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English - Support to Participatory Constitution Building in Nepal ...

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Conceptual frameworkLater <strong>in</strong> 2009, the Home M<strong>in</strong>istry brought 'Special Security Programme' <strong>to</strong>tackle the lawlessness and violence but it did not succeed <strong>to</strong> achieve itshighly publicised objective due <strong>to</strong> non-cooperation from political parties.It would be very difficult <strong>to</strong> smoothly implement any developmentprogrammes <strong>in</strong> the country if security situation is not improved. Openborder is becom<strong>in</strong>g a haven for illegal arms traders and smugglers. Thishas greatly contributed <strong>to</strong> organise and expand several militant and fr<strong>in</strong>gegroups, most of whom have no political base, popular support and clearorganisational structures. Therefore, they do not fall under the categoryof political force.Violence, crime and <strong>in</strong>security are common <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nepal</strong> this day. So, it isnot possible <strong>to</strong> make the post-conflict transition successful withoutprevent<strong>in</strong>g violence and prevent<strong>in</strong>g violence is not possible without afirm commitment from political parties. <strong>Nepal</strong>ese people are seriouslysuffer<strong>in</strong>g from <strong>in</strong>security and violence. Phenomena of crim<strong>in</strong>ality has led<strong>to</strong> <strong>in</strong>securities such as kidnapp<strong>in</strong>g of children, murder and attemptedmurder, robbery, illegal traffick<strong>in</strong>g of arms and ammunitions, humantraffick<strong>in</strong>g, drug abuses and traffick<strong>in</strong>g, atrocities, massacres and forceddisplacement (Upreti and <strong>Nepal</strong>i 2006). This phenomenon is grow<strong>in</strong>gparticularly after sign<strong>in</strong>g of the CPA. Similarly, coercive mobilisation of theyouths by political parties is also becom<strong>in</strong>g a major source of <strong>in</strong>securityand violence thereby obstruct<strong>in</strong>g development. The transition is gett<strong>in</strong>gfurther complicated after creation of the coercive nature of organisationssuch as Young Communist League (YCL), Youth Force (YF) and MadhesRakshya Bah<strong>in</strong>i by political parties. Other parties and groups hav<strong>in</strong>g theirmilitant youth forces are Limbuwan, Chure-Bhabar Pradesh Ekata Samaj,Madhesi People's Right Forum, Madhesi Revolutionary Front, TamangAu<strong>to</strong>nomous Region Democratic Front, United Tharu National LiberationFront, Kshetri Samaj, etc.2.7.2 Disarmament, demobilisation and re<strong>in</strong>tegration (DDR)<strong>Nepal</strong> is heavily militarised due <strong>to</strong> the 10 years of armed conflict andits subsequent implications. As a by-product of the decade long armedconflict, numerous armed groups are active <strong>in</strong> the country <strong>in</strong> addition<strong>to</strong> the militant w<strong>in</strong>gs created by political parties. Further, disqualifiedUCPN (Maoist) ex-combatants are yet <strong>to</strong> be dealt with. So DDR is a hugechallenge <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nepal</strong> and it is possible only by a common understand<strong>in</strong>g andconcerted action of political parties. However, the DDR issue is becom<strong>in</strong>ga 'taboo' <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nepal</strong>'s political sec<strong>to</strong>r ma<strong>in</strong>ly because of its <strong>in</strong>completenessor misunderstand<strong>in</strong>g. Hence, DDR is one of the fundamental challenges <strong>to</strong>achieve post-conflict stability, security and peace <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nepal</strong> (Upreti 2009).32

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