g money. The same ones who had <strong>in</strong>deed developedsuch rules do not respect them.It is reported by media that some of the well-known women right activistshave married with the men already hav<strong>in</strong>g first wife. It is a good exampleof duality <strong>to</strong> see that the women rights activists as the second wife isdemand<strong>in</strong>g women rights, who never th<strong>in</strong>k the rights of first wife theirhusbands have. Likewise, frequent report on the newspaper can be seenthat several child right activists have kept children at their homes ashelpers or servants. It is despite the fact that children cannot be used asservants or helpers accord<strong>in</strong>g <strong>to</strong> the human rights pr<strong>in</strong>ciples and law ofthis country.Civil society is a buzz word <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nepal</strong>. But it is blurred because of itscontextual, selective and contested operationalisation. Often, this termis very vaguely used <strong>to</strong> denote voluntary and non-profit-mak<strong>in</strong>g socialac<strong>to</strong>rs and organisations engaged <strong>in</strong> achiev<strong>in</strong>g certa<strong>in</strong> objectives (Capar<strong>in</strong>iand Cole 2008). It is be<strong>in</strong>g a contested normative framework, its activitiesare not only contested but also questioned because of the duality <strong>in</strong>rhe<strong>to</strong>ric and reality. Some people claim themselves as representativeof people, pretend<strong>in</strong>g <strong>to</strong> be neutral. They vehemently criticise politicalparties, donors and INGOs (<strong>in</strong>ternational non-governmental organisation)<strong>in</strong> public. Later, this criticism is used as means of appo<strong>in</strong>tments or otherpolitical benefits and fund<strong>in</strong>g from donors. It is widely held belief thatbe<strong>in</strong>g civil society leaders is the easiest way of ga<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g benefits (positions,recognition, <strong>in</strong>ternational exposure, money and privileges). Many civilsociety leaders who criticise political parties or donors <strong>in</strong> public are <strong>in</strong>the close circle of parties and donors and gett<strong>in</strong>g undue benefits. Mos<strong>to</strong>f them have received direct or <strong>in</strong>direct benefits from donors <strong>in</strong> termsof allowance, d<strong>in</strong>ners, <strong>in</strong>ternational visits and consultancies (analysts,advisors, resource person etc.).Often religious leaders claim that they are neutral, apolitical and work<strong>in</strong>gfor the welfare of people. They further claim that their aim is <strong>to</strong> promoteharmony, mutual respect and societal wellbe<strong>in</strong>g. In contrary, they areeither overtly or covertly support<strong>in</strong>g one ideology/political <strong>in</strong>terest oroppos<strong>in</strong>g another. Similar contradictions can be observed <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternationalcommunity (who ask transparency and accountability <strong>to</strong> government andother clients but they themselves are not transparent, do not respect<strong>in</strong>gParis Declaration of Aid Effectiveness or Acra Plan of Action).42

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