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English - Support to Participatory Constitution Building in Nepal ...

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The Remake of a Statedomestic politics (for example, Nigeria). Each of these three types of casesrequires specific k<strong>in</strong>ds of strategies for democracy promotion.Internationally, contradictions and duality have been dealt with twoapproaches, one relates <strong>to</strong> culture and the other <strong>to</strong> the communicativecontext <strong>in</strong> which they occur. Accord<strong>in</strong>g <strong>to</strong> the culturalist approach, theway we deal with contradictions and duality can be markedly affected byculture, so that people from cultural environments with different socialpractices are more or less <strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>to</strong> accept contradictions. In particular,this approach predicts that Easterners are more likely <strong>to</strong> search for acompromise between two conflict<strong>in</strong>g view-po<strong>in</strong>ts than Westerners, whotend <strong>to</strong> follow a logical pr<strong>in</strong>ciple of non-contradiction. In contrast, theevolutionary approach considers that when contradiction occurs <strong>in</strong> acommunicative context, universal mechanisms designed <strong>to</strong> deal with theproblem of manag<strong>in</strong>g deceptive <strong>in</strong>formation go <strong>in</strong><strong>to</strong> effect and lead <strong>to</strong> thetendency of giv<strong>in</strong>g more weight <strong>to</strong> one’s own belief than <strong>to</strong> the other’sconflict<strong>in</strong>g view (Van der Henst et al. 2006).3. State build<strong>in</strong>g challengesDeal<strong>in</strong>g with contradictions and duality becomes a vital part of post-conflictstate build<strong>in</strong>g process particularly <strong>in</strong> cases of violent armed conflictsfollowed by difficult and fragile peace processes. Post-conflict challengesare deeper than the war itself as post-conflict states are vulnerable <strong>to</strong> arange of old and new forms of violence. Feudalistic distribution of land, itsownership patterns and land adm<strong>in</strong>istration systems <strong>in</strong> place by the state<strong>in</strong> favour of rul<strong>in</strong>g elites have been the means of claim<strong>in</strong>g control overpeople and ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> political power. This has been the his<strong>to</strong>rical causeof conflicts fuel<strong>in</strong>g the larger conflict <strong>in</strong> the country. Us<strong>in</strong>g the exist<strong>in</strong>gconflicts, Maoists backed the landless peasants <strong>to</strong> capture the land fromlandlords, politicians and bureaucrats dur<strong>in</strong>g the armed conflict. This hasbecome a new form of violence and contradiction dur<strong>in</strong>g the post-conflictperiod. Increas<strong>in</strong>g militarisation of youths ow<strong>in</strong>g <strong>to</strong> Maoists experienceof becom<strong>in</strong>g powerful political force <strong>in</strong> relatively short period of time,ris<strong>in</strong>g identity-based politics, mushroom<strong>in</strong>g of armed groups <strong>in</strong> Terai foreconomic benefits and general acceptance of violence as a legitimateform of political force have caused the state <strong>to</strong> experience new formsof violence. Growth of urban violence rates result<strong>in</strong>g from weak law andorder situation are other forms of violence fac<strong>in</strong>g the state <strong>in</strong> transition.Some specific chapters <strong>in</strong> this same book have dealt with the mentionedissues. In a nut-shell, one can firmly say that the post-conflict <strong>Nepal</strong> is289

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