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Nation-Building and Contested Identities - MEK

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Can Democracy Work in Southeastern Europe?Czech Republic. In the early 1990s, Hungarians constituted 7.1% ofRomania’s population <strong>and</strong> 10.6% of Slovakia’s, while the Turks constituted8.5% of Bulgaria’s population.Considering this, I analyze below the way in which ethnic nationalismwas a major hindrance to rapid democratization in post-communistRomania. It goes without saying that this analysis is not intended to praiseethnic cleansing as a precondition for rapid democratization. In Romania,the newly-installed post-communist regime made use of ethnic nationalismin order to preserve power, <strong>and</strong> the Hungarian minority in Romania,a relatively large ethnic minority <strong>and</strong> politically organized among ethniclines, was targeted as a threat to the unity of the Romanian state in orderto divert attention from the growing social <strong>and</strong> economic problems of thetransition. At the same time, the emotional attachment of both Romanians<strong>and</strong> Hungarians to the present-day Romanian province of Transylvania,a core element of their modern national identities, <strong>and</strong> the ambiguoususe by the Hungarian government, in the early 1990s, of the conceptof “ethnic autonomy” with regard to the Hungarians living in the neighboringcountries, added a supplementary strain to the democratizationprocess in post-communist Romania. 16A comprehensive analysis of the Romanian debates on nationalidentity formation is beyond the scope of the present paper. However,there is a crucial element related to Romania’s recent history that explainsthe violent resurgence of ethnic nationalism after the breakdown of thecommunist regime <strong>and</strong> the way the state authorities <strong>and</strong> a major part ofthe ethnic majority reacted to the claims of the minorities, which needsa closer examination: the late creation of the nation. 17 In my opinion, thenotion of creation refers to a decisive shift in integrating large masses ofthe ethnic Romanian population into the imagined community of theRomanian nation, <strong>and</strong> not to the final, ultimate realization of nationhood.Here I follow Rogers Brubaker’s concept of “nationalizing state” whenreferring to the Romanian state. As Brubaker argues, nationalizing staterefers to a dynamic political stance:Characteristic of this stance, or set of stances, is the tendency to see thestate as an “unrealized” nation-state, as a state destined to be a nationstate,the state of <strong>and</strong> for a particular nation, but not yet in fact a nationstate(at least not to a sufficient degree); <strong>and</strong> the concomitant dispositionto remedy this perceived defect, to make the state what it is properly <strong>and</strong>legitimately destined to be, by promoting the language, culture, demographicposition, economic flourishing, or political hegemony of thenominally state-bearing nation. 18 279

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