Complete Issue - Shippensburg University

Shippensburg University of Pennsylvania1871 Old Main DriveShippensburg, PA 17257-2299NON PROFIT ORGUS POSTAGE PAIDSHIPPENSBURG, PAPERMIT #12SPRING 2009 VOLUME 26.1®Procover_SP09.indd 14/6/09 3:14:42 PM

PROTEUSA J ourn al of I de asWater and Our Worldvo lu m e 26:1Spring 2009

An ancient Greek sea divinity, herdsman of seals, Proteus could be elusive bychanging his form at will appearing as a lion, a serpent, a boar, water, or a talltree. However when those who caught him succeeded in holding him fast, Proteusassumed his proper shape of an old man and told the truth.Upcoming Issues of ProteusFall 2009: Vampires, Parasites and Invaders in Nature and Human SocietyWatch for our Call for Papers on H-Net and in the Chroncile of Higher Education among other places.Themes under consideration are:The Economy: Ours and the World’sEnergy in All Its FormsTorture and Terrorismand Society in Song LyricsWe welcome ideas for future themes!Submissions, requests for further information, or orders for copies should be addressed to:Proteus, Managing EditorUniversity PublicationsShippensburg University1871 Old Main DriveShippensburg PA 17257-2299717-477-1206proteus@ship.eduCover design: Hess Design.Cover photographs: Jeremiah GreelandJeremiah Greenland is a graduate student in the Geography/Earth Science Department at Shippensburg University whoalso completed his undergraduate degree in geoenvironmental studies at Shippensburg. His primary photographicsubjects are nature and action sports. Both cover photographs were taken at Tumbling Run Game Preserve otherwiseknown as Lewis Rocks, while hiking. The front cover was taken in September the back cover in October of last year.• Proteus is indexed inthe MLA International Bibliography,PAIS International (http://www.pais.org/),America: History and Life,ISI Web of Knowledge,Arts & Humanities Citation Index, andHistorical Abstracts.MEMBER• It is a member of the Council of Editors of Learned Journals (CELJ).• Past issues are available on microfilm from ProQuest, Information and Learning.• Proteus is published semi-annually and is funded by Shippensburg University.© 2008 by Shippensburg University, Shippensburg, Pennsylvania 17257-2299. ISSN 0889-6348.iiCouncil of Editorsof Learned Journals

PROTEUSa J o u r n a l o f I d e a sV o l u m e 26 Sp r i n g 2009 Nu m b e r 1W a t e r a n d Ou r Wo r l d1 IntroductionJoseph Zume4 Chysauster5 Message in a BottleCharles Fishman12 King Arthur’s Leet13 The Residential Urban Landscape as aFrontier for Water ConservationRolston St. Hilaire17 Walking Into the Ocean As the OceanArrives at Cape MayHerb Perkins-Frederick18 Merlin’s Cave at Tintagel19 Georgia’s Water Future: Evolving towardSustainabilityGail Cowie, Leigh Askew, andCourtney Tobin25 The Moonpath, Of Sleep, PillarsUndergroundPam Perkins-Frederick28 Fishing Village36 Notes of a Zahorí (Water diviner)Linda C. Ehrlich37 Winters in Salmon Country: The Nez PerceTribe’s Instream Flow ClaimsMark D. Solomon44 Land’s End45 The “Life-giving Spring”: Water inGreek Religion, Ancient and Modern, aComparisonEvy Johanne Håland55 Liquid LeviathanDavid Lee Keiser56 Tintagel Doorway57 Competitive Structure of the Global Design,Build, and Operate (DBO) Water SupplyIndustryEdward Pitingolo65 Flying over four rivers in MaineMary Kate Azcuy66 Anenomies67 PhotographyMargaret Evans29 Irrigation Systems and Values. Understandingthe process of self governingwater resources in Northern ItalyBeatrice Marelliiii

EDITORIAL BOARDH. James BirxCanisius CollegeHarry M. BuckWilson CollegeDan T. CarterUniversity of South CarolinaValerie CeddiaFayetteville, PennsylvaniaO. R. DathorneUniversity of KentuckyDon H. DoyleUniversity of South CarolinaHenry Louis Gates Jr.Harvard UniversityGlenda GilmoreYale UniversityShelley Gross-GrayShippensburg UniversityScot GuenterSan Jose State UniversityDonald L. HenryShepherd UniversityStephen KantrowitzUniversity of Wisconsin–MadisonMary KaraschOakland UniversityJudith RuudShippensburg UniversityLinda SmoskyWingate, North CarolinaMarjorie J. SpruillUniversity of South CarolinaEDITORIAL STAFFDavid Godshalk, editorMary Campbell Stewart, editorSara Grove, associate editorTerry DiDomenico, managing editorWilliam Smith, photography editorJessica Kline, publications assistantAngelo Costanzo, editor emeritusJoseph Zume, review editorReview CommitteeKaren DanielBarbara DenisonThomas FeeneyTimothy HawkinsGeorge PomeroyWilliam RenseDiane Stanitskiiv

1IntroductionJ o s e p h Zu m eS h i p p e n s b u r g University“Water is the mother of the vine, The nurse and fountain of fecundity, The adorner andrefresher of the world” (Charles Mackay).“Water is life’s mater and matrix, mother and medium. There is no life without water”(Albert Szent-Gyorgyi).Water has an overbearing influence on MotherEarth and her inhabitants. Few will doubt it is the mostimportant substance man has ever known. Its refreshingtaste is obviously unmatched by any other earthlyliquid. Personally, there are times that gulping down aglass of chilled water makes me wish for a tail I couldwag like a spoiled dog. For as long as I can remember, Ihave cherished water as being more precious than gold.As a little boy, growing up in a small village innorth-central Nigeria, I had no idea there was a tapone could simply twist and water would gush out. Myentire village relied on a scattering of hand-dug wells,which were very productive during the rainy seasonbut completely parched in the dry season. Even duringthe rainy season, we had to expend enormous amountsof time and energy to manually draw water from theearth. It was generally the children’s responsibility togather water for the household—a burden that weighedheavier on girls than boys. Some unfortunate littleboys like myself, whose mothers had no daughters,or daughters who were too little to help, had to weardouble hats, performing both ‘girls’ and ‘boys’ tasks.The onset of the dry season forced us to travel longdistances in search of streams that still had a trickle ofmoisture. During these times, we prayed our familieswould conserve water and our quests would not takeus too far. Once water was found, we would collect itin pails that we carried on our heads; the heaviness ofour loads made our journeys home almost unbearable.The hardships we faced offered constant remindersthat water was a scarce resource. Every drop was worthprotecting. These early experiences played a crucial rolein my decision to specialize in water science.As I read and studied, I developed a greater andgreater recognition that my formative experiences withwater had been widely shared by the majority of theworld’s population across vast distances of time andspace. Water is believed to be the only substance thathas a name in every human language. I suppose whalesand porpoises send sonar messages regarding watertemperatures via sonar. Perhaps ants send chemicalmessages to their colonies when they uncover muchneeded supplies of the resource.Water covers 70 percent of the earth’s surface andis buried like treasure under much of its crust. Forcenturies, the availability of water has influencedhuman settlement patterns worldwide. Many ofthe great ancient civilizations were anchored alonglarge rivers; the technological and labor demands ofirrigation played a crucial role in the rise of early cities.Mesopotamia, for example, was located between theTigris and the Euphrates rivers in present-day Iraqand Turkey. Similarly, the Egyptians centered theircivilization on the Nile, and the Chinese on the Yellowand Yangtze rivers. Regional geographers argue it wasEurope’s numerous connecting waterways that ignitedits art of shipbuilding, which eventually facilitatedits colonization over the rest of the world. Morerecently, the discovery of a huge amount of historicclimatic information stored in the earth’s oceans andJoseph Zume, born and educated in Nigeria, earned his doctorate in geography/ground water hydrology from theUniversity of Oklahoma. He joined the faculty at Shippensburg University in the fall of 2007. His teaching andresearch interests are in hydrology, climate variability, near-surface geophysics, and water resources economics.

2 PROTEUS: A Journal of Ideaspolar ice caps is helping scientists reconstruct pastclimates, dating back several thousand years. Similarly,dendrochronologists are now reconstructing pastclimates from tree rings, primarily from yearly imprintsleft by water in tree stems. Water, running both onand beneath the earth’s surface, continually shapes theearth’s crust and the evolution of all life on its surface.Because of its unique ability to sustain life and itsunparallel destructive force, water must be adored anddreaded at the same time. According to John Bullein,“Water is a good servant, but it is a cruel master.” Theserene characteristics of water and its beauty haveinspired music and art in many societies. It is, similarly,the preferred liquid for use in special rituals andceremonies among several world cultures. Conversely,humans have long recognized both water and itsabsence as ferocious destroyers. We are living witnessesto the devastating impacts of floods, hurricanes,tsunamis, and droughts—all water-related disasters.While most of these catastrophes occur naturally,there is evidence that human activity has recentlybeen exacerbating theirimpacts. And, there isgrowing evidence thatdroughts and floods havebeen the downfall of manycivilizations. The veryirrigation networks thatmade civilization possiblein Mesopotamia probablyhastened its downfall.Over the centuries, thetransported water thatnourished agriculture in theregion also ruined its soil by depositing large amountsof salt. Scientists, environmentalists, resource planners,and policymakers are issuing increasingly stridentwarnings that unless we learn from the past our ownglobal village may face water crises similar in scope tothose that helped precipitate the decline of Harappaand Mohenjo Daro, ancient Mesopotamia and Rome,as well as the Anasazi of the southwestern UnitedStates.Scientists have indicated a primary threat to theworld’s water resources is human activity itself. Onesuch danger is from global warming, a phenomenonassociated with human-induced emissions of greenhousegases into the atmosphere that is changingclimates throughout the world. Global warmingwill adversely impact the world’s water resources byunleashing floods and droughts in different worldregions. Such developments in turn will only exacerbateother human-created problems such as pollution,ground and surface water overexploitation, saltwaterintrusion, and soil subsidence.Taken together, these changes will exponentiallyintensify the problem of water scarcity that alreadythreatens much of the world. The global distribution“To this day, I am amazed athow few people recognize thevalue and scarcity of thisprecious resource.”of water is uneven. More than 97 percent of theearth’s water is found in the oceans; its high saltcontent makes it unfit for most human purposes.Only 2.8 percent of the world’s water is fresh, morethan two-thirds of which is locked up as ice in thepolar regions, thus making it unavailable for humanconsumption. Today, domestic and municipal purposesaccount for approximately 8 percent of the world’swater consumption, while industry and agriculture areresponsible for approximately 22 and 70 percent of allwater consumption respectively. Industrialized nationsuse substantially more water than their developingcounterparts. In the United States, for example, averagedomestic and municipal consumption stands at 573liters (151 gallons) per person per day. The averagedaily use per person per day is 118 liters (31 gallons) inthe United Kingdom, while an average of 10 liters (3gallons) is used per person per day in Ethiopia.The world also faces serious issues regarding waterquality. As the world’s population grows, industriesthat manufacture essential products for human use arealso expanding. Effluentsfrom these industrial siteshave become importantsources for both surface andgroundwater pollution. Forexample, it is estimated thatabout 300-500 million tonsof heavy metals, solvents,toxic sludge, and otherwastes accumulate annuallyin freshwater. Industrialpollutants have also led toserious problems of acidprecipitation with significant adverse implicationsfor aquatic habitats in many world regions. Theincreased agricultural production necessary to feedgrowing populations comes at a terrible cost to waterquality. The use of chemical fertilizers, herbicides,insecticides, and fungicides generates substantialwater contamination. The organic wastes produced bythe food industry also dramatically elevate pollutionloads in water. Such wastes, together with the thermalpollution generated by nuclear power stations, presentformidable water quality challenges. Widespreadwaterborne diseases have also dramatically reduced theavailability of potable water in much of the world. Withcompetition over water resources fomenting tensionsamong countries throughout the world, it is clear wemust develop global strategies for managing waterresources.It is crucial for us to understand the water challengeswe face in our dynamically changing world. The world’shuman population is projected to exceed 10 billion by2050. Industries must also meet the demand of thegrowing population, so too must food production andprocessing. In the meantime, the climate continues tochange due to both natural and anthropogenic causes.

Introduction 3All these problems have serious implications both forquantity and quality of our water supplies. This issue ofProteus is dedicated to the subject of water, not simplyto highlight the technical and geopolitical issuesassociated with it, but to examine its cultural, spiritual,and aesthetic dimensions as well.Much of the population of the developed worldhas yet to directly experience the problems of scarcityI first confronted as a young child. Many Americansand Europeans continue to view water as a ubiquitousamenity, readily accessible with a simple turn of a tap.To this day, I am amazed at how few peoplerecognize the value and scarcity of this preciousresource. After many years of living in the UnitedStates, I am still shocked to see grown men idlychatting in restrooms for minutes at a time while thewater wastefully whirls around their perfectly cleanhands. Shockingly, some even leave the restroom withthe tap still running.Soon, however, even Americans and Europeanswill be forced to acknowledge the realities that muchof the world’s population has already accepted. Waterresources are finite. Rising global demand and elevatedlevels of pollution are threatening supplies throughoutthe world. It is obvious we all must work harderin order to avert the catastrophic water crisis thatthreatens all our futures. I hope my Western friendswill be able to appreciate the value of water before itbecomes more costly than gold.

4 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasChysauster – the remains of an ancient village located at the plateau top of a long slow incline. The ruins now existin the middle of a working sheep farm where animals graze and the surrounding farmland is worked as if nothingunusual were enclosed in its midst. (Margaret Evans)

5Message in a BottleC h a r l e s Fi s h m a nF a s t Co m p a n yThe largest bottled-water factory in North Americais located on the outskirts of Hollis, Maine. In theback of the plant stretches the staging area for finishedproduct: twenty four million bottles of Poland Springwater. As far as the eye can see, there are doublestackedpallets packed with half-pint bottles, half-liters,liters, “Aquapods” for school lunches, and 2.5-gallonjugs for the refrigerator.Really, it is a lake of Poland Spring water,conveniently celled off in plastic, extending acrosssix acres, eight feet high. A week ago, the lake wasstill underground; within five days, it will all be gone,to supermarkets and convenience stores across theNortheast, replaced by another lake’s worth of bottles.Looking at the piles of water, you can have only onethought: Americans sure are thirsty.Bottled water has become the indispensable propin our lives and our culture. It starts the day in lunchboxes; it goes to every meeting, lecture hall, and soccermatch; it’s in our cubicles at work; in the cup holder ofthe treadmill at the gym; and it’s rattling around halffinishedon the floor of every minivan in America. FijiWater shows up on the ABC show Brothers & Sisters;Poland Spring cameos routinely on NBC’s The Office.Every hotel room offers bottled water for sale, alongsidethe increasingly ignored ice bucket and drinkingglasses. At Whole Foods, the upscale emporium of theorganic and exotic, bottled water is the number-oneitem by units sold.Thirty years ago, bottled water barely existed as abusiness in the United States. Last year, we spent moreon Poland Spring, Fiji Water, Evian, Aquafina, andDasani than we spent on iPods or movie tickets—$15billion. It will be $16 billion this year.Bottled water is the food phenomenon of ourtimes. We—a generation raised on tap water and waterfountains—drink a billion bottles of water a week, andwe’re raising a generation that views tap water withdisdain and water fountains with suspicion. We’ve cometo pay good money—two or three or four times the costof gasoline—for a product we have always gotten, andcan still get, for free, from taps in our homes.When we buy a bottle of water, what we’re oftenbuying is the bottle itself, as much as the water. We’rebuying the convenience—a bottle at the 7-Eleven isn’tthe same product as tap water, any more than a cup ofcoffee at Starbucks is the same as a cup of coffee fromthe Krups machine on your kitchen counter. And we’rebuying the artful story the water companies tell usabout the water: where it comes from, how healthy itis, what it says about us. Surely among the choices wecan make, bottled water isn’t just good, it’s positivelyvirtuous.Except for this: bottled water is often simply anindulgence, and despite the stories we tell ourselves, itis not a benign indulgence. We’re moving one billionbottles of water around a week in ships, trains, andtrucks in the United States alone. That’s a weeklyconvoy equivalent to 37,800 eighteen-wheelersdelivering water. (Water weighs 8 1/3 pounds a gallon.It’s so heavy you can’t fill an eighteen-wheeler withbottled water—you have to leave empty space.)Meanwhile, one out of six people in the world has nodependable, safe drinking water. The global economyhas contrived to deny the most fundamental elementof life to one billion people, while delivering to us anarray of water “varieties” from around the globe, notone of which we actually need. That tension is onlycomplicated by the fact that if we suddenly decided notto purchase the lake of Poland Spring water in Hollis,Maine, none of that water would find its way to peoplewho really are thirsty.A chilled plastic bottle of water in the conveniencestorecooler is the perfect symbol of this moment inAmerican commerce and culture. It acknowledgesour demand for instant gratification, our vanity, ourtoken concern for health. Its packaging and transportdepend entirely on cheap fossil fuel. Yes, it’s just abottle of water—modest compared with the indulgenceof driving a Hummer. But when a whole industrygrows up around supplying us with something we don’tCharles Fishman is an award-winning senior writer at Fast Company. As an investigative journalist, he has reported ontopics as diverse as Wal-Mart, bomb factories, and NASA. In 2007, he did a story on bottled water that changed theway he thought about water. Based on research for that article, he is working on a book exploring how water affectslife around the world. He is the author of the best seller, The Wal-Mart Effect.

6 PROTEUS: A Journal of Ideasneed—when a whole industry is built on the packagingand the presentation—it’s worth asking how thathappened, and what the impact is. And if you do ask, ifyou trace both the water and the business back to wherethey came from, you find a story more complicated,more bemusing, and ultimately more sobering than thebottles we tote everywhere suggest.In the town of San Pellegrino Terme, Italy, forexample, is a spigot that runs all the time, providingSan Pellegrino water free to the local citizens—exceptthe free Pellegrino has no bubbles. Pellegrino trucks inthe bubbles for the bottling plant. The man who firstbrought bottled water to the United States famouslyfailed an impromptu taste test involving his ownproduct. In Maine, there is a marble temple to honorour passion for bottled water.And in Fiji, a state-of-the-art factory spins out morethan a million bottles a day of the hippest bottled wateron the U.S. market today, while more than half thepeople in Fiji do not have safe, reliable drinking water.Which means it is easier for the typical American inBeverly Hills or Baltimore to get a drink of safe, pure,refreshing Fiji water than it is for most people in Fiji.At the Peninsula hotel in Beverly Hills, where therooms start at $500 a night and the guest next doormight well be an Oscar winner, the minibar in all 196rooms contains six bottles of Fiji Water. Before FijiWater displaced Evian, Diet Coke was the numberone-sellingminibar item. Now, says Christian Boyens,the Peninsula’s elegant director of food and beverage,“the one liter of Fiji Water is number one. Diet Cokeis number two. And the 500-milliliter bottle of Fiji isnumber three.”Being the water in the Peninsula minibar is sodesirable—not just for the money to be made, butfor the exposure with the Peninsula’s clientele—thatBoyens gets a sales call a week from a company tryingto dislodge Fiji.Boyens, who has an MBA from Cornell, used to beindifferent to water. Not anymore. His restaurants andbars carry 20 different waters. “Sometimes a guest willask for Poland Spring, and you can’t get Poland Springin California,” he says. So what does he do? “We’ll callthe Peninsula in New York and have them FedEx outa case.“I thought water was water. But our customers knowwhat they want.”The marketing of bottled water is subtle comparedwith the marketing of, say, soft drinks or beer. Thepoint of Fiji Water in the minibar at the Peninsula,or at the center of the table in a white-tableclothrestaurant, is that guests will try it, love it, and buy it ata store the next time they see it.Which isn’t difficult, because the water aisle in asuburban supermarket typically stocks a dozen brandsof water—not including those enhanced with flavors orvitamins or, yes, oxygen. In 1976, the average Americandrank 1.6 gallons of bottled water a year, according toBeverage Marketing Corp. Last year, we each drank28.3 gallons of bottled water—18 half-liter bottles amonth. We drink more bottled water than milk, orcoffee, or beer. Only carbonated soft drinks are morepopular than bottled water, at 52.9 gallons annually.No one has experienced this transformation moreprofoundly than Kim Jeffery. Jeffery began his careerin the water business in the Midwest in 1978, sellingPerrier (“People didn’t know whether to put it in theirlawn mower or drink it,” he says). Now he’s the CEOof Nestlé Waters North America, in charge of U.S.sales of Perrier, San Pellegrino, Poland Spring, anda portfolio of other regional natural spring waters.Combined, his brands will sell some $4.5 billion worthof water this year (generating roughly $500 millionin pretax profit). Jeffery insists that unlike the sodabusiness, which is stoked by imaginative TV andmarketing campaigns, the mainstream water business is,quite simply, “a force of nature.”“The entire bottled-water business today is half thesize of the carbonated beverage industry,” says Jeffery,“but our marketing budget is 15 percent of what theyspend. When you put a bottle of water in that cold box,it’s the most thirst-quenching beverage there is. There’snothing in it that’s not good for you. People just knowthat intuitively.“A lot of people tell me, you guys have done somegreat marketing to get customers to pay for water,”Jeffery says. “But we aren’t that smart. We had to have ahell of a lot of help from the consumer.”Still, we needed help learning to drink bottled water.For that, we can thank the French.Gustave Leven was the chairman of Source Perrierwhen he approached an American named Bruce Nevinsin 1976. Nevins was working for the athletic-wearcompany Pony. Leven was a major Pony investor. “Hewanted me to consider the water business in the U.S.,”Nevins says. “I was a bit reluctant.” Back then, theAmerican water industry was small and fusty, built onhome and office delivery of big bottles and grocery salesof gallon jugs.Nevins looked out across 1970s America, though,and had an epiphany: Perrier wasn’t just water. It wasa beverage. The opportunity was in persuading peopleto drink Perrier when they would otherwise have had acocktail or a Coke. Americans were already drinking 30gallons of soft drinks each a year, and the three-martinilunch was increasingly viewed as a problem. Nevins sawa niche.From the start, Nevins pioneered a threepartstrategy. First, he connected bottled water toexclusivity: In 1977, just before Perrier’s U.S. launch,he flew 60 journalists to France to visit “the source”where Perrier bubbled out of the ground. He connectedPerrier to health, sponsoring the New York CityMarathon, just as long-distance running was exploding

Charles Fishman: Message in a Bottle 7as a fad across America. And he associated Perrier withcelebrity, launching with $4 million in TV commercialsfeaturing Orson Welles. It worked. In 1978, its first fullyear in the United States, Perrier sold $20 million ofwater. The next year, sales tripled to $60 million.What made Perrier distinctive was that it was asparkling water, served in a signature glass bottle. Butthat’s also what left the door open for Evian, whichcame to the United States in 1984. Evian’s U.S.marketing was built around images of toned youngmen and women in tight clothes sweating at the gym.Madonna drank Evian—often onstage at concerts.“If you were cool, you were drinking bottled water,”says Ed Slade, who became Evian’s vice president ofmarketing in 1990. “It was a status symbol.”Evian was also a still water, which Americans prefer;and it was the first to offer a plastic bottle nationwide.The clear bottle allowed us to see the water—howclean and refreshing it looked on the shelf. Americanshave never wanted water in cans, which suggest a tinnyaftertaste before you take a sip. The plastic bottle, infact, did for water what the pop-top can had donefor soda: It turned water into an anywhere, anytimebeverage, at just the moment when we decided wewanted a beverage, everywhere, all the time.Perrier and Evian launched the bottled-waterbusiness just as it would prove irresistible. Convenienceand virtue aligned. Two-career families, overprogrammedchildren, prepared foods in place ofhome-cooked meals, the constant urging to eat morehealthfully and drink less alcohol—all reinforce thevalue of bottled water. But those trends also reinforcethe mythology.We buy bottled water because we think it’s healthy.Which it is, of course: Every twelve-year-old who buysa bottle of water from a vending machine instead of a16-ounce Coke is inarguably making a healthier choice.But bottled water isn’t healthier, or safer, than tap water.Indeed, while the United States is the single biggestconsumer in the world’s $50 billion bottled-watermarket, it is the only one of the top four—the othersare Brazil, China, and Mexico—that has universallyreliable tap water. Tap water in this country, withrare exceptions, is impressively safe. It is monitoredconstantly, and the test results made public. Mineralwater has a long association with medicinal benefits—and it can provide minerals that people need—butthere are no scientific studies establishing that routinelyconsuming mineral water improves your health. TheFDA, in fact, forbids mineral waters in the UnitedStates from making any health claims.And for this healthy convenience, we’re payingwhat amounts to an unbelievable premium. Youcan buy a half- liter Evian for $1.35—17 ounces ofwater imported from France for pocket change. Thatwater seems cheap, but only because we aren’t payingattention.In San Francisco, the municipal water comes frominside Yosemite National Park. It’s so good the EPAdoesn’t require San Francisco to filter it. If you boughtand drank a bottle of Evian, you could refill that bottleonce a day for 10 years, 5 months, and 21 days with SanFrancisco tap water before that water would cost $1.35.Put another way, if the water we use at home cost whateven cheap bottled water costs, our monthly water billswould run $9,000.Taste, of course, is highly personal. New Yorkersexcepted, Americans love to belittle the quality of theirtap water. But in blind taste tests, with waters at equaltemperatures, presented in identical glasses, ordinarypeople can rarely distinguish between tap water, springwater, and luxury waters. At the height of Perrier’spopularity, Bruce Nevins was asked on a live networkradio show one morning to pick Perrier from a lineupof seven carbonated waters served in paper cups. It tookhim five tries.We are actually in the midst of a second love affairwith bottled water. In the United States, many of theearliest, still-familiar brands of spring water—PolandSpring, Saratoga Springs, Deer Park, Arrowhead—wereoriginally associated with resort and spa complexes.The water itself, pure at a time when cities struggled toprovide safe water, was the source of the enterprise.In the late 1800s, Poland Spring was already arenowned brand of healthful drinking water thatyou could get home-delivered in Boston, New York,Philadelphia, or Chicago. It was also a sprawlingsummer resort complex, with thousands of guests andthree Victorian hotels, some of which had bathtubswith spigots that allowed guests to bathe in PolandSpring water. The resort burned in 1976, but at thecrest of a hill in Poland Spring, Maine, you can stillvisit a marble-and-granite temple built in 1906 tohouse the original spring.The car, the Depression, World War II, and perhapsmost important, clean, safe municipal water, unwoundthe resorts and the first wave of water as business. Wehad to wait two generations for the second, whichwould turn out to be much different—and much larger.Today, for all the apparent variety on the shelf,bottled water is dominated in the United States andworldwide by four huge companies. Pepsi has thenation’s number-one-selling bottled water, Aquafina,with 13 percent of the market. Coke’s Dasani is numbertwo, with 11 percent of the market. Both are simplypurified municipal water—so 24 percent of the bottledwater we buy is tap water repackaged by Coke andPepsi for our convenience. Evian is owned by Danone,the French food giant, and distributed in the UnitedStates by Coke.The really big water company in the United States isNestlé, which gradually bought up the nation’s heritagebrands, and expanded them. The waters are slightlydifferent—spring water must come from actual springs,identified specifically on the label—but together,

8 PROTEUS: A Journal of Ideasthey add up to 26 percent of the market, accordingto Beverage Marketing, surpassing Coke and Pepsi’sbrands combined.Since most water brands are owned by largercompanies, it’s hard to get directly at the economics.But according to those inside the business, half theprice of a typical $1.29 bottle goes to the retailer. Asmuch as a third goes to the distributor and transport.Another 12 to 15 cents is the cost of the water itself,the bottle and the cap. That leaves roughly a dime ofprofit. On multipacks, that profit is more like two centsa bottle.As the abundance in the supermarket water aisleshows, that business is now trying to help us find newwaters to drink and new occasions for drinking them—trying to get more mouth share, as it were. Aquafinamarketing vice president Ahad Afridi says his team hasdone the research to understand what kind of waterdrinkers we are. They’ve found six types, includingthe “water pure-fectionist”; the “water explorer”; the“image seeker”; and the “struggler” (“they don’t reallylike water that much...these are the people who have acheeseburger with a diet soda”).It’s a startling level of thought and analysis—untilyou realize that within a decade, our consumption ofbottled water is expected to surpass soda. That kind ofmarket can’t be left to chance. Aquafina’s fine segmentationis all about the newest explosion of waters thataren’t really water—flavored waters, enhanced waters,colored waters, water drinks branded after everythingfrom Special K breakfast cereal to Tropicana juice.Afridi is a true believer. He talks about water as if itwere more than a drink, more than a product—as if itwere a character all its own, a superhero ready to takethe pure-fectionist, the water explorer, and the strugglerby the hand and carry them to new water adventures.“Water as a beverage has more right to extend andenter into more territories than any other beverage,”Afridi says. “Water has a right to travel where otherscan’t.”Uh, meaning what?“Water that’s got vitamins in it. Water that’s gotsome immunity-type benefit to it. Water that helpskeep skin younger. Water that gives you energy.”Water: It’s pure, it’s healthy, it’s perfect—and we’vemade it better. The future of water sounds distinctlyunlike water.The label on a bottle of Fiji Water says “from theislands of Fiji.” Journey to the source of that water,and you realize just how extraordinary that promise is.From New York, for instance, it is an eighteen-hourplane ride west and south (via Los Angeles) almost toAustralia, and then a four-hour drive along Fiji’s twolaneKing’s Highway.Every bottle of Fiji Water goes on its own version ofthis trip, in reverse, although by truck and ship. In fact,since the plastic for the bottles is shipped to Fiji first,the bottles’ journey is even longer. Half the wholesalecost of Fiji Water is transportation—which is to say, itcosts as much to ship Fiji Water across the oceans andtruck it to warehouses in the United States than it doesto extract the water and bottle it.That is not the only environmental cost embeddedin each bottle of Fiji Water. The Fiji Water plant isa state-of-the-art facility that runs 24 hours a day.That means it requires an uninterrupted supply ofelectricity—something the local utility structure cannotsupport. So the factory supplies its own electricity, withthree big generators running on diesel fuel. The watermay come from “one of the last pristine ecosystems onearth,” as some of the labels say, but out back of thebottling plant is a less pristine ecosystem veiled with adiesel haze.Each water bottler has its own version of thisoxymoron: that something as pure and clean as waterleaves a contrail.San Pellegrino’s one-liter glass bottles—so mucha part of the mystique of the water itself—weigh fivetimes what plastic bottles weigh, dramatically addingto freight costs and energy consumption. The bottlesare washed and rinsed, with mineral water, before beingfilled with sparkling Pellegrino—it uses up two litersof water to prepare the bottle for the liter we buy. Thebubbles in San Pellegrino come naturally from theground, as the label says, but not at the San Pellegrinosource. Pellegrino chooses its CO 2 carefully—it isextracted from supercarbonated volcanic spring watersin Tuscany, then trucked north and bubbled intoPellegrino.Poland Spring may not have any oceans to traverse,but it still must be trucked hundreds of miles fromMaine to markets and convenience stores across itsterritory in the Northeast—it is 312 miles from theHollis plant to midtown Manhattan. Our desire forPoland Spring has outgrown the springs at PolandSpring’s two Maine plants; the company runs a fleet of80 silver tanker trucks that continuously crisscross thestate of Maine, delivering water from other springs tokeep its bottling plants humming.In transportation terms, perhaps the waters with theleast environmental impact are Pepsi’s Aquafina andCoke’s Dasani. Both start with municipal water. Thatallows the companies to use dozens of bottling plantsacross the nation, reducing how far bottles must beshipped.Yet Coke and Pepsi add in a new step. They putthe local water through an energy-intensive reverseosmosisfiltration process more potent than that usedto turn seawater into drinking water. The water theyare purifying is ready to drink—they are re-cleaningperfectly clean tap water. They do it so marketing canbrag about the purity, and to provide consistency: Soa bottle of Aquafina in Austin and a bottle in Seattletaste the same, regardless of the municipal source.

Charles Fishman: Message in a Bottle 9There is one more item in bottled water’senvironmental ledger: the bottles themselves. Thebig spring water companies tend to make their ownbottles in their plants, just moments before they arefilled with water—12, 19, 30 grams of molded plasticeach. Americans went through about 50 billion plasticwater bottles last year, 167 for each person. Durable,lightweight containers manufactured just to bediscarded. Water bottles are made of totally recyclablepolyethylene terephthalate (PET) plastic, so we shareresponsibility for their impact: Our recycling rate forPET is only 23 percent, which means we pitch intolandfills 38 billion water bottles a year—more than $1billion worth of plastic.Some of the water companies are acutely aware thatevery business, every product, every activity is underenvironmental scrutiny like never before. Nestlé Watershas just redesigned its half-liter bottle, the most popularsize among the eighteen billion bottles the companywill mold this year, to use less plastic. The lighter bottleand cap require 15 grams of plastic instead of 19 grams,a reduction of 20 percent. The bottle feels flimsy—ituses half the plastic of Fiji Water’s half-liter bottle—and CEO Jeffery says that crushable feeling should bethe new standard for bottled-water cachet.“As we’ve rolled out the lightweight bottle, peoplehave said, ‘Well, that feels cheap,’” says Jeffery. “Andthat’s good. If it feels solid like a Gatorade bottle or aFiji bottle, that’s not so good.” Of course, lighter bottlesare also cheaper for Nestlé to produce and ship. Goodenvironmentalism equals good business.John Mackey is the CEO and cofounder of WholeFoods Market, the national organic-and-naturalgrocery chain. No one thinks about the environmentaland social impacts and the larger context of food moreincisively than Mackey—so he’s a good person to helpframe the ethical questions around bottled water.Mackey and his wife have a water filter at home,and don’t typically drink bottled water there. “If I goto a movie,” he says, “I’ll smuggle in a bottle of filteredwater from home. I don’t want to buy a Coke there, andwhy buy another bottle of water—$3 for 16 ounces?”But he does drink bottled water at work: Whole Foods’house brand, 365 Water.“You can compare bottled water to tap water andreach one set of conclusions,” says Mackey, referringboth to environmental and social ramifications. “Butif you compare it with other packaged beverages, youreach another set of conclusions.“It’s unfair to say bottled water is causing extraplastic in landfills, and it’s using energy transporting it,”he says. “There’s a substitution effect—it’s substitutingfor juices and Coke and Pepsi.” Indeed, we still drinkalmost twice the amount of soda as water—which is,in fact, 90 percent water and also in containers made tobe discarded. If bottled water raises environmental andsocial issues, don’t soft drinks raise all those issues, plusobesity concerns?What’s different about water, of course, is that itruns from taps in our homes, or from fountains inpublic spaces. Soda does not.As for the energy used to transport water fromoverseas, Mackey says it is no more or less wasteful thanthe energy used to bring merlot from France or coffeefrom Ethiopia, raspberries from Chile or iPods fromChina. “Have we now decided that the use of any fossilfuel is somehow unethical?” Mackey asks. “I don’t thinkwater should be picked on. Why is the iPod okay andthe water is not?”Mackey’s is a merchant’s approach to the issue ofbottled water—it’s a choice for people to make in themarket. Princeton University philosopher Peter Singertakes an ethicist’s approach. Singer has coauthored twobooks that grapple specifically with the question ofwhat it means to eat ethically—how responsible are wefor the negative impact, even unknowing, of our foodchoices on the world?“Where the drinking water is safe, bottled water issimply a superfluous luxury that we should do without,”he says. “How is it different than French merlot? Onedifference is the value of the product, in comparison tothe value of transporting and packaging it. It’s far lowerin the bottled water than in the wine.“And buying the merlot may help sustain a traditionin the French countryside that we value—a community,a way of life, a set of values that would disappear if westopped buying French wines. I doubt if you travel toFiji you would find a tradition of cultivation of Fijiwater.“We’re completely thoughtless about handing out$1 for this bottle of water, when there are virtuallyidentical alternatives for free. It’s a level of affluencethat we just take for granted. What could you do? Putthat dollar in a jar on the counter instead, carry a waterbottle, and at the end of the month, send all the moneyto Oxfam or CARE and help someone who has realneeds. And you’re no worse off.”Beyond culture and the product’s value, Singermakes one exception. “You know, they do importKenyan vegetables by air into London. Fresh peasfrom Kenya, sent by airplane to London. That providesemployment for people who have few opportunitiesto get themselves out of poverty. So despite the fuelconsumption, we’re supporting a developing country,we’re working against poverty, we’re working for globalequity.“Those issues are relevant. Presumably, for instance,bottling water in Fiji is fairly automated. But if therewere 10,000 Fijians carefully filtering the water throughcoconut fiber—well, that would be a better argumentfor drinking it.”Marika, an elder from the Fijian village of Drauniivi,is sitting cross-legged on a hand-woven mat before awooden bowl, where his weathered hands are filteringFiji Water through a long bag of ground kava root.

10 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasMarika is making a bowl of grog, a lightly narcoticbeverage that is an anchor of traditional Fiji society.People with business to conduct sit wearing thetraditional Fijian skirt, and drink round after round ofgrog, served in half a coconut shell, as they discuss thematters at hand.Marika is using Fiji Water—the same Fiji Waterin the minibars of the Peninsula Hotel—becauseDrauniivi is one of the five rural villages near theFiji Water bottling plant where the plant’s workerslive. Drauniivi and Beverly Hills are part of the samebottled-water supply chain.Jim Siplon, an American who manages Fiji Water’sten-year-old bottling plant in Fiji, has arranged thegrog ceremony. “This is the soul of Fiji Water,” hesays. The ceremony lasts 45 minutes and goes throughfour rounds of grog, which tastes a little furry. Marikais interrupted twice by his cell phone, which he pullsfrom a pocket in his skirt. It is shift change at the plant,and Marika coordinates the minibus network thattransports villagers to and from work.Fiji Water is the product of these villages, a SouthPacific aquifer, and a state-of-the-art bottling plant in apart of Fiji even the locals consider remote. The plant,on the northeast coast of Fiji’s main island of Viti Levu,is a white two-story building that looks like a 1970s-erajunior high school. The entrance faces the interiorof Viti Levu and a cloud-shrouded ridge of volcanicmountains.Inside, the plant is in almost every way indistinguishablefrom Pellegrino’s plant in Italy, or PolandSpring’s in Hollis, filled with computer-controlledbottle-making and bottle-filling equipment. Linenumber two can spin out one million bottles of FijiWater a day, enough to load forty 20-foot shippingcontainers; the factory has three lines.The plant employs 200 islanders—set to increaseto 250 this year—most with just a sixth- or eighthgradeeducation. Even the entry-level jobs pay twicethe informal minimum wage. But these are more thansimply jobs—they are jobs in a modern factory, in aplace where there aren’t jobs of any sort beyond thevillages. And the jobs are just part of an ecosystememerging around the plant—water-based trickle-downeconomics, as it were.Siplon, a veteran telecom manager from MCI,wants Fiji Water to feel like a local company in Fiji.(It was purchased in 2004 by privately owned RollInternational, which also owns POM Wonderful andis one of the largest producers of nuts in the UnitedStates.) He uses a nearby company to print the carryinghandles for Fiji Water six-packs and buys engineeringservices and cardboard boxes on the island. By longstandingarrangement, the plant has seeded a smallbusiness in the villages that contracts with the plantto provide landscaping and security, and runs the bussystem that Marika helps manage.In 2007, Fiji Water will mark a milestone. “Eventhough you can drive for hours and hours on this islandpast cane fields,” says Siplon, “sometime this year,Fiji Water will eclipse sugarcane as the number-oneexport.” That is, the amount of sugar harvested andprocessed for export by some 40,000 seasonal sugarworkers will equal in dollar value the amount of waterbottled and shipped by 200 water bottlers.However we regard Fiji Water in the UnitedStates—essential accessory, harmless treat, or frivolousexcess—the closer you get to the source of its water, themore significant the enterprise looks.No, no coconut-fiber filtering, but rather, a toeholdin the global economy. Are 10,000 Fijians benefiting?Not directly. Perhaps 2,000. But Fiji Water is providingsomething else to a tiny nation of 850,000 people,which has been buffeted by two coups in seven years,and the collapse of its gold-mining and textilesindustries: inspiration, a vision of what the countrymight have to offer the rest of the world. Developedcountries are keen for myriad variations on just whatFiji Water is—a pure, unadulterated, organic, andnatural product. Fiji has whole vistas of untouched,organic-ready farmland. Indeed, the hottest topic thisspring (beyond politics) was how to jump-start anorganic-sugar industry.Of course, the irony of shipping a precious productfrom a country without reliable water service is hardto avoid. This spring, typhoid from contaminateddrinking water swept one of Fiji’s islands, sickeningdozens of villagers and killing at least one. Fiji Wateroften quietly supplies emergency drinking water insuch cases. The reality is, if Fiji Water weren’t tappingits aquifer, the underground water would slide intothe Pacific Ocean, somewhere just off the coast. Butthe corresponding reality is, someone else—the Fijiangovernment, an NGO—could be tapping that supplyand sending it through a pipe to villagers who needit. Fiji Water has, in fact, done just that, to somedegree—20 water projects in the five nearby villages.Indeed, Roll has reinvested every dollar of profit since2004 back into the business and the island.Siplon acknowledges the risk of slipping intocapitalistic neo-colonialism. “Does the world need FijiWater?” he asks. “I’m not sure I agree with the critics onthat. This company has the potential of delivering greatvalue—or the results a cynic might have expected.”Water is, in fact, often the perfect beverage—healthy, refreshing, and satisfying in a way soda or juicearen’t. A good choice.Nestlé Waters’ Kim Jeffery may be defending hisindustry when he calls bottled water “a force of nature,”but he’s also not wrong. Our consumption of bottledwater has outstripped any marketer’s dreams or talent:If you break out the single-serve plastic bottle as itsown category, our consumption of bottled water grew athousandfold between 1984 and 2005.

Charles Fishman: Message in a Bottle 11In the array of styles, choices, moods, and messagesavailable today, water has come to signify how we thinkof ourselves. We want to brand ourselves—as Madonnadid—even with something as ordinary as a drinkof water. We imagine there is a difference betweenshowing up at the weekly staff meeting with Aquafina,or Fiji, or a small glass bottle of Pellegrino. Which is, ofcourse, a little silly.Bottled water is not a sin. But it is a choice.Packing bottled water in lunch boxes, grabbing ahalf-liter from the fridge as we dash out the door, pilingup half-finished bottles in the car cup holders—thathappens because of a fundamental thoughtlessness. It’sonly marginally more trouble to have reusable waterbottles, cleaned and filled and tucked in the lunch boxor the fridge. We just can’t be bothered. And in a worldin which one billion people have no reliable sourceof drinking water, and 3,000 children a day die fromdiseases caught from tainted water, that conspicuousconsumption of bottled water that we don’t need seemswasteful, and perhaps cavalier.That is the sense in which Mackey, the CEO ofWhole Foods, and Singer, the Princeton philosopher,are both right. Mackey is right that buying bottledwater is a choice, and Singer is right that given theimpact it has, the easy substitutes, and the thoughtlessspending involved, it’s fair to ask whether it’s always agood choice.The most common question the U.S. employees ofFiji Water still get is, “Does it really come from Fiji?”We’re choosing Fiji Water because of the hibiscusblossom on the beautiful square bottle, we’re choosing itbecause of the silky taste. We’re seduced by the idea ofa bottle of water from Fiji. We just don’t believe it reallycomes from Fiji. What kind of a choice is that?Once you understand the resources mustered todeliver the bottle of water, it’s reasonable to ask as youreach for the next bottle, not just “Does the value to meequal the 99 cents I’m about to spend?” but “Does thevalue equal the impact I’m about to leave behind?”Simply asking the question takes the carelessnessout of the transaction. And once you understand wherethe water comes from, and how it got here, it’s hard tolook at that bottle in the same way again.Reprinted by permission. This article originally appearedin the July 2007 issue of Fast Company.

12 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasKing Arthur’s Leet by Margaret Evans, M.F.A. – a small channel where water passes from the high elevations inlandto the lower villages below.

13The Residential Urban Landscapeas a Frontier for WaterConservationR o l s t o n St . HilaireN e w Me x i c o St a t e UniversityIn the United States, growing populations inevery community will face different water supply anddemand issues. And the urban residential landscapemight be the frontier where water conservation issuescollide. Irrigation is the largest user of freshwater in theUnited States (Hutson et al. 2004). Irrigation used foragricultural and horticultural practices averages 2.48acre-feet per acre (Hutson) and accounts for 81 percentof the consumptive use of water (Solley et al. 1998)in the United States. Traditionally, this consumptiveuse estimate includes freshwater irrigation on crops,parks, golf courses, and other recreational areas. But,increasing urbanization could mean the water used toirrigate the urban landscape will become an increasinglyimportant factor in consumptive water use estimates.Urban landscape irrigation may not necessarily causean increase in fresh water withdrawals from existingsources, but the consumptive water of the urban landscapeas a proportion of the total consumptive use mayincrease. For example, in Arizona, agricultural wateruse is projected to decline, whilst municipal use (eg.residential water use) will double over the next 50 years(Unruh and Liverman 2008).On average, yearly residential water use ranged froma low of 55 gallons per day per person in the temperatemesic state of Wisconsin to a high of 207 gallons perday per person in the arid state of Nevada (Emrath2000). This difference in water use indicates thatclimate-related differences in outdoor water utilizationcontribute significantly to the high water use in aridwestern states (Emrath, 2000). However, landscapeirrigation can average 40 to 70 percent of residentialwater use in the United States (Ferguson 1987), makingit clear the urban landscape commands a significantportion of residential water use.Although total fresh water withdrawals have flatlinedsince 1950 and remained at about 80 percentsurface water and 20 percent ground water (Hutsonet al. 2004), the drivers that are tending to shiftconsumptive water use to the urban landscape areincreasing. Urban and suburban population growth hasdramatically altered the balance between consumptivewater demand and available supply. This is evident inportions of the arid and semiarid regions of the westernUnited States where rapid expansion of urban areasand increases in population have occurred during thelast few decades. Between 2000 and 2008, the westernstates of Nevada, Arizona, and Utah experiencedpercentage population increases of 30, 27, and 22percent, respectively. Although California’s populationgrowth ranked eighteenth among the states, it is themost populous state (US Census Bureau 2008). Thispopulation growth demands creative strategies to satisfythe increased demand for landscape irrigation fromexisting sources. Some of those existing water sourcesare already fully allocated or are rapidly becoming fullyalloted. For example, two decades ago the entire 7.5million acre-foot of water of the lower Colorado Riverbasin (Arizona, California, and Nevada) became fullyallotted for the first time (Unruh and Liverman 2008).That the urban landscape might be a frontier forwater conservation is clearly illustrated with the caseof Nevada. In addition to Nevada having the highestpopulation growth in the United States, the LasVegas Valley in Nevada is one of the fastest growingmetropolitan areas in the United States (Sovocool et al.2006). Together with population growth, the increasingnumber of people who visit Las Vegas because of itstourism and gaming industries has mandated a seriouscommitment to managing the regions water supplyto ensure adequate future supplies (Sovocool 2006).Rolston St. Hilaire is a professor in the Department of Plant and Environmental Sciences, at New Mexico State Universityin Las Cruces, New Mexico. He teaches landscape horticulture and his research focuses on plant stress physiologyand the efficient use of water in urban landscapes.

14 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasLandscape irrigation contributes to most of southernNevada’s consumptive water use (Sovocool et al. 2006)which prompted the Southern Nevada Water Authority(SNWA), a regional collaborative of seven public waterand waste water agencies, to craft strategies aimed atconserving water in the residential landscape.The SNWA showed single family residencies withxeric landscapes use 76 percent less water than thosewith turf-dominated landscapes. Xeric landscapes werecomposed of desert-adapted shrubs, trees, ornamentalgrasses, and crushed rock mulch (Sovocool et al. 2006).Total water use of households with xeric landscapesaveraged 96,000 gallons less than homes with turf-typelandscapes. Using xeric landscapes might be one way toconserve water in the urban environment.While xeric landscapes are likely to flourish inNevada because of their documented water conservationbenefits, the use of xeric landscapes as a waterconservation measure could influence urban landscapingin other regions of the United States. For example,the increasing frequency of summer droughts in partsof the United States, such as the Northeast, that areunaccustomed to droughts (Wolfe et al. 2008), willplace increasing demand for landscape irrigation andlandscapes that conserve water. Additionally, expectedincreases in the earth’s average temperature will increaseevapotranspiration which could exacerbate droughtconditions (NDRC 2008). Higher temperatures willincrease evaporation from outdoor water features andelevate evapotranspiration from plants. Both of thoseoccurrences will augment the demand for water inurban landscapesBefore xeric landscapes can be widely adopted,barriers to their adoption must be conquered. One ofthe highest rated barriers to installing xeric landscapesis concern about their aesthetics (Hurd et al. 2006).Consumers may select xeric landscapes as a way toconserve water if those landscapes can offer similarfunctions as traditional landscapes (Spinti et al., 2004).So, landscape designers and planners must incorporatethe same design elements found in traditionallandscapes into xeric landscapes to ensure that xericlandscapes are appealing.As a frontier for water conservation, perhapsthe greatest gain in water conservation in the urbanenvironment will be made by improving the efficiencyof landscape irrigation delivery systems. In the broadestsense, landscape irrigation is the application of waterto land areas that supply the water needs of ornamentaland landscape plants (St. Hilaire et al. 2008). Becauselandscape irrigation involves an engineered physicalsystem that requires user input, skilled installation, andperiodic maintenance, the risk of inefficiency is high. Abreakdown in any one of these items or activities causesreduced irrigation efficiency. So, improving irrigationefficiency must be at the heart of any strategy thatseeks to guarantee the most efficient use of water in theurban landscape.Significant gains in urban landscape irrigationefficiency will be made if landscape water budgetsare developed, irrigations are scheduled correctly, anduser-friendly technology is infused into the landscapeirrigation process. An urban landscape water budget,also known as its maximum applied water allowance,can be calculated to provide a quantitative estimate ofan urban landscape’s water budget (St. Hilaire et al.2008). Residential urban landscapes are heterogenousmixes of turfgrass, woody, and herbaceous plant speciesthat are valued for their aesthetics, not their production.So, crop water budgets, steeped in the concept ofoptimum growth and yield, are not relevant to theurban landscape (Shaw and Pittenger 2004). Ratherthan rely on water budgets calculations that have beendeveloped for crops, urban landscape professionals mustdevelop water budgeting tools that are unique to theurban landscape. Some urban residential landscapescan thrive with less water than is indicated from acalculated water budget. This fact alone offers a uniqueopportunity for water conservation in the urbanlandscape.User-friendly technology, such as smart controllersand soil moisture sensors can remove the decision toirrigate from the hands of the homeowner. Becausemost conventional in-ground irrigation systems areoperated by a controller that mandates operator (homeowner)intervention to adjust the daily or seasonalirrigation run times, most homeowners set the scheduleand do not seasonally adjust their irrigation schedules.This results in an over-irrigated residential landscapeduring periods of reduced plant water demand, such asthe fall to winter period (Davis et al. 2007).Some smart controllers will automatically adjustirrigation schedules based on weather conditions. Soilmoisture sensors can detect levels in soils and terminateirrigation events when soil moisture reaches setlevels. Smart controllers have been reported to reducesummertime applied water by up to 42 gallons per dayfor residential landscapes and up to 545 gallons perday for commercial landscapes (Irvine Ranch WaterDistrict 2008a). The widespread adoption of smartcontroller technology or the use of soil moisture sensorshas the potential to realize significant water savings.Saving water will become a significant piece offuture water management programs for rapidly growingpopulations (California Office of Water Use Efficiency2006) and has implications for how water is used inthe residential landscape. Environmental laws, craftedto limit ecosystem degradation, are constraining thedevelopment of new sources of water for the urbanenvironment (Dickinson 2008). Thus, utilization ofreuse water in the urban landscape is one strategycommunities can use to offset the lack of new watersources. Potential sources of reuse water includeeffluent, storm water runoff, and nursery runoff. Reusewater is more likely to be used to irrigate golf courses,parks, and roadway medians where public acceptance

Rolston St. Hilaire: The Residential Urban Landscape as a frontier for water conservation 15is highest and human contact is perceived to be low(Devitt et al. 2004). While irrigating the residentialurban landscape with reuse water is a perfect way toextend existing water supplies, greater managementskills are needed to minimize soil salinization, plantdamage, health-related problems, and loss in aestheticappearance of water features (St. Hilaire et al. 2008).Travails are likely to occur at a frontier andwater conservation in the residential landscape is noexception. A substantial body of scientific knowledgeon the most effective ways to conserve water in theurban landscape is lacking. So, it is hard to predictthe outcome of those travails. For example, in 1981,a court ordered the Denver Water Department topromote water conservation in outdoor landscapes.This action led to the development of xeriscapes aswater conserving landscapes (Hagan 1988). In contrast,on September 17, 2007, a severe drought promptedthe state of Georgia to ban outdoor watering (Brownand Pharr 2007). This decision had a financial impactof $3.5 billion on Georgia’s urban agriculture sector.These two historical events are likely to be repeated insome way. The urban sector could be the maelstromfor water conservation efforts as more water isdiverted from agricultural to residential use and moreconstituents converge toward an increasingly scarceresource.More research on effective water conservationmeasures for the residential landscape wouldensure sustainable water conservation methods aredeveloped. There should be greater public investmentin this area of research. Possible research areasinclude understanding the relationships betweenresidential landscape types and the potential for waterconservation. Ways to divert excess precipitationinto the residential landscape must be perfected.One economic incentive program, often called Cashfor Grass, offered rebates for conversion of turf toxeriscapes. An economic analysis of this program,led Addink (2008) to conclude that Cash for Grassprograms are an expensive way to save water. So, aresearch question that needs to be answered for everyproposed economic incentive is whether this incentiveis cost effective in promoting water conservation in theurban landscape. Finally, the block rate pricing modelthat many municipalities used to price water may notbe fully capturing the real price of water (Dalhuisen etal. 2003). For that reason, newer water pricing models,such as the Irvine Ranch Water District’s (IRWD)tiered-rate structure that reflect a water budget,should be developed and tested. The IRWD waterpricing model decreased water consumption withoutjeopardizing the urban landscape function (IrvineRanch Water District 2008b).Population growth, increased economic activity, andurbanization will increase the demand for water in theUnited States. In fact, the demand for water is alreadyexceeding the supply (Dickinson 2008), so conservationof the existing water supply is quintessential for boththe United States and urban areas. The lack of waterhas the potential to jeopardize our food supply, disruptfragile ecosystems, alter alliances among constituents,and threaten our way of life. The heterogeneity of theurban landscape and the plethora of existing urbanwater conservation strategies have limited a cohesivestrategy for urban water conservation. Sensible waterconservation standards, such as national standards forplumbing fixtures have contributed to improvement inefficiency of use of the in-house water supply. Perhapsthe same could be considered for the urban landscape.This could be one step that could be used to secure ourfuture water supplies.ReferencesAddink, S. 2008. “Cash for grass” –A cost effective method toconserve landscape water? 11 Feb. 2008, http://ucrturf.ucr.edu/topics/Cash-for-Grass.pdf.Brown, L.T and K.R. Pharr. 2007. Forum: University activelylooking for additional ways to conserve water, AthensBanner-Herald, Oct. 25, 2007. 10 Nov. 2007, http://www.onlineathens.com/stories/102507/opinion_20071025037.shtml.California Office of Water Use Efficiency. 2006. Landscapewater use program. Sacramento: California Department ofWater Resources. 15 Apr. 2006, http://www.owue.water.ca.gov/landscape/index.cfm.Dalhuisen, J.M., R.J.G.M. Florax, H.L.F. de Groot, and P. Nijkamp.2003. Price and income elasticities of residential waterdemand: a meta-analysis. Land Economics 79: 292-308.Davis, S., M.D. Dukes, S.Vyapari, and G.L. Miller. 2007.Evaluation and demonstration of evaporation-based irrigationcontrollers. Proc. ASCE EWRI World Environmental andWater Resources Congress, May 15-19, 2007, Tampa, Fla.Devitt D.A., R.L. Morris, D. Kopec, and M. Henry. 2004. Golfcourse superintendents attitudes and perceptions towardusing reuse water for irrigation in the southwestern UnitedStates. HortTechnology 14:1-7.Dickinson, M. 2008. Water conservation in the United States: adecade of progress. 10 Jan. 2008, http://wwa.colorado.edu/resources/water_demand_and_conservation/US_WaterConservationProgress_Dickinson.pdf.Emrath, P. 2000. Residential water use. Housing Economics48:6-10.Ferguson, B.K. 1987. Water conservation methods in urbanlandscape irrigation: An exploratory overview. WaterResources Bul. 23: 147-152.Hagan, P. 1988. Gardening: x-rated drought relief, WallStreet Journal, Leisure and Arts Section, p. 1. 16 Aug.Hurd, B., R. St. Hilaire, and J. White. 2006. Residentiallandscapes, homeowner attitudes and water-wise choices inNew Mexico. HortTechnology 16:241-246.Hutson, S. S., N.L. Barber, J.F. Kenny, K.S. Linsey, D.S. Lumia,and M.A. Maupin. 2004. Estimated use of water in the UnitedStates in 2000. U.S. Geological Survey, U.S. Department ofInterior. Circular 1268.Irvine Ranch Water District. 2008a. The residential runoffreduction study. 21 May 2008, http://www.irwd.com/Conservation/R3-Study-Revised11-5-04.pdf.

16 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasIrvine Ranch Water District. 2008b. Water conservation andefficiency program. 15 Aug. 2008, http://www.irwd.com/Conservation/WaterAllocation.pdf.Natural Defense Resource Council (NDRC). 2008. Theconsequences of global warming. 9 May 2008, http://www.nrdc.org/globalWarming/fcons.asp.Shaw, D.A. and D.R. Pittenger. 2004. Performance of landscapeornamentals given irrigation treatments based on referenceevapotranspiration. Acta Hort. 664:607-613.Solley, W.B., R.R. Pierce, and H.A. Perlman. 1998. Estimateduse of water in the United States in 1995. U.S. GeologicalSurvey, U.S. Department of the Interior. Circular 1200.Sovocool, K.A., M. Morgan, and D. Bennet. 2006. An in-depthinvestigation of xeriscape as a water conservation measure. J.Amer. Water Works Assoc. 98:82-93.Spinti, J.E., R. St. Hilaire, and D. VanLeeuwen. 2004. Balancinglandscape preferences and water conservation in a desertenvironment. HortTechnology 14:72-77.St. Hilaire, R., M.A. Arnold, D.A. Devitt, B.H. Hurd, B.J. Lesikar,V.I. Lohr, C.A. Martin, G.V. McDonald, R.L. Morris, D.R.Pittenger, D.A. Shaw, D.C. Wilkerson, and D.F. Zoldoske. 2008.Efficient water use in residential urban landscapes.HortScience 43:2081-2092.Unruh, J. and D. Liverman. 2008. Changing water use anddemand in the Southwest. 11 Aug. 2008, http://geochange.er.usgs.gov/sw/impacts/society/water_demand/.U.S. Census Bureau. 2008. National and state populationestimates. 6 Mar. 2009, http://www.census.gov/popest/states/NST-pop-chg.html.Wolfe, D.W., L. Ziska, C. Petzoldt, A. Seaman, L. Chase, and K.Hayhoe. 2008. Mitig. Adapt. Strat. Glob Change 13:555–575.

17Walking Into the OceanAs the Ocean Arrives atCape MayH e r b Pe r k i n s -Fr e d e r i c kThe undulating, untouched seaextends beyond my sight;its surface forms a ceaseless changeexpressed upon a deeper calm.But closer in, it rises, curls,creates a rolling arch of glass,a cavern in a liquid hilladvancing angled to the shorewhere it boils to a broken wave,expires, rumbling to a sigh.With countless clapping, splashing soundsit seethes, then shimmers to a frothof shifting overlapping foams:island clouds that shrink, then racethe trailing edge of ocean’s breathas streams of sand and shells and stonesinscribe a many-channeled script,a fluid verse upon the floor,where each expression left by surgeis washed, remade, revised once more…Herb Perkins-Frederick graduated from Bloomsburg University with a degree in psychology. He works as a computerprogrammer and adjunct faculty at Bucks County Community College. His psychological analysis of theunderpinnings of poetry has led to several new poetry forms, one example of which is above.

18 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasMerlin’s Cave at Tintagel – the entrance to the legendary cave at the base of the Tintagel Castle.(Margaret Evans)

19Georgia’s Water Future: Evolvingtoward Sustainability?G a i l Co w i eG e o r g i a De p a r t m e n t o f n a t u r a l Re s o u r c e sL e i g h As k e w a n d Co u r t n e y To b i nU niversity o f Ge o r g i a Fa n n i n g In s t i t u t eWe all know of water as a force of change, alteringthe landscape through slow, steady erosion and episodic,powerful floods. In the State of Georgia, over the pastfive years, we have seen water act as a different kind offorce. Water, or more precisely, concerns about pendingscarcity of water, have acted as a force for institutionalchange. Due to an uncommon coincidence of factors,the state’s water management institutions are nowshifting toward forms that, on the face at least, are moreconsistent with sustainable use of water resources.Compared with much of the world, the easternUnited States is a water-rich region. Georgia, forexample, receives an annual average of 50 inches of rainstatewide. Unlike the western United States, easternwater management institutions, including Georgia’s,were established and developed in a climate of plenty.Over the last four decades, water managementdecisions were largely made in response to specificissues or needs. Systematic evaluation of resources andplanning for long-term use was limited and on local or,at best, regional scales.In recent decades, however, population growth,economic expansion, and changes in technology havemarkedly increased demands on the state’s waterresources. At the same time, regional differences inwater resources and the way they are used have becomemore dramatic. Evidence of stresses and adverseimpacts on the water resources in three regions of thestate has emerged. In southeast Georgia, groundwaterwithdrawals have contributed to saltwater intrusion anda decline in water quality in some portions of a majoraquifer. In southwest Georgia, ground and surfacewater withdrawals have combined to alter surfacewater flows in some watersheds. And, in the Atlantametropolitan region in north Georgia, questions havebeen raised about the impacts of poor water quality onthe region’s economic future as well as the long-termviability of its water sources. Concerns about all ofthese factors, in turn, have been exacerbated by a seriesof major droughts and interstate litigation over waterresources.By the late 1990s, these factors began to raise broadbasedconcerns about growing stresses on Georgia’swater resources and the potential for long-term waterscarcity in some areas of the state. A legislative studycommittee ultimately resulted in legislation thatauthorized water planning with a scope not beforeundertaken in Georgia. 1Similar dynamics are evident throughout the easternUnited States, and states have responded to thesechallenges with a variety of approaches to statewideand regional water planning. 2 Florida’s response isperhaps the most comprehensive, where the state’sregional water management districts systematicallyupdate water supply assessments and prepare regionalwater supply plans. In 2001, for example, four of theregional planning areas had resources that were deemedinsufficient to meet 20-year needs and were requiredto submit plans to achieve the necessary water resourcedevelopment projects. 3 A recent update showed someplans have achieved remarkable success in increasingcapacity, while others outline actions that, if taken, willprovide the area with enough water in 2025. 4Other states in the southeast are considering orproposing statewide water and regional planningprocesses. In South Carolina, a bill authorizingstatewide water planning was recently introduced inthe South Carolina General Assembly. 5 Legislatorsand stakeholders in Alabama have been exploring theoptions for statewide water planning “like Georgia’s”but a study committee recently concluded they do nothave enough data to submit a plan this year. 6Gail Cowie is a senior planning and policy adviser at the Georgia Department of Natural Resources and has over 20 yearsof experience with participatory development of environmental policy.Leigh Askew is a public service assistant at the University of Georgia’s Fanning Institute and has nearly ten yearsexperience in group facilitation and environmental decision-making.Courtney Tobin is a lawyer on the Public Service and Outreach faculty at the University of Georgia’s Fanning Institute andworks with communities on a variety of natural resources issues.

20 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasGeorgia’s experience with statewide water planningmay prove to be instructive for similar initiatives inother states. Georgia’s planning effort has resulted insignificant changes in the state’s approach to watermanagement, changes that may ultimately lead to moreeffective long-term management of the state’s limitedwater resources. This paper outlines significant aspectsof the statewide water planning process, summarizeschanges in management that are now underway, andhighlights characteristics that may contribute to longtermsustainability of resource use and management.Statewide water planning: Bringing users to thetableGeorgia’s Comprehensive Statewide WaterManagement Planning Act was adopted in 2004. 7 Theact established a process for development of a plan ledby the state agencies with major responsibility for watermanagement, followed by consideration and adoptionby the Georgia General Assembly.The act required extensive stakeholder involvementin development of the plan. To meet this statutoryrequirement, a broad-based technical and public inputprocess was conducted from June 2005 to December2007 (Table 1). This process was more extensive andintensive than seen in many statewide water planninginitiatives, and proved to be critical to water planningon a scale not previously attempted in Georgia. Thelinchpin of the process was a series of stakeholderadvisory committees.Advisory committee composition and processThe Comprehensive Statewide Water ManagementPlanning Act established guiding policy for the statewidewater plan: “Georgia manages water resources ina sustainable manner to support the state’s economy, toprotect public health and natural systems, and enhance thequality of life for all citizens” (emphasis added). 8 Thisstatement required a broad planning scope, one thatconsidered a wide range of potentially competing wateruses: 1) offstream or extractive uses, where water iswithdrawn and transported for human consumption,used in industrial processes, or applied for agriculturalproduction, among others; and 2) instream uses thatoccur within the banks of a water body — assimilationof wastewater, recreation, hydrolelectric production, andsupport of fish, wildlife, and other ecosystem services.The breadth of this planning scope requiredequally broad involvement in the advisory committeeprocess. A desire to tap a wide range of interestswas a fundamental premise in defining the advisorycommittees and determining their composition andprocess.Differing geographic interests were involvedthrough seven Basin Advisory Committees (BAC).Six of the seven were organized along river basinboundaries, with each committee’s geographicboundaries encompassing one or more of the state’sfourteen major river basins (Figure 1). A seventhcommittee represented the geographical area of theMetropolitan North Georgia Water Planning District,which was created by state legislation in 2001.BAC members included representatives of localgovernments, business interests, agricultural concerns,environmental advocates, and other non-governmentalorganizations. 9 These committees were convened toprovide structured regional perspectives and input onwater management objectives and potential policytools and/or options. The BAC were not asked toreach consensus on specific issues. The primary goalof the committees was to build a better understandingof divergent opinions and interests in the state’s waterresources. Attempting to reach consensus as a productmay have precluded reaching this goal and, instead,members were simply asked to provide input from adiverse range of perspectives on proposed managementobjectives and policy decisions. The conveningstate agency worked with a wide range of statewideorganizations, from economic developers to canoeingenthusiasts, to identify candidates for each BAC.A Statewide Advisory Committee (SAC) broughttogether representatives of organizations that hadstatewide interests and constituencies, in order toTable 1. Technical and public involvement processComponentAdvisory committeesTown hall meetingsPublic meetings⎯ Technical⎯ Basin⎯ StatewideWeb-based review and comment on draftplansDescriptionFour committees with a total of 45 members and 10 meetingsSeven committees with a total of 187 members and 42 meetingsOne committee with a total of 32 members and 8 meetingThree rounds of meetings held around the state for a total of 22 meetingswith attendance over 2700Two rounds of public meetings/hearings around the state for a total of18 meetings with attendance over 1000Approximately 600 comments through an interactive website and 400comment letters received by mail

Gail Cowie, Leigh Askew and Courtney Tobin: Georgia’s Water Future 21Figure 1. Basin Advisory Committees used indevelopment of Georgia’s 2008 State Water Planprovide structured statewide perspectives on watermanagement policy tools and/or options. SACparticipants were asked to speak for their entireorganization, members of which occasionally haddifferent and/or competing interests in various partsof the state. Membership on the SAC replicatedthe diversity seen in the BAC membership, withleaders from the environmental, business, industry,recreation, and agricultural sectors, and city and countygovernment associations. Again, the intention of theSAC was not to build consensus, but to gather inputfrom a broad range of perspectives to determine thecorrect course for water management in the state.In order to gain as much input as possible in thetime available, advisory committee meetings were led byprofessional, neutral facilitators. Each meeting focusedon specific water management objectives or practices(e.g., meeting instream and offstream needs for water,maintaining water quality). BAC meetings on each setof topics preceded the SAC meetings on those topics.Prior to each meeting, committee members receiveda discussion paper prepared by agency staff. 10 BACmeetings were structured to provide basic informationon the topic and then garner opinions and commentson proposed policy options. Facilitators providedreports summarizing the discussion that occurred at theBAC meetings, which were, in turn, used to revise theproposed policy options for the SAC’s consideration.Input from the BAC often highlighted the topics orpolicy options that were particularly controversial. Thisinput helped shape the agendas for the SAC meetings.In addition, because SAC members were primarilyprofessional staff from statewide organizations, thecommittee could delve into specific proposals in greaterdetail. For example, due to the extensive amount ofcomment and concern over interbasin transfers andsurface storage in the BAC meetings, those topicswere given additional time and addressed at a separateSAC meeting. Similarly, a computer model designed toestimate the amount of water available for use withoutadversely affecting downstream interests, a criticalelement of water planning, received detailed attentionin SAC meetings.Advisory committee outcomesOne of the challenges that faced the advisorycommittees was meetings were not designed to buildconsensus on a given topic. Instead, facilitators soliciteda variety of opinions on each management objective tohelp shape an acceptable management plan. Creationof the management plan reflected Georgia’s need tochange its framework for water management, turningfrom managing under conditions of plenty to managingfinite capacities of water resources. With such broadrepresentation on each committee, a goal of gatheringinformation from divergent perspectives, and givencompeting interests for water resources, the possibilityof reaching consensus on all objectives was low.Despite this challenge, a mail survey sent to basinadvisory committee members indicated a high levelof satisfaction among participants. The survey wasdistributed to all basin advisory committee membersapproximately eight months after the process wascompleted and 35 percent of participants responded. 11Respondents indicated overwhelming satisfactionwith the process itself. Of the survey respondents, 66percent were mostly or very satisfied with the overallprocess. This result indicates BAC members werecomfortable not seeking consensus. Simply havingthe opportunity to express their opinions about themanagement objectives, and exchange views withmembers from other sectors, was satisfactory for themajority of respondents.Respondents overwhelmingly agreed the compositionof their BAC was reflective of their region. Morethan 92 percent reported the membership balance ontheir specific BAC brought together the diverse interestsin their watershed. However, there was frustrationexpressed in the lack of attendance on occasion and thetendency of some members to bring extreme views tothe table.Survey respondents reported the facilitated meetingswere conducive to open and honest communicationswith 88 percent either agreeing or mostly agreeing withthis statement. This statistic reflects an appreciation forthe structure of the meetings and participants’ abilityto express their opinions and to hear those of others.

22 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasMembers were allowed and expected to disagree, butthat generally did not derail the discussions or impactrespondents’ ability to freely express their opinions.The policy options proposed by agency staff wererevised in response to multiple rounds of input from theadvisory committees, and the working documentschanged considerably over the 18-month course ofadvisory committee meetings. Among other specifics,discussion at advisory committee meetings emphasizedthe need for flexibility to adapt to differing circumstancesin different regions of the state. Many also feltit was critical to maintain a full range of managementpractices as future options. At the same time, advisorycommittee members stressed the need for actions toensure equity among different users, across differentregions and river basins, and between upstream anddownstream interests. Finally, advisory committeemembers strongly urged action be taken to fillinformation and data gaps before significant policycommitments are made. Revisions of staff proposalsincluded provisions intended to address these majorconcerns as well as a number of specific issues.This evolution in the content of the plan isreflected in responses to a final survey question aboutimpact. BAC members who responded to the surveygenerally felt their input, meaning their comments anddiscussions about the water management objectives,was reflected in the final state water management plan.Sixty percent of respondents reported the BAC processhad some or considerable impact on the final plan.Respondents generally felt the final management planwas responsive to the comments received and theircomments and opinions were integrated into the finalplan.Results: Georgia’s 2008 statewide water planIn January 2008, a final Comprehensive StatewideWater Management Plan was submitted to the GeorgiaGeneral Assembly. It was adopted by over 75 percentof the vote in both houses of the legislature and signedinto law by the governor in February 2008. The highlevel of support among elected officials was due, inpart, to the breadth of engagement and support builtthrough the broad-based technical and public inputprocess.The final plan has three major elements thatbuild toward more sustainable management of thestate’s water resources. The first is a series of resourceassessments focused on water quantity and waterquality. Assessments will be conducted following majorhydrologic boundaries to evaluate, in a consistentmanner statewide, the water available for use and thecapacity to assimilate wastewater.Water quantity assessments will estimate thecapacity of individual water sources to provide waterfor use in a certain area while supporting other usesdownstream or from that same aquifer. For surfacewater sources, the emphasis is on avoiding significantdeviations from historic flow patterns and so, protectingdownstream users. Water quality assessments will lookfrom a watershed perspective at wastewater treatmentlevels that are required to protect water quality. Theseassessments are the first step in moving away fromthe first-come, first-serve system for permitting waterwithdrawals and wastewater discharges that hasdeveloped over the past few decades.Resource assessments, in turn, provide the startingpoint for regional water planning, the second criticalstep in the evolution of Georgia’s water managementinstitutions. In a guiding policy statement, the StateWater Plan recognizes the following: “The characteristicsof water resources and water users vary significantly indiffering regions across Georgia. Protecting the ability ofthe state’s water resources to meet needs for water supplyand assimilation of wastewater will require regional,resource-based plans that identify the management practicesappropriate to the resources and users in each region.”The State Plan then lays out a framework fordevelopment of regional plans that will span theentire state (Figure 2). As noted above, one regionalwater planning district was created in 2001, out ofconcern for growing demand and increasing stresseson water resources in the Atlanta metro area. TheState Water Plan extends regional planning to allareas of the state, including those that do not yet haveevidence of resource stress. It establishes ten WaterPlanning Councils to guide development of regionalplans. Members are to be appointed by the governor,lieutenant governor, and speaker of the house and,collectively, councils are to be broadly representative ofthe water-related interests in the region.Through regional planning, water managementpractices will be selected, specified, and laid out forimplementation. The State Water Plan providesguidance on use of practices to manage water qualityas well as water supply, including water conservation,surface water storage, interbasin transfers, andmanagement of nonpoint source pollution, amongothers. Implementation of regional plans will primarilyoccur through actions at the local level and, onceregional plans are adopted, state law requires waterwithdrawal permits and state grants and loans beconsistent with their provisions.Finally, state law and the State Water Plan requireperiodic review and revision of plans on a three to fiveyear cycle. Regional plans are to include benchmarksfor assessment of plan effectiveness and identificationof necessary revisions. Periodic review and revision ofthe state plan and the regional plans enables adaptiveresponses to changes in water use, forecasted demands,and resource conditions.Resource assessments are currently underway.Preparation of regional plans is expected to begin inearnest in spring 2009, following appointment of the

Gail Cowie, Leigh Askew and Courtney Tobin: Georgia’s Water Future 23Figure 2. Water planning regions defined pursuant toGeorgia’s 2008 State Water PlanWater planning regions are outlined in black; the state’smajor river basins are shown in colortherefore adoptable), it also served the purpose ofbuilding longer-term engagement with water users.This objective was accomplished by provision ofmultiple forums for input, by significant revisionto the draft plan in response to public comment,and by specification of the regional planningframework.Creation of regional water planning councils,in turn, institutionalizes a set of new seatsat the water management table. Stakeholderrepresentatives can bring local knowledge intodecision making. Interests with new seats at thetable range from those in the large and mediumurban areas in the northern and central part of thestate, to those in the extensive agricultural areasin south Georgia, to those in the rapidly-growingcounties along the coast.regional Water Planning Councils. It is expected thefirst set of regional plans developed under the StateWater Plan will be adopted in 2011.Conclusions: Managing water for current andfuture generationsIncreasing and competing demands for resourcesmean the water management challenges of Georgia’sfuture are likely to be much more complex than thoseof today. Meeting these challenges will require moresophisticated management and use of multiple watersources, not just the cleanest, easiest, or cheapest.The 2008 State Water Plan provides a blueprintthat may, when fully implemented, help the state meetthose challenges. It is designed to provide a flexibleframework for regional water planning and to movetoward sustainable management of water resources overa large area with diverse resources and widely variedinterests.The State Plan, and the process that produced it,have three fundamental characteristics that have beenprescribed for more effective, long-term managementof natural resources: 12• Greater participation by resource users. While publicinvolvement during plan development had animmediate purpose (ensuring the plan submittedto the General Assembly was supported and• Expanded communication and coordination in use ofshared resources. The plan structures interactionsbetween regions and communities that share waterresources and provides a framework for identifyingregional solutions to water managementchallenges. In theory, at least, this framework willincrease the recognition of water sources as sharedresources: upstream, downstream, across state lines,and within and between regions.• Improved information on resource conditions andresource use. The plan explicitly recognizes wecannot effectively manage what we do notmeasure, underscoring the importance of resourceassessments and increased investment ininformation regarding resource capacity andconditions. Results of assessments, with on-goingmonitoring as regional plans are implemented, willenhance the information base available for futurerevisions of plans and the management practicesthey specify.Together, these characteristics build toward adaptivemanagement, a cyclical learning process based onmonitoring and improved understanding of resourceconditions and review and revision of managementapproaches. 13 And, they also build toward adaptivegovernance: governmental decision making aboutresources that involves affected parties in order to findan informed and stable consensus. 14 Accomplishingboth, however, will require a long-term commitmentand significant investment of public resources. 15Furthermore, the approach to regional planningcurrently being implemented in Georgia faces twofundamental challenges, which other states undertakingsuch efforts also face. The first is the ongoing challengeof involving the broad spectrum of water users and therepresentativeness of those at the table. 16 Participantssaw the advisory committees that created the State Planas reasonably representative, but questions have been

24 PROTEUS: A Journal of Ideasraised about whether this will prove to be true of therecently-appointed regional water planning councils. 17The second is the geography of regional planning.While resource assessments are to be conductedfollowing hydrologic boundaries, regional planning foruse of those resources will follow jurisdictional (county)lines rather than watershed lines. This approach reflectsthe reality of managing a system with natural andengineered features, but effectively marrying the twodifferent geographies remains a challenge in regionalplanning.For now, the long-run prognosis for changes inGeorgia’s water management institutions and the longtermoutcomes that may result remain open questions.But, the experiment has been engaged, changes areunderway, and the results will certainly bear watching.ENDNOTES1. The authors of this paper were actively involved in thestatewide water planning process. As a policy adviser with theagency that led plan development, G. Cowie was among the corestaff responsible for the project. As contractors to that agency, L.Askew and C. Tobin coordinated facilitation of the Basin AdvisoryCommittees, were principal facilitators for the StatewideAdvisory Committee, and assisted with public meetings.2. See, for example, Pennsylvania Department of EnvironmentalProtection, Pennsylvania State Water Plan, www.depweb.state.pa.us/watershedmgmt/lib/watershedmgmt/state_water_plan/background/2007_06_swp_update_info_sheet.pdf (accessedMarch 19, 2009) and Virginia Department of EnvironmentalQuality, State Water Plan, www.deq.state.va.us/watersupplyplanning/statwat.html (accessed March 19, 2009). \3. Florida Department of Environmental Protection, AnnualStatus Report on Regional Water Supply Planning and WaterResource Development Work Programs 2003, http://www.dep.state.fl.us/water/waterpolicy/docs/RWSP_ASR_2003.pdf(accessed March 19, 2009).4. Florida Department of Environmental Protection, Learningfrom the Drought, Annual Status Report on Regional WaterPlanning, August 2008, http://www.dep.state.fl.us/WATER/waterpolicy/docs/learning-from-drought-final-report.pdf (accessedMarch 19, 2009).5. South Carolina General Assembly, 118th Session, 2009-2010,H. 3132, http://www.scstatehouse.gov/sess118_2009-2010/bills/3132.htm (accessed March 19, 2009).6. International Business Times, “Alabama State Legislators toBegin Writing Water Plan,” http://www.ibtimes.com/articles/20080724/alabama-legislators-to-begin-writing-water-plan.htm (accessed March19, 2009) and the Huntsville Times, “MoreWater Data Needed for Plan, Panel Chief Says,” http://www.al.com/news/huntsvilletimes/local.ssf?/base/news/1233137751314120.xml&coll=1 (accessed March19, 2009).7. Official Code of Georgia Annotated §12-5-520 et. seq.8. Official Code of Georgia Annotated §12-5-5229. See Georgia Environmental Protection Division,Acknowledgements, “June 28, 2007 Draft of Georgia’s WaterResources: A Blueprint for the Future,” http://www.georgiawatercouncil.org/Documents/plan.html for a full list ofmembers (accessed February 10, 2009)10. Georgia Environmental Protection Division, GeorgiaStatewide Water Planning: State Water Plan Development:2005-2008, http://www.georgiawaterplanning.org/Documents/background.html (accessed February 10, 2009).11. Mail survey designed and conducted by L. Askew, C.Tobin,and R. Rawls, Fanning Institute, University of Georgia.12. See, for example, Judith Innes, Sarah Connick, and DavidBooker, “Informality as a Planning Strategy,” Journal of theAmerican Planning Association 73, no. 2 (2007): 195-210; ElinorOstrom, Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutionsfor Collective Action (New York: Cambridge University Press,1990); Sandra Postel and Brian Richter, Rivers for Life: ManagingWater for People and Nature (Washington, DC: Island Press,2003); and Joanna Burger, Elinor Ostrom, Richard B. Norgaard,David Policansky, and Bernard D. Goldstein (eds.), Protecting theCommons: A Framework for Resource Management in theAmericas (Washington, DC: Island Press, 2001).13. Kai N. Lee, Compass and Gyroscope: Integrating Science andPolitics for the Environment (Washington, DC: Island Press,1993); Steven E. Daniels and Gregg B. Walker, Working ThroughEnvironmental Conflict: The Collaborative Learning Approach(Westport, CT: Praeger, 2001); and John T. Scholz and BruceStiftel (eds.), Adaptive Governance and Water Conflict: NewInstitutions for Collaborative Planning (Washington, DC:Resources for the Future, 2005).14. Lawrence Susskind, “Resource Planning, Dispute Resolution,and Adaptive Governance” in Adaptive Governance and WaterConflict: New Institutions for Collaborative Planning, ed. John T.Scholz and Bruce Stiftel, 142 (Washington, DC: Resources for theFuture, 2005).15. Paul Sabatier, Will Focht, Mark Lubell, Zev Trachtenberg,Arnold Vedlitz, and Marty Matlock (eds.), Swimming Upstream:Collaborative Approaches to Watershed Management(Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2005).16. Thomas Dietz and Paul C. Stern (eds.), Public Participation inEnvironmental Assessment and Decision Making, (Washington,DC: National Academies Press, 2008).17. See, for example, Athens Banner-Herald editorial “Regionalwater councils will need close watching,” www.onlineathens.com/stories/021709/opi_389644614.shtml (accessed March 19,2009).

25THE MOONPATHP a m Pe r k i n s -Fr e d e r i c kNo matter where Ann stood,the moon laid a pathto her feet.Once, while tryingto climb the Norway maplein the school yard,another kid had told her“If you have enough faithyou can walk on the moon’s path.”How much is enough?And how do you tell?Walking back to the tentthrough the fragrant darkin New Hampshire that summer,after campfire,Ann smelled pine,wet dock, draining canoes,the damp cellar smellof a lake at night,and two girls slipped with Annfrom the crocodileline of campers and padded outonto the dock, greyin the moonlight,warm to the soles.As always, the moonlaid its scissoring pathstraightto each of them.Four, counting Ann’sinvisible companionwhom they’d grown to accept,as her had parents,not knowing what elseto do withthe shadowless Celestewaited for, left presents,saved seats, givenjelly beans (“Leave themin the crotch of the tree;she won’t eat in front of us.”)Ann said she was nearly readyto try the path,solid as aluminum foilcrinkling to the horizon.They were all nearly ready;faith bent and flickeredabout them like a firein sighing wind.Then Ann gave a highfunny whisper: “She’sgoing to try it!O stop her someonedon’t let her -- ” andthey strained their eyes,almost able to seea shadow on the shortdock ladder detach itself,move over the bright foldingand unfolding. “She’sdoing it, she’s walkingon the moonpath”and they could nearly seea fainting, a dimming,a thin blot moving outon the rich and winklingglimmer. Their shoulderstouched, they clasped. Annstrained forwardfrom their arms. “Celestedid it, I can do it, I can!I got faith, watch and see!”And she was down the ladderstepping forwardfrom the bottom rung.Communal faith soaredto a blinding knowledgeof walkingand the shame of nothaving believed. The twosurged forward to the edgeof the dock as Ann’s footmet wrinkling silveras Ann let go the ladderbeatific smile,outstretched arms,“Celeste!Wait!”and sank.The rest was a confusionof hauling her up againand standing, all threeon the dock, listeningto Ann’s dripping,watching the moonpath,clear of any darkness,glow to the farthest edge.“Did she really do it?”“Yes. I didn’t thinkshe’d leave me.”“But it was so beautiful.”“Look! A cloud’s coveringthe moon, the path’sgoing! Can shecome back?”“No,” said Ann, wetstraight-backed. “No.Not now.”Originally published inNo Sorrow that LightWon’t Try to Wipe Away.Middleborough, MA: RockVillage Publishing, 2006.Pam Perkins-Frederick is the Bucks County Poet Laureate, a fellow at the Virginia Center for Creative Arts, a Robert Fraserpoetry contest winner, and was honored by the Pennsylvania Cente for the Book in 2008. She has been published inthe United States and abroad. Her book, There is No Sorrow that Light Won’t Try to Wipe Away, was published in2006. She earned a M.F.A. from Vermont College and loves books, water, plums, puns, and thunderstorms.

26 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasOF SLEEPP a m Pe r k i n s -Fr e d e r i c kSleepless, I driftwith closed eyes in the dark.See flattened, soft waves,a surf gone drowsy,swash on deserted beaches,repeating its sweepsthat flatten to laceand vanishIt’s rolling shells,nudging flops of seaweed,a pull-push, slow buryingthe still, silver fishI can think myselfonto that liquid’ssurface;I’d be barely wetted,no sinking.I long to leaninto the water’s cooling light clasp,to let it rock me like a chip on the waves,bearing me alongas if the lightest of burdens,sliding me over rocksas if the wave were a windlazily shaping a long banner,coiling, curling.A liquid unwinding.Easing up the slantof the sandand washing back again.No sleep?That would be sleep.Originally published in A Leaf Gnawed to Lace.Richlandtown, PA: Petoskey Stone Press, 1992, 1993, 2002.

Pam Perkins-Frederick: Pillars Underground 27PILLARS UNDERGROUNDP a m Pe r k i n s -Fr e d e r i c kImagine the river slidingalong its bedin the forest,floored with roots and leavesrock-ribs and stones.Imagine the borders of it:grass hanging over like a child’stoo-long bangs, the under-bank scooped a bit,concave from the roll of the water.Imagine the water pressing against the bank,fingering the roots, nuzzling them,feeling how smooth they are,and how deftly they twist,bent here, forking there, slick and blackbeneath the surface.Imagine the river trying to swing on the roots,curl around behind enough to get a holdthen sending out a concavitylike a dug paddle’s signature.Imagine the river not content, wanting more,tucking its ripple further behind,discovering that tiny hole,and the mud’s washing freely,widening the space. Imagine the riverexcited, rubbing the roots harder now,wanting to open up earth behind all of them,scrubbing away the soil laid down centuries ago,working back to the root behind the first,and the next.It’s opening up secret caverns under the trees of the bank,halls of water lit aslantwith a bounce of light,the trees’ roots now pillars, a hallof pillars and rippling coins of lighton the ceiling.Imagine the river playing,making happy sucking noisesas it flows through the halls,stroking the roots,strumming them with its hundreds of cold fingers.Imagine the river opening up the earthall underneath.Imagine the whole worldrunning with a cold humminga sub-vocal watery singingjust beneath the grassunderneath the towns and prairies,under the roots of mountains.Imagine it plucking the roots for musicto sing to.Imagine it ecstatic.Originally published in No Sorrow that LightWon’t Try to Wipe Away. Middleborough, MA: RockVillage Publishing, 2006.

28 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasFishing Village – a small village along the coast of Cornwall. (Margaret Evans)

29Irrigation Systems and Values:Understanding the Process ofSelf-governing Water Resourcesin Northern ItalyB e a t r i c e Ma r e l l iU niversity o f Mi l a na n d University o f Br e s c i aCommon-pool resources (CPRs) are natural orman-made resources shared among different users,a condition that produces a competition for theirutilization leading often (although not necessarily) totheir degradation or even to their destruction (HardinG. 1968) . A vast number of valuable natural resourcesfalls in this category and today shows chronic problemsof overuse. Examples are the world forests, fisheries,water basins, biodiversity, and even the atmosphere.As broad bodies of literature and empirical evidence(Ostrom 1990, 1998, 1999, 2005; Agrawal and Clark2001; Cardenas 2000) have demonstrated, managementof common pool resources implies an institutionalconstruction that would be able to take into accountnot only physical attributes of the resources, but alsoattributes of the communities called to protect them.According to Ostrom (1992, 2005; Ostrom and Ahn2008) among these attributes generally accepted bythe community, there are values of behaviour, vehicleof shared learning and explanations about foundationsof social order (Ostrom V. 1980), crucial variablesof relevance for institutional analysis. After a briefreview of related literature, I am going to analyzehow internal and shared values can affect institutionalevolution in farming irrigation systems. The discussedhypothesis maintains that in small farm communitiesindividual values can interact in the course of timewith the process of water management, leading to aninstitutional evolution that translates these individualdemands for changes in the rules in use applied by thegroups. Such a topic has been addressed analyzing twosmall self-organized farm communities in northernItaly, having as support a qualitative methodologyof investigation based on in-depth interviews. Thisallowed focus on the internal values of the appropriatorsof the resource, key variables for the explanation.As a result, the research found the existence of acommon set of values is extremely useful in increasingthe institutional performance and in controllingopportunistic behaviours. It is also important torecognize genuine trustworthiness appeared as anindependent and non-reducible reason for explaininghow communities achieve collective action compliance.The results also support Ostrom’s (1998, 1999) ideaof a core relationship existing among trust, reputation,and reciprocity. It has been found indeed these variablesare dependent on the community’s past experiences andon the capacity of its members to recognize a majorcommon interest in preserving resources. Once in place,those factors enhance the capacity of a communityto govern its commons and, particularly, to foster theprocess of institutional adaptation that is necessary for along term management of water resources.Theoretical backgroundAccording to Ostrom (1998), elaborating conditionswhere governing and solving social dilemmas (includingcommon pool resources) successfully happen, it ispossible to identify individual attributes at the coreof human behaviours as the following (Ostrom 1998,1999):• the individual expectations regarding otherpeople’s behaviour (trust);• the norms that individuals learn fromsocialization and past experiences (reciprocity);Beatrice Marelli is a member of the political science faculty at the University of Milan and the economics faculty in theDepartment of Social Sciences at the University of Brescia. She is a guest researcher at Humboldt University (Berlin)in the Department of Agricultural Economics and Social Sciences. Her main interests are related to collective actionproblems, institutional arrangements for environmental sustainability, common-pool resources, and human values.

30 PROTEUS: A Journal of Ideas• the identities that individuals intentionallycreate through their own behaviour andinternalisation of norms (reputation).Trust, reciprocity, and reputation are relationshipconstructions that fill a gap of indeterminateness of theobjective social foundation (Cella 1994). According toOstrom (1998) the existence of a mutual reinforcementamong these variables, considered to be at the core ofthe general behavioural explanation, can be dynamicallyillustrated as follows:Source: Ostrom (1998)Reputation, trust, and reciprocity act througha positive retroaction circle. Therefore, it seemsimpossible to individualize them among dependentand independent elements. Every variation on a singlevariable strikes again into the chain on the others,amplifying the initial effect, that could be both positiveand negative.The reinforcement among these individual attributesdepends on structural variables, such as existence ofsmall communities, their past experiences, possibilitiesfor a direct communication, and the existence ofsymmetrical affairs on the resource. All such factorsengrave on the cost of internal and social agreements,from which it derives the cooperation level, initiallyreached through individuals’ ability to set asideselfishness.Jon Elster’s contribution provides support ofthis perspective (1993, 1995). He analyzes altruisticmotivations by identifying different actors’ groupsaccording to different levels of propensity tocooperation. The group that appears to be morerelevant in terms of accomplishing communal argumentis formed by those people who act according to thecategorical imperative of Kant, that answers to thefollowing question: “What happens if all of us wouldact so?” This powerful person’s appeal does not dealwith the real results or private purposes because it isconnected to what could be verified if everyone abstainsfrom the cooperation. Such motivation would forbidthe egoistic behaviour, bringing the community exactlyto an opposite outcome respect to the utilitarianism.For this reason, these results could be extremelyimportant for understanding individual contributions inmatters of commons management.Rationality and valuesSince informal ties are broadly diffused as astructural base for social relationships, the self-interestpoint of view does not occupy a core position in thecurrent relational environment. According to Hirsch(1976), the main question is not concerned withwhether individuals are sociable or altruistic in theirobjectives, but rather is focused on the possibilitiesof realizing the prevailing objectives of sociality andaltruism in the community. For the author, constraintsof the scarcity and demands of social moralityconstitute the two social limits to growth. For thiswork, they can be helpfully interpreted as consequentialbonds derived from the missed solution of the socialaction dilemmas, like the ones we observe in governingcommon pool resources and as a consequence inwater management. Limitation to individual selfishbehaviour, imposed in the collective interest, could bemore effectively respected if the sense of obligationwould come interiorized. Already in the mid 1970s,Hirsch made emerge an interpretative urgency for thegenerality of the goods that will then be developed byOstrom for common pool resources in the mid 1980s:“The public perception of society’s costs in itscomplex will contribute to encourage the socialmorality, but it will not be enough to assure it untilthe individualistic behaviour will preserve its ownlegitimacy in comparison to the broad sphere ofthe collective action. Once more, the individualisticbehaviour can be an obstacle to the satisfaction of theindividual preference”. (Hirsch 1976)Such overcoming, if it points out a predispositionto shared collective beliefs and to be open to acomprehensive vision of cooperative ethic (Sugden1986), does not require the abandonment of rationality.In fact, according to the sociological tradition (Boudon1997, 2000, 2003), actions which are apparentlynot referable to some consequential explanation noranalyzable as effects of instrumental reasons, do nothave to be viewed as completely detached from everyrational logic. In these cases, actors follow principlesfounded upon reasons to which they simply feel obligedto conform to. This is the case of a collective beliefgenesis, whose content becomes an object of voluntaryadhesion by the individuals. Boudon referred to hiswork as an axiological perspective and quoted Weber’svalue rationality (Wertrationalität) as a fundamentalcontribution to contemporary studies focused onmoral feelings. For the present research, what is moreinteresting is distinguishing between the axiologicalrationality and the instrumental one of economic kind.In this manner, one of the limits of the utilitarianmodel emerges with greater clarity: not knowing howto explain attribution of values phenomena. Instead,axiological rationality expressly foresees cases in whichthe subject does not choose to maximize immediatebenefits, but chooses to follow “correct” principles notguided by personal will.

Beatrice Marelli: Irrigation Systems and Values 31According to Weber, a collective belief is formedwhen its content becomes an object of adhesion byindividuals (Boudon 1997); this occurs only if validreasons for accepting it do exist (deutend Verstehen).The theory of collective beliefs can be interpreted ina manner that has to be concerned with rationalitybecause these beliefs are felt as strong by social actors.According to Boudon (2000), a theory is rationalin a cognitive sense when it leans on reasons oftheoretical character the actor believes are strong inthat particular context (values rationality, according toWeber). The advantage of this vision in comparisonwith the irrational one is it easily explains essentialphenomenological data: the actors have a sense ofconviction, not internalisation or constraint. Theimplicit or not directly observable character of thereasons, both at the individual and the collectivelevels, does not jeopardize the scientific quality of ananalysis based on them. Such issue has given supportto the present research, since it stresses the fact thatwhen an interaction system has an interest for all theparticipants, the operation rules derived from it obtaina positive value. The exploitation process linked withgoverning a common pool resource allows a group ofusers to give a content to the concept of axiologicalrationality.Hypothesis and method of investigationThe hypothesis suggests individual values are thedetermining variables in social networking and in theinstitutional crafting of governing natural resources.In particular, Ostrom’s model explains decisions at themicro level of the interaction substantially affecting themanagement and the evolution of small self-governingirrigation systems over time. Individual requests canbring the institutions, under certain conditions, tosubstitute the search for collective benefits derived fromthe resolution of common dilemmas with the pursuitof individual demands. This leads to an erosion of thecollective meaning of the institution itself, nullifyingthe realization of more broad community outcomes. Incontrast, under different conditions, internal values (i.e.Boudon’s axiological rationality) can be extremely usefulin increasing the institutional performance and incontrolling opportunistic behaviours. According to sucha hypothesis, the levels of trust and trustworthinessamong community members are important explanativevariables because they further the learning processenabling it to generate availability of mutual socialinteractions. For the achievement of a sustainableinstitutional arrangement governing water resources,the existence of the feedback loop among trust,reputation, and reciprocity is highly desirable.I explored this issue investigating how two smallfarm communities in northern Italy have managedwater over time, focusing on the values they applied inthis self-governance process. I selected these two groupsbecause they share the same physical attributes of theresources in use and the same institutional structure,but show different outcomes in terms of sustainablemanagement of natural irrigation streams.The theoretical purpose is achieved with aqualitative method of investigation to focus oninternal values and emotional feelings among theactors involved in the resource management. Forcollecting the data, in-depth semi-structured interviewswere conducted with half of the members of eachcommunity.The case studiesBoth case studies analyzed in this research (RoggiaLa Farfenga and Roggia La Gabbiana) are basedon the plain area south of the city of Brescia, in theLombardy region of northern Italy. They are consortia:self-governed irrigation groups (supported at thelocal and regional government level) with the aim ofallowing farmers to use the resources available on theirland autonomously. These organizations were aimedto manage both the water naturally available from thebasins presented in the ground area of the municipalityand the network of man-made channels necessary forirrigation purposes during the farming dry season. Theconsortia have traditionally occupied substantial part inthe agricultural environment of the area, since the landwhere the two groups are placed in is characterizedby richness in sand and poorness in clay. For thisreason, the fields have always required important flowsof water for the maintenance of a minimum level ofproductivity of the different crops developed for thelivelihood of the local population, whose main activityhistorically is farming. Located between the Alps andthe rich land of the Padana plain, these communitiesdid not face difficulty in capturing the right quantityof water needed for their fields until they had adopteda traditional rotation of crops, based on periodicalchanges of the exploited areas that guaranteedregeneration of the soil and a constant care for thewhole network of ditches.Both institutions were informally established bythe end of the 19th century in the same municipality’sterritory (Borgo San Giacomo) by autonomous groupsof farmers who, in common, were exploiting irrigationditches.The Farfenga consortium spans two different localmunicipalities, Borgo San Giacomo and Orzinuovi,following the Roggia Farfenga, the spring-fed river thatconstitutes the main source of water for the agriculturecommunity. It is composed of three different streamsthat join in the locality of Rossa, Orzinuovi, the headof the central water basin, for an extension of 2.5, 1.7and 1.6 km respectively in a north-south direction. Inthis first branch we find natural springs that generateenough water for irrigation. In the second and thirdbranches the main part of the natural flow comes froma few natural springs in minor channels. The threebranches link around half a kilometre before the first

32 PROTEUS: A Journal of Ideasirrigated land. This should assure irrigation equality forall the fields that are part of the consortium, withoutoscillations in the availability of the resource accordingto different locations of the lands to be irrigated.The spring water river Gabbiana follows exactlythe same oxbows of Farfenga, sharing the head withit and then the main stream, just half a kilometre east.It is important to stress the fact Gabbiana runs rightthrough the village of Borgo San Giacomo, thereforechanging the physical attributes this second communityis going to face, bringing different appeals andrequirements during the management process.Currently both communities are composed of aboutforty households, including farmers who grow cornfor the food market or for livestock feed in fields of alimited dimensions. In fact, very few members of thesegroups can be considered big land-owners since theaverage extension of a farmer’s property is around tenhectares.The municipality had not been through substantialprocesses of migration and the communities’ membersare part of a consistent social environment, sharing awidespread sense of affiliation to the territory also dueto the same culture. A high level of attachment to thelocal community has also been developed thanks to therespect of some religious norms of Catholicism thathelped increase a cognitive substrate among the farmersof an implicit respect for the past and social tradition.Both groups have a formal body of representatives,with a president and other officers, whose members areelected every three years. Decision-making happens atthe constitutional level through this body, but informalinteractions provide the basis for what happens at theformal level. Members are mainly males who hold titleto property, but those who rent land can also be partof the decision-making process. Those who depend onthe water include farmers and their families who live onthe land year round, and extended family members orfriends who might help with farm work. The majorityof farmers are over 50 years old, and younger membersare leaving the communities in large numbers, so thesocial reality as a whole is aging from year to year. Theaverage level of education of these communities islower than the rest of the village population since theobligation to attend school until the secondary level hasonly recently been extended in Italy.It is relevant to stress land in this part of thecountry is highly valued in the marketplace, andcrops consistently bring in high prices. As said, theselands also benefit from European subsidies and thefarm communities therefore are affluent; there areno members who live at subsistence level. However,some differences in income among households doexist: members range from average middle classto upper-middle class. Additionally, while somemembers’ income remains the same from year to year,other members receive increases in income over time.This happens within the groups, without substantialdifferences among the communities.It is clear the two institutions face similar physicaland social environments, over which they could craftautonomously self-governing irrigation systems overtime. To do that, they needed to establish agreementsregarding irrigation times, rotation of the crops, andpreservation of the main and secondary ditches. Withwater being a national commodity, these informalarrangements and social ties amount to an attempt toregulate the usage of a natural resource whose primaryimportance was becoming an object of competitionamong different social-economical alternative uses.Clarifying the inability of a private property right onwater, the national and local law gave plenty of spaceto the farmers about interventions on managing rulesabout allocation of the resource, such as rotationtime rules among different fields. However, the twocommunities have developed their own process ofinstitutional construction in different manners.About the Roggia Farfenga consortium, we haveindications the institution began at the end of thenineteenth century, but the first official notation aboutthe group did not appear until 1910. At that time, agathering of local farmers created maps of the land andinitiated a constitution as a more formal group. Thegroup employed an engineer to work on the maps andto construct a rotation scheme for water use, but thesewere not officially recorded or regarded seriously by theconsortium. In 1944, they began to discuss a rotationscheme once again, but they were unable to reachconsensus with regard to how it would work. Due toproblems of scarcity and contestation of rules by thosewho lived outside the community but still cultivatedland, the group was only able to draft its official statutein 1993.Even if the constitution formalized the consortiumand established rules about keeping records of waterusage and approving yearly schedules to facilitate watermanagement, this has not meant an achievement ofcommon understanding among irrigation facilities.On the other hand, the La Gabbiana consortium hasbeen able, since the beginning of its establishment in1931, to connect a formalization of the institution witha common agreement and a sense of environmentalawareness connected with the irrigation practices.In this second case, the farmers recognized theimportance of clarifying immediately in the bylawswhat the objectives were of the whole group: the usage,the conservation, the defence, and the implementationof the common property, as well as its administration.Results from the case studiesNo significant differences in the vision of theresource in the two communities have been noticed.Most of the farmers face the issue of managing waterand are able to recognize the physical value of thiscommodity in contemporary society. They acknowledge

Beatrice Marelli: Irrigation Systems and Values 33water has particularities with respect to other assetsthey use for farming, such as seed and the land, whichthey do not perceive as the same issue of scarcity andurgency. Indistinctly all the farmers have noticed areduction in the availability of water during the pasttwo decades due to significant changes in agriculturalpractices that have brought a transformation in the waycommon pool resources are more generally used. Theconsortia themselves began as traditional agriculturalvillages where crops were combined and planted inrotation in order to maximize soil fertility and cropyield. During that time, the farmers paid consistentattention to the water channels: they were cleanedmonthly, and the water patterns were monitored tomake sure excess water was flowing into undergroundcisterns to provide for future uses. However, a shiftoccurred in the consortia conception of common poolresource in the 1980s when the European Unionpursued a decision to subsidize corn crops, causing cornprices to outpace those of other crops. Following therational calculations of many other consortia in Italyand the rest of Europe, these two communities endedrotation practices and shifted to a monoculture of corn.As this culture requires water primarily from May tothe first half of August when crops are ready, Farfengastopped monitoring the water channels for the restof the year to make sure water was flowing properlyand being appropriately stored by the cistern system.Whereas natural springs and streams had previouslybeen sufficient to irrigate every field in the village, theintensive use of water from May to August necessitatedthe construction of two new wells, respectively in thelate 1980s and late 1990s. The unsustainable waterusage persisted, causing the first well to run dry in thefirst decade of the corn monoculture, and the secondwell is currently in a state of serious depletion. Farmersare also planting more seeds to increase corn yields, soeach field requires more water during peak season.Due to these conditions, all Farfenga farmers areexperiencing scarcity. However, their approach to thesituation varies from household to household: somefarmers recognize scarcity as a serious problem andwish to alter usage patterns accordingly, others donot acknowledge it as a concern and do not wish toalter usage. 1 It is important to recognize the farmers’attitudes about water management are not related totheir own water problems: some farmers face scarcityall year and do not wish to alter usage patterns, whileothers who do wish to initiate new practices are not yetfacing year-round scarcity.Farfenga has experienced a social environment basedon local leaders who have brought the institution topursue selfish appeals instead of common outcomes.In this group, members have very little trust in theconsortium or the board of representatives, even ifelected by themselves. 2 This appears to be strictlylinked with the recent history of corruption thisgroup has faced, in turn related to selfish behavioursjust mentioned: leaders took advantage of powerpositions for rent-seeking for a long time. This brokethe trustworthiness among the community members,sharing suspicion instead of building networks ofmutual support and approval among the users.In the Gabbiana consortium, farmers did not stopeither the constant maintenance of the channels ordeveloping water allocation procedures. The grouphas experienced a higher level of trust, probably dueto the presence of individual attributes of a differentkind among community members and representatives.A common sense of awareness has been noticed aboutthe mutual benefits of trustworthiness, as well ashigher attention and investment in social networksthat have allowed the community to establish itsinstitutional development on trust basis. 3 Theseprofitable expectations regarding other people’sbehaviour could be grounded in both the individual andthe group levels. We found positive past experiencessuch as mutual adherence to agreements and successfulconclusions of consortium activities have enabledmembers to learn from socialization how to invest morein the community 4 . In turn, these identities the farmersintentionally created through their own behaviourshave helped an internalization of common values andsocial norms found extremely well shared among allGabbiana members. It has been recognized that ahigh level of mutual understanding regarding normsviolations probably was generated on the same wellestablishedtrust bases of the community. This has ledto a better sense of affiliation and awareness of respectfor the group, with a strong feeling of responsibility bythe single user for the common. Water streams evenceased to be just an instrument of profit and becamea source of sharing identities: “We have to understandthat the channel is ours, it is made by us, and we arethat channel.” 5Discussion and conclusionsWhy have these communities performed in suchdifferent ways over time? According to the discussedhypothesis, at the base of the institutional performance,there are internal and shared values that mark farmerswhile they are managing natural resources. The maingoal of these case studies has been to show the rolethat internal and shared values play in the processof institutional construction for water management.In the empirical analysis a positive relationshipexists between the achievement of sustainability ofthe institutional arrangements and the presence ofvalues connected with altruistic behaviours in selfgoverningirrigation systems. These values are vehiclesof collective learning and foundations of social orderinside the community of users, as well as instrumentsof consciousness regarding the necessary institutionaladaptation and flexibility. However, opportunisticbehaviour is very likely to be found in communities ofthis kind. According to Repetto (1986), inevitably most

34 PROTEUS: A Journal of Ideasof the available rents are captured by those with power,influence, and wealth, and rent-seekers think using theresource efficiently is much less important than gainingcontrol of the allocation mechanism. Institutional rulesthat require irrigators to cover the cost of operatingand maintaining their systems and to contribute to therecovery of the initial investment in the institution,could help contain rent-seeking behaviours. However,that process could also be extremely challenging asthe Farfenga group showed. The norms applied ininformal relationships and used in cultural traditionare forms of a shared knowledge and as such implicitlyfostered by an innermost circle. This process ofinternal-values establishment with positive outcomeshas not been achieved in the Farfenga case. The mainreason could reside in the features of the internalvalues of the community members. Data show a clearpreference by these farmers towards selfish behavioursand attitudes, carried out in a short-time view of theexploitation process. Not seeing a common and sharedbenefit in cooperation, members’ inability of dialogueand deficiency of reciprocity made the institutioncollapse. Where substantial temptation to engage inopportunistic behaviour does exist, no set of rules willbe self-organized (Ostrom V. 1980). In such regard, thepresent research found the existence of a common setof internal values is useful in increasing the institutionalperformance and in controlling opportunisticbehaviours. If participants do not view the specificrules crafted to organize a particular irrigation systemas being appropriate, a behaviour that violates acceptednorms may not be sanctioned.As in the Farfenga case, if a formal structure isviewed as illegitimate, behaviour that undercuts themaintenance of that structure will not be viewed withdisapprobation. Consequently, if opportunism becomesthe dominant mode of behaviour in irrigation systems,ultimately all users will be hurt. When institutionsare well crafted, opportunism can be substantiallyreduced, and even if the temptations can never betotally eliminated, they can be held in check. Moreover,the data brought evidence that the existence of a smallnumber of social actors with Kantian aspects in ruralirrigation groups has remarkable effects on overcomingcollective action problems.In the Gabbiana case, farmers did not stop eitherthe constant maintenance of the channels or developingwater allocation procedures. The reason seems to residein a shared awareness regarding responsibilities onthe part of the whole community with regard to theresource, as well as personal exposure of long-termplanning among them. In particular, the person calledto supervise stream maintenance has had a key role inthis consciousness of the whole group about the needfor constant attention to water infrastructures. He hasbeen able to recognize the channels were as importanta resource as the water itself. As a consequence, hehas directed his efforts on activities, given for free,whose objective was to ensure an optimal level ofstream preservation over time. This sort of innovatorhas helped the community to overcome short-termexploitation of the resource, bringing it toward a moregeneral level of consciousness about needs of sharingcommunitarian values among farmers. In his ownbehaviour, he clearly shows Kantian aspects, as well as astrong consistency with Boudon’s axiological rationality.As Gabbiana case shows, in order to decreaseopportunistic behaviours community members needto invest voluntarily in coordination activities suchas monitoring and sanctioning, along with constantirrigation channel maintenance. Coordination couldbe achieved by learning how to do joint tasks better, byassigning one person the responsibility to be in chargeof other users, and by establishing a rule specifyinghow particular activities are to be undertaken, alongwith establishing how that same rule is monitored andenforced by participants, external enforcements, orboth.This research stressed the existence of a commonset of values is extremely useful in increasingthe institutional performance and in controllingopportunistic behaviours. An important point torecognize is that genuine trustworthiness, i.e. theindividual preferences consistent with conditionalcooperation, is an independent and non-reduciblereason for explaining how communities achieveenvironmental preservation. Trust is the most powerfulinstrument of connection between institutionalarrangements and values. It is enhanced whenindividuals are trustworthy, networked with oneanother, and acting within institutions that rewardhonest behaviours (Marshall 2005).The present results also support Ostrom’s (1998,1999) idea of a core relationship existing among trust,reputation, and reciprocity. It has been determinate,indeed, that those factors are dependent on thecommunity’s past experiences and on the capacity oftheir members to recognize a major common interestin preserving the resources. Once in place, those factorsenhance the capacity of a community to govern itsenvironment and, in particular, to foster the process ofinstitutional adaptation that is necessary for a long termmanagement of water resources.

Beatrice Marelli: Irrigation Systems and Values 35ENDNOTES1. From the comment of one member: “There is no problem. Weface the same situation every year and, in any case, we can haveanother well. I do not see so much urgency. There is no crisisregarding water, overall here.”2. “I do not trust anyone else than the members of my family.Why should I trust them?” (one member of Farfenga referred tothe board of representatives).3. From the words of one past leader of Gabbiana: “I trust them,why should not they trust me? I really think all of them arehonest. I treat themselves as I am used to behave with myself.They are all friends to me and I hope I am considered a friend bythem.”4. From the words of a former secretary: “It is sometimes difficultto make an agreement that could be good for everybody, but theonly way is speaking with people, the dialogue, and make thatthey could understand that there is something that is good for all.I cannot count how many kilometers I did going from one ranchto another one, but once obtained the agreement all is okay, isover, and I am happy, even if it has been hard to make.”5. From the words of the current secretary of the consortium.REFERENCESAgrawal, Arun and Clark Gibson, eds. 2001. Communities andthe environment: Ethnicity, gender, and the state incommunity-based conservation. New Brunswick: RutgersUniversity Press.Boudon, Raymond. 1997. Il vero e il giusto. Saggi sull’obiettivitàdei valori e della conoscenza. Milano: Il Mulino.———. 2000. Il senso dei valori. Milano: Il Mulino.———. 2002. Sentimenti di giustizia. Milano: Il Mulino.———. 2003. Declino della morale? Declino dei valori? Milano: IlMulinoBoulding, Kenneth E. 1968. Beyond economics: Essays onsociety, religion, and ethics. MI: Univ. of Michigan Press.Cardenas, J.C. 2000. How do groups solve local commonsdilemmas? Lessons from experimental economics in thefield. Environment, Development and Sustainability, 2:305-322.Cella, Gian Primo. 1994. Non di solo mercato. Roma: Origami.———. 1997. Le tre forme dello scambio. Bologna: Il Mulino.Dasgupta, P.S. 1997. Economic development and the idea ofsocial capital. Working Paper. Faculty of Economics,University of Cambridge.Elster, Jon. 1992. Local justice: How institutions allocate scarcegoods and necessary burdens. New York: Russell SageFoundation.———. 1993. Come si studia la società. Una “cassetta degliattrezzi per le scienze sociali”. Bologna: Il Mulino.———. 1995. Il cemento della società. Uno studio sull’ordinesociale. Bologna: Il Mulino.Frey, Bruno S. 1997. Not just for the money: An economic theoryof personal motivation. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.Gambetta, Diego, ed. 1988. Trust: Making and breakingcooperative relations. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.Hardin, G. 1968. The tragedy of the commons. Science.162(3859): 1243-1248.Hardin, Russell. 1988. Morality within the limits of reason.Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Hirsch, Fred. Social limits to growth, London: Routledge.Kreps, D. 1990. Corporate culture and economic theory. InPerspectives on Positive Political Economy, ed. J. E. Altand K. Shepsle, New York:Cambridge University Press.Marshall Graham, 2005. Economics for collaborativeenvironmental management: Renegotiating the commons.London: Earthscan.Ostrom, Elinor. 1990. Governing the commons: The evolution ofinstitutions for collective action. New York: CambridgeUniversity Press.———. 1992. Crafting institutions for self-governing irrigationsystem. San Francisco: ICS Press.———. 1998. A behavioural approach to the rational choicetheory of collective action, American Political ScienceReview. 92(1):1-22.———. 1999. Institutional rational choice: An assessment of theIAD framework. In Theories of the Policy Process, ed. P.A.Sabatier, Boulder: Westview Press.———. 2005. Understanding institutional diversity. Princeton:Princeton University Press.Ostrom E. and Ahn T.K. 2008. The meaning of social capital andits link to collective action. In Handbook on social capital,eds. G.T. Svendsen and G.L. Svendsen, Northhampton:Edward Elgar.Ostrom Elinor and James Walker, eds. 2003. Trust andreciprocity: Interdiscipinary lessons from experimentalreseach. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.Ostrom, V. 1980. Artisanship and artifact. Public AdministrationReview. 40(4):309-317.Putnam, Robert. 1993. Making democracy work: Civic traditionsin modern Italy. Princeton: Princeton University Press.North, Douglass. 1990. Institutions, institutional change andeconomic performance, Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress.Repetto, R. 1986. Skimming the water: Rent-seeking and theperformance of public irrigation systems. Research Reportn.41, World Resource Institute: Washington D.C.Simon, Herbert. 1947. Administrative behavior, New York:McMillan.Sugden, Robert. 1986. The economics of rights, co-operation,and welfare. Oxford: Blackwell.

36 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasNotes of a Zahorí(Water diviner)L i n d a C. Eh r l i c hC a s e We s t e r n Re s e r v e UniversityLandscape/seascapeStories pressed down over centuries.(Your hand,a piece of driftwoodtwisting in the waves.)Banyan trees uprooted in the last hurricane. Enormous trunks, a canopy of branches, but shallow roots thatgrow under the walkways and crack the concrete. Wayang, upheaval of the gods. The night the street becamea river. I placed my feet on pavement and it flowed away beneath my feet.New Year’s beach. Jellyfish noon. And little boys with their teddy bear armwings to keep themselves afloat.Silly seagulls bob in the waves; medusas beguile them with their translucent sacs of venom.The years fly by, but now and then, an ocean rises up to inundate our days. Oceans in the middle of a citywhere roosters crow from rooftops in the humid dawn.(This water selfthe world will not accept)Always, circles in the sand. Small children with a stick. Rings. A larger hand pulling them back from thewaves.From rough rocks lining the road, amateur fishermen cast their nets. All they bring up are worthlessneedlefish, but they practice and practice, holding one piece of the net between their teeth. The wind carriestheir words away.(Always battered women on the shore in slashed veils.)Full moon of the restless star. Crystal-vase ocean at three in the morning.Some look for water underground. Others look for long-abandoned bombs.There is a difference.Linda C. Ehrlich, associate professor at Case Western Reserve University, has published poetry in International PoetryReview, Southern Poetry Review, The Bitter Oleander, Tributaries, and other literary journals. Her articles on worldcinema have appeared in Film Quarterly, Cinema Journal, Literature/Film Quarterly, Film Criticism, among others.Her book, An Open Window: The Cinema of Victor Erice, was part of the Scarecrow Press Filmmakers’ Series (2000,paperback 2007). www.lindaehrlich.com

37Winters in Salmon Country:The Nez Perce Tribe’s InstreamFlow ClaimsM a r k D. So l o m o nU niversity o f Id a h oA State Court RulesAs the first snows of the 2000 water year startedfalling in the high country, Idaho Fifth District JudgeBarry Wood issued his decision ruling against the NezPerce Tribe’s claims for instream water flows in Idaho’sSnake River basin. 1 Judge Wood, presiding over theSnake River Basin Adjudication (SRBA), handed downhis ruling in a state courtroom in Twin Falls, Idaho: 286miles by air, 390 miles by road, 630 miles by river, and aworld away from tribal headquarters in Lapwai on theNez Perce Reservation. Tying together the Nez PerceTribe and the farmers of the Snake River basin was theriver and the common need for water to survive in thearid American West. Dividing them were the ruggedmountains and steep canyons of central Idaho, onehundred fifty years of physical and legal conflict, and acultural gulf with few, if any, bridges.Judge Wood ruled that while the 1855 Nez PerceTreaty with the federal government guaranteed theNez Perce the “right of taking fish at all usual andaccustomed places in common with the citizens of theterritory,” it did not guarantee them there would everagain would be fish to be fished for at those places.Wood then raised the stakes for the tribe by rulingthat the tribal reservation allotment program of thefederal government in the late 1890s had diminishedthe extent of the Tribe’s sovereignty over its ownreservation, raising the possibility of tribal extinction. 2He concluded “the Nez Perce do not have Indianreserved instream flow water rights extending beyondthe boundaries of the present Reservation, where everthose boundaries may be.” 3The court’s order was immediately appealed bythe tribe to the Idaho Supreme Court along witha companion suit seeking removal of Judge Woodfrom the SRBA court due to a previously undisclosedapparent conflict of interest. Prior to hearing onappeal, the parties to the ruling agreed to settlementmediation and a stay of proceedings. The mediationwas successfully completed in 2004. History and theriver continue to flow.The Nez Perce People and their LandThe Nimi’puu, the Nez Perce people, have livedin what we now call portions of Idaho, Oregon, andWashington since time immemorial. 4 At the time offirst contact with Anglo civilization in 1803, whenLewis and Clark descended half-starved from theClearwater Mountains into the camas and salmoncountry of the Nez Perce, this people’s aboriginallands covered fourteen million acres stretching fromthe Wallowa country in the west to the BitterrootMountains in the east, from the headwaters of theSalmon River in the south to the Palouse River inthe north. Never a single tribe as much as a collectionof individual bands related by blood and customoccupying different areas within their territory, the aband followed the seasons from camp to camp, meetingwith the other Nez Perce bands when the camas rootwas ready to dig and the salmon ran in the rivers. 5The Snake River and its major tributaries – theSalmon, Grande Ronde and Clearwater rivers – definethe land of the Nez Perce. The Snake, flowing at anaverage rate of thirty-six million acre-feet per yearat present-day Lewiston, Idaho, 6 also defines thefreshwater world of the salmon runs that once filledits creeks, rivers and lakes. Historically, salmon runswere estimated to have ranged from five million toeight million adult fish annually in the Snake and itstributaries. 7In the traditions of the Yakama, Umatilla, WarmSprings, and Nez Perce, the spirit of the salmon—Mark D. Solomon is a doctoral candidate in the University of Idaho’s interdisciplinary Waters of the West Program. Aformer Latah County (Idaho) commissioner, he has been recognized as one of the Thirty Heroes of the Clean WaterAct (2002) for his commitment and ability as an advocate for the protection of the nation’s water resources.

38 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasWy-kan-ush-mi Wa-kish-wit—is sacred life.The tribes believe that the salmon was createdalong with an ideal habitat in which to enjoyits existence and that for thousands of years thesalmon unselfishly gave themselves for the physicaland spiritual sustenance of human beings. Thesalmon’s abundance shaped the culture, religion,society, and even languages of the four tribes.The majority of calories that the Columbia Basintribes consumed came from salmon, elevating thereverence that the tribes placed on this incrediblegift. Their religions always thanked the Creatorfor the bounteous blessing of salmon; they alsothanked the salmon for offering themselves asfood for humans. (Columbia River Inter-TribalFish Commission) 8Idaho’s Snake RiverThe Snake’s headwaters, rising from the high TetonMountains along today’s border between Wyomingand Idaho, lie far south, beyond the land of the NezPerce and upriver of Hells Canyon, the deepest gorge inNorth America. Here the Snake River flows westwardacross a vast dry plain overlying deep basalt flowsformed by a crustal hot spot now centered beneathYellowstone National Park. 9 Despite its aridity, theSnake River Plain’s generally flat topography providedthe quickest travel route for westbound settlers alongwhat came to be known as the Oregon Trail.Few stayed in this high desert country until theexpansion of settlement in the Salt Lake basin byadherents of Joseph Smith’s Church of Jesus Christ ofLatter Day Saints (Mormons). 10 In this desert country,diverting water out of the streams and rivers to irrigateagricultural land was the only way to grow enoughfood to survive. Over the next one hundred fifty years,seventeen dams were built on the upper Snake Riverand its tributaries to support agriculture and Idaho’sgrowing population centers. Beginning in 1905 whenthe gates were closed at Milner Dam, the entiresummer flow of the Snake River was diverted just aboveShoshone Falls (the upstream end of salmon habitatmore than eleven hundred miles from the ocean)sending the river into a network of a thousand miles ofirrigation canals. 11Judge Wood’s courtroom was in Twin Falls, a fewmiles from Milner Dam, centered in the geographicand political hub of modern Idaho’s irrigatedagriculture economy. Vast geographic, economic,political, and cultural differences separated the NezPerce people from Judge Wood and most of the otherresidents of Twin Falls and its surrounding irrigatedagricultural landscape.The Nez Perce TreatiesIn 1855, the Nez Perce bands gathered in WallaWalla at the request of Territorial Governor Isaac I.Stevens to negotiate a treaty with the United States.As recounted by the Nez Perce and recorded by NezPerce historian Alvin Josephy, 12 many of the bands,including some of the most powerful leaders such asLooking Glass, were away hunting buffalo on the otherside of the Bitterroot Mountains hundreds of milesdistant and were not present when the talks began.For convenience, Stevens recognized a minor leader,Lawyer, who had been converted to Christianity bymissionaries and learned some English, as the bands’spokesman even though the other leaders present hadnot awarded him that responsibility. To cement hisleadership position with Stevens, Lawyer agreed tocede the Nez Perces’ rights to 7.5 million acres of theiraboriginal lands. Looking Glass, having heard of themeeting, quickly journeyed back across the mountainsto Walla Walla, arriving before the signing ceremonysaying, “My people, what have you done? While I wasgone you have sold my country… Go home to yourlodges. I will talk to you.” 13 Looking Glass was unable,however, to overcome Lawyer’s argument to the leadersthat they could not now go back on the agreement hemade with the white men. In the end fifty-six NezPerce leaders signed the treaty in which the UnitedStates agreed the bands would have sole control overthe 6.5 million acres of their reservation as well as theright to hunt and fish at all their usual and accustomedplaces outside the reservation boundary. 14With the cession of their land, the division ofthe Nez Perce people along religious and bandaffiliation lines began. In 1860, gold was discoveredby prospectors trespassing on Nez Perce land north ofthe Clearwater River and in the lower Salmon Rivercountry. A second treaty gathering was convenedby the order of the territorial governor at Lapwai in1863 to address the white encroachment. With some1855 Treaty signers selling supplies to miners at gold-

Mark D. Solomon: Winters in Salmon Country 39fever prices, a growing restiveness among other tribalmembers unhappy with the outcome of the 1855Treaty, and the recent suppression of an armed uprisingof the Yakama, Spokane, Cayuse, and Palouse tribes asa backdrop, tension among the treaty negotiators washigh. Again, as in 1855, Lawyer was chosen by thewhite negotiators to represent the Nez Perce. He waspersuaded to reduce the reservation to ten percent of its1855 Treaty size. The lands of Lawyer and his followers’bands were included in the proposed new reservationwhile those of Joseph, leader of the Wallowa band,and several others who had the stature to challengeLawyer, were not. Thunder-Eyes, speaking for the anti-Lawyer, anti-treaty faction said, “the Nez Perce nation[is] dissolved”, and that from then on they would be“friends, but a distinct people.” 15 The subsequent 1863treaty signed by Lawyer and his faction established areservation of approximately 750,000 acres and reservedthe same hunting and fishing rights established in the1855 Treaty. 16The Nez Perce were increasingly a divided people,weakened in their ability to resist further violations oftheir sovereignty and their treaty rights.In 1877, Joseph and his non-treaty band fromthe Wallowa Valley were forced from their lands andpursued by the United States Army in a thousand mileflight across Idaho, Wyoming, and Montana in searchof their freedom in Canada. Captured just south ofthe Canadian border, the non-treaty Nez Perce weresent to the Oklahoma Indian Territory and eventuallyre-settled in permanent exile on the Colville and otherreservations in eastern Washington State.As part of the federal government’s policy ofopening western lands to white settlement, theGeneral Allotment Act of 1874 opened the Nez Percereservation to white settlement in 1893 after allocationof one hundred sixty acres to each tribal member. Nontreatybands and non-treaty tribal members were notincluded in the allotment.Through all these times of crisis for the tribe, thesalmon were a constant for the Nez Perce, held apartfrom the world of chaos created by increasing contactwith the encroaching whites, returning year after yearto offer themselves to the Nimi’puu. That too wouldsoon change.Building an Irrigated LandscapeWith the beginning of the twentieth century a newuse of the region’s rivers came to the fore: constructionof dams for electrical generation. While the irrigationdams in the Upper Snake River had reduced the river’sflow in its uppermost reaches, they had not noticeablyaffected salmon runs due to their location upstream ofShoshone Falls, the river’s natural barrier to the salmon.Downstream, spring flows rejuvenated the river currentin the Thousand Springs reach of the river. Beginningin 1901, the construction of private hydroelectricdams increasingly blocked entire watersheds and riversystems to salmon access. Salmon were now restrictedto the lower and middle reaches of the Salmon River,the forks of the Salmon, and the mainstem of theSnake River.With the entrance of the federal government intodam building on the mainstem of the Columbia withBonneville Dam in 1937, and with the erection oftwenty more dams on the Columbia and lower/middleSnake over the ensuing thirty-five years, the salmonthat had provided the life of the Nez Perce began todisappear. By 1991, five runs of Snake River salmonand steelhead were listed as threatened or endangeredunder the Endangered Species Act. 17Meanwhile groundwater pumping was taking itsplace alongside surface water irrigation as a drivingforce in southern Idaho’s agricultural economy.Farmers were pumping more than 4.5 million acre feetof surface water onto approximately one million acresof land to produce the crops, livestock, and processedfood products. 18 The 2002 value of irrigated agriculturalproducts in the Magic Valley surrounding JudgeWood’s courtroom was $1.56 billion. 19 An additional$1.9 billion in value was added to those products in theMagic Valley by food processors. 20Claiming the WaterIn 1993, the Nez Perce Tribe filed suit against IdahoPower Company claiming damages to their treatyfishing rights by the construction of Idaho Power’sHells Canyon Dam Complex. Federal Judge LarryBoyle for the District of Idaho shocked the Tribe withhis ruling that their treaty rights did not allow fordamages because the “tribes do not own the fish, butonly have a treaty right which provides an opportunityto catch fish if they are present at the accustomedfishing grounds.” 21 Although settled out of court whilepending appeal before the Ninth Circuit Court ofAppeals, Boyle’s decision in Nez Perce v. Idaho Powerserved notice to the tribe that they faced a hostilejudiciary in Idaho. 22The Nez Perce Tribe is not alone in its relationto the courts. Because of Native American status asdependent sovereigns of the federal government, alllegal actions involving tribes and tribal members areheard in federal court, not at the state level. However,in 1952, Congress carved an exception to that rulewhen it passed the McCarran Amendment waivingfederal immunity in state water adjudications. 23United States Senator Pat McCarran (D-NV) hadbeen asked to help resolve a private water rights disputein Nevada’s Quinn River basin that included federalownership. Attempts to resolve the dispute in statecourt had been stymied by the federal government’srefusal to waive its immunity and appear in state court.McCarran applied a broad brush to the matter endingfederal immunity for all water right claims whenever

40 PROTEUS: A Journal of Ideasa state proceeded with a basin-wide adjudication.The Department of Interior voiced their objectionsto the over-reaching consequences of the proposedamendment in testimony before the Senate JudiciaryCommittee specifically as it applied to the “Wintersrights” of the nation’s tribes. 24In 1908, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Wintersv. U.S. that when the federal government reserves landfor purposes such as Indian reservations, forest reserves,military bases, parks, wildlife refuges, and other federaluses, the water necessary for the purpose of the landreservation is also retained by the federal government.Importantly in the generally arid western states where“first in time, first in right” is the basis of state waterlaw, the priority date for the federally reserved water isestablished as the date of the land reservation. As mostIndian reservations were established before statehood,Indian Winters rights are generally the most seniorwater rights in a state. 25The McCarran Amendment passed, unchanged, asa rider on the appropriation bill for the Departmentof Justice. Tribes would now have to argue before statejudges for the water rights promised them in theirtreaties with the federal government. Only a finaldecision by a state supreme court could be appealed bya tribe to the United States Supreme Court as an issueof federal law.In 1984, Idaho initiated the Snake River BasinAdjudication (SRBA) to settle all water rights claimsin the area of the state drained by the Snake River. 26Stretching from its headwaters in Wyoming to its exitfrom the state at Lewiston, the Snake River Basinincludes not only the Nez Perce Reservation, but alsoall of the Nez Perce aboriginal lands ceded by treaty.Those treaties specifically included the tribe’s retentionof the right to fish at their “usual and accustomedplaces,” even when off the reservation. To defend theirtreaty rights the Nez Perce would claim their reservedWinters rights.As a basin-wide adjudication, the Nez Perce tribewas compelled by the McCarran Amendment to assertand defend their Winters claims for instream water instate court. 27 In 1994, the tribe filed claims for 1,134water rights to support “fish habitat and channelmaintenance” 28 in accordance with the 1855 Nez Percetreaty:The exclusive right of taking fish in all the streamswhere running through or bordering said reservationis further secured to said Indians; as alsothe right of taking fish at all usual and accustomedplaces in common with the citizens ofthe Territory. 29The Nez Perce claims, if approved, would accountfor “105 percent of the average annual flow of theSnake, Clearwater, and Salmon Rivers combined.” 30Idaho Power Company, the State of Idaho, the PotlatchCorporation (a forest products company and Idaho’slargest private landowner), and a coalition of irrigationdistricts filed as interveners. Overnight, the politicaldistance between the tribe’s northern Idaho reservationand the irrigated agriculture center of southern Idaho’seconomic power structure shrank to zero.The SRBA JudgeAs the Snake River Basin Adjudication entered itsfifteenth year evaluating water rights claims, its longservingand well-respected presiding judge, DanielHurlbutt, announced his retirement. In February 1999,the Nez Perce tribe submitted a letter to the IdahoJudicial Council putting the state on notice as to thetribe’s expectation that the next SRBA judge musthave judicial experience and extensive a knowledge ofwater law, as well as no actual or perceived conflicts ofinterest. 31 In March 1999, interim SRBA PresidingJudge Barry Wood was appointed by the IdahoSupreme Court as permanent SRBA Presiding Judge.Eight months later, Wood handed down his decisionruling strongly against the Nez Perce’ claims. Indoing so, he went a significant step further than theprevious Nez Perce v. Idaho Power court, finding that the1893 opening of the Nez Perce Reservation to whitesettlement had diminished the reservation by the extentof all lands not currently owned by tribal members, orheld in trust for the tribe by the federal government,within the 1863 Treaty boundaries. Wood arrived atthis conclusion even while acknowledging existing caselaw did not support his decision. 32Judge Wood broke the fragile peace between thetribe and the people who had occupied their landsand used their water. His order found the variousNez Perce treaties and agreements did not imply theright to enough water for fish to live in, but only theright to fish, and that the sovereignty of the tribe overtheir homeland was reduced to the 17 percent of thereservation still in tribal hands after the allotment andtermination policies of the early 1900s. Both findingswere highly emotionally charged and even more highlyquestionable in their legal basis in the federal commonlaw. 33The tribe appealed the decision and in a separatefiling and sought the removal of Wood as SRBAjudge on the grounds his own and his familymembers’ ownership of several rights subject to SRBAjurisdiction constituted conflicts of interest. JudgeWood was removed by the Idaho Supreme Courtfrom his SRBA position. The court found the electionof Wood’s brother-in-law, Daniel Eismann, to theSupreme Court created an ethical conflict for theSupreme Court itself. Eismann was elected to the courtin a campaign against Justice Cathy Silak shortly afterSilak had authored the court’s opinion upholding thefederal government’s water rights in Idaho wildernessareas under the Winters doctrine. 34 During his electioncampaign, Justice Eismann had publicly stated hewould not recuse himself from ruling on water right

Mark D. Solomon: Winters in Salmon Country 41claims appealed from his brother-in-law’s court. Asthe court could not unseat their new colleague, JusticeEismann, they unseated Wood to preserve the ethicalstanding of the court.SettlementIn the year prior to Wood’s ruling against theinstream flow claims, the State of Idaho and the NezPerce tribe agreed to enter mediation in an attempt tosettle the tribe’s Winters claims. Six years later, withappeal of Wood’s ruling stayed at the Idaho SupremeCourt, the tribe, state, and the federal government(acting in its capacity as trustee for the tribe), agreed tosettle the tribe’s instream flow claims out-of-court for amixture of instream flow rights, regulatory protectionsfor endangered species, monetary awards, and othermeasures. 35 The State of Idaho, acting on behalf of itswater rights holders, agreed to send water downstreamto support the salmon so vital to the survival of the NezPerce people. The federal government agreed to providefunding for the settlement and to enter into jointoperating agreements for federal fish hatcheries in thetribe’s Clearwater River basin homeland.In 1994, the dispersed non-treaty bands of theNez Perce partnered with the National Park Serviceto honor their Wallowa homeland with the creationof an interpretive center at Wallowa Lake. 36 In 1997,the on-reservation descendants of the treaty bands,utilizing funds granted to the tribe to offset the damagedone to the reservation and their treaty fishing rightsby the construction of Dworshak Dam on the northfork of the Clearwater River, purchased 10,300 acresof Chief Joseph band’s ancestral homeland in theWallowa country. (Another five thousand acres weresubsequently added to the tribe’s holdings in JosephCanyon.) While the land sales contain covenantsrestricting the use of the lands to fishing and wildlifepurposes, 37 for the first time in 130 years, the Nez Percepeople, “treaty” and “non-treaty”, were to some extent,home in the heart of their ancestral lands.Could There Have Been a Different Outcome?If the Pacific Northwest is defined as “wherever thesalmon can get to,” as Tim Egan writes in his 1990book, The Good Rain, then Twin Falls and Lapwaiare worlds apart. Shoshone Falls, one of two naturalsalmon-blocking cataracts on the Snake River thatgives the city of Twin Falls its name, historicallymarked that regional boundary until man-made damsstarted moving the boundary further and furtherdownstream to its present location at the base of IdahoPower Company’s Hells Canyon Dam. Shoshone Fallsno longer flows at its thundering pace, the waters of theSnake River dammed and diverted above the falls intoa thousand miles of canals delivering water to desertsoil for farming. The people who settled here, whoturned the water onto their fields to build an irrigatedagricultural empire, have never had salmon as thecenter of their lives. They and those who followed themacross southern Idaho’s Snake River plain- taking thesalmon’s water so they could live —did not then and donot now live in the Pacific Northwest Egan describes.The Nez Perce people do, and have done so sincetime immemorial. Salmon are for them both a physicaland a sacred being, offering themselves for the goodof the Nez Perce people, to sustain them in body andsoul. Most of the salmon’s range in what we now callIdaho is Nez Perce aboriginal land. As recognized inthe treaties the Nez Perce negotiated with the UnitedStates government, they could somehow accept andlive on a fraction of their former lands, but they couldnot and would not live without the salmon. Thetreaties specifically retained to the Nez Perce the rightto fish at all their usual and accustomed places. Buttoday, the salmon are killed by passage through andaround the eight mainstem dams on the lower Snakeand Columbia rivers that stand between Idaho andthe Pacific Ocean. Those that survive the passage areconfronted by headwater streams often dewatered ordegraded by agriculture, grazing, mining, logging, andurban use. The salmon are struggling to continue tooffer themselves to the Nez Perce, and the Nez Percepeople are struggling to rebuild the salmon’s Idahohome.Whether the Nez Perce could have prevented theirconquest by EuroAmericans will never be known.Their choices were constrained by the pressure of whitesettlement on their lands and the body blow to theirstrength as a people delivered by an epidemic of deadlydiseases to which the Indians had no resistance. Thedivisions that grew within the Nez Perce people as theytried to adapt to these overwhelming forces made theirtask even more difficult as different bands were forcedin separate directions by their acceptance or rejection oftreaties, culture and religion. Federal policies of tribalassimilation and termination that threatened the tribe’svery existence persisted until the 1970s.A new era for the Nez Perce and the otherColumbia River tribes began with the 1974 Boldtdecision affirming the Columbia River tribes right tohalf the salmon fishery. 38 Shortly thereafter, the gateswere closed at the Army Corps of Engineers 700-foothigh Dworshak Dam across the north fork of theClearwater River on the Nez Perce reservation. Tocompensate the tribe for the harm Dworshak Damcaused to the tribe’s fishing and hunting rights, thefederal government agreed to a mitigation plan. Theprovision of funding to implement the plan had anintentional objective—to provide resources for thetribe to help struggling salmon populations throughhabitat restoration and hatchery programs—and anunintentional (for the Corps) byproduct: enabling theNez Perce to more actively advocate for their treatyrights and by connection, the salmon.

42 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasThe decision in Judge Wood’s court in Twin Fallswas never seriously in question. The tribe had filedinstream flow claims totaling the entire flow of theSnake River at Lewiston, its furthest downstreamlocation in Idaho. Finding in favor of the tribe wouldhave dried up irrigated agriculture in southern Idaho,by far the largest economic sector of the entire state.No state judge would issue such a ruling and JudgeWood proved no exception. The appeals of the SRBAcourt’s ruling were where the Tribe and the salmon’srights would be fought for and possibly won—probablynot at the Idaho Supreme Court where the same forcespresent in the District Court were at play—but at thenext stop in federal court. It was at this point, withappeals pending, that settlement negotiations becamethe focal point for deciding the tribe’s and the salmon’srights to water.It took another five years to bring the negotiationsto fruition, but in the end the salmon that managedto get past the eight mainstem dams were guaranteedenough water to survive within their current rangedownstream of southern Idaho’s irrigation and powerdams. At a minimum, the state agreed the Snake Riverflows established by the Swan Falls Agreement wouldbe provided for downstream instream flow. The statealso agreed to provide up to 427,000 acre feet in flowaugmentation for salmon from water stored behindsouthern Idaho dams. The tribe is to receive $95.8million and up to 11,000 acres of land to supportfishery and wildlife habitat acquisition, restoration,and protection. Among other provisions, the tribe is toassume sole management of the federal fish hatchery atKooskia and joint management of the Ahsahka federalfish hatchery just below Dworshak Dam. It will alsoreceive support for other tribal hatchery programs.The settlement is not without its detractors withinthe tribe. There are tribal members who wanted thetribe to pursue its case to its full extent within the courtsystem or, alternatively, argued that the settlementcompensation agreed to was inadequate. Whetherthe $95.8 million compensation was adequate washighlighted on April 7, 2008, when four downstreamColumbia River tribes and the federal governmentsigned an agreement giving those tribes just underone billion dollars for salmon restoration. In returnfor ten times the money given in compensation tothe Nez Perce for settling actual treaty rights, all thedownstream tribes need to do for their money is remainsilent for ten years whenever talk of breaching fourlower Snake River dams to restore salmon runs surfaces.The Nez Perce Tribe, while party to the negotiations onthe status of the lower Snake River dams, refused theproposed terms and did not sign the final agreement. 39With the finalization of the settlement of the NezPerce tribe’s instream flow claims, the last major hurdleto resolution of the 1984 Swan Falls Agreement—thesettlement of the dispute between Idaho PowerCompany and southern Idaho upstream irrigators thatgave birth to the Snake River Basin Adjudication—waspassed. The originally stipulated water conflicts of theMagic Valley irrigators and Idaho Power had beensettled.Six hundred and thirty river miles downstream anda world away, the Nez Perce people and the salmoncontinue their physical and spiritual partnership,dependent more than ever on each other for survival.The settlement assures there is enough water in therivers for the salmon to find the way to their natalstreams, and enough resources for the tribe to restoreand protect the river and stream habitat to supportspawning conditions. But the salmon must stillsomehow survive their passage through and aroundthe lower Snake and Columbia rivers’ eight fish-killingmainstem dams and reservoirs and the Nez Percepeople must still survive challenges to their culture,traditions, and sovereignty.The winter snows are melting once again, fillingrivers, and carrying young salmon downstream to thesea. When they return to Idaho as adults a few yearsfrom now, the Nez Perce will be there as they have beensince time immemorial to bless them and to receivethe salmon’s offering of themselves for the good of thepeople, the Nimi’puu. The cycle continues.The research described in this paper has been funded inpart by the United States Environmental Protection Agency(EPA) under the Greater Research Opportunities (GRO)Graduate Program. EPA has not officially endorsed thispublication and the views expressed herein may not reflectthe views of the EPA.ENDNOTES1. In re SRBA Case No. 38576, Consolidated Subcase 03-10022(Idaho Dist. Ct. Nov. 10, 1999).2. Ibid., 46.3. Ibid., 47.4. National Park Service, “Nez Perce National Historical Park,”http://www.nps.gov/nepe/ (accessed March 23, 2008).5. Alvin M. Josephy Jr., Nez Perce Country (Lincoln: University ofNebraska Press, 2007), 8.6. Steve Steubner, “No more ignoring the obvious: Idaho sucksitself dry” in Water in the West: A High Country News Reader, ed.Char Miller, Corvallis: Oregon State University Press, 2000.7. Save Our Wild Salmon, “Interactive Map,” http://www.wildsalmon.org/library/map2.cfm (accessed March 18, 2008).8. Columbia River Inter-Tribal Fish Commission, “Why SalmonAre Important,” http://www.critfc.org/sots/salmon_import.html(accessed March 18, 2008).9. Volcano World, “The Snake River Plain and the YellowstoneHot Spot,” http://volcano.und.edu/vwdocs/volc_images/north_america/yellowstone.html (accessed on March 19, 2008).10. Idaho State Historical Society, “The Oregon Trail in Idaho,”Reference Series #50.11. Twin Falls Canal Company, “Milner Dam,” http://www.tfcanal.com/milner.htm (accessed on March 18, 2008).12. Josephy, 71.

Mark D. Solomon: Winters in Salmon Country 4313. Ibid., 72.14. “Treaty with the Nez Perces,” June 11, 1855, 12 Stat. 957(1863).15. Josephy, 90.16. “Treaty with the Nez Perces,” June 9, 1863. 14 Stat. 647(1867).17. National Marine Fisheries Service. “FINAL RULE: Endangeredand Threatened Species; Endangered Status for Snake RiverSockeye Salmon,” Federal Register 56, no. 124 (November 20,1991): 5861918. William Hazen and Robert Ohlensehlen, “EconomicImplications of Curtailing Groundwater Pumping,” University ofIdaho Extension, Moscow, Idaho (2004).19. U.S. Department of Agriculture. National AgriculturalStatistics Service. 2002 Census of Agriculture: Idaho State andCounty Data. June 2004, 6.20. U.S. Department of Agriculture, 202.21. Nez Perce Tribe v. Idaho Power Co., 847 F.Supp. 791 (1994).22. Michael Blumm, David Becker, and Joshua Smith, “TheMirage of Indian Reserved Water Rights and Western StreamflowRestoration in the McCarran Amendment Era: A PromiseUnfulfilled,” Lewis and Clark Environmental Law Review 36, no. 4(2006).23. McCarran Amendment, U.S. Code 43 (1994), § 666(a).24. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on the Judiciary.Authorizing Suits Against the United States to Adjudicate andAdminister Water Rights. 82 nd Cong., 1 st sess., September 17,1951, Report No. 755.25. United States v. Winters, 207 U.S. 564, 28 S.Ct. 207 (1908).26. Snake River Basin Adjudication Authorization, Idaho Code §§42-203B, 203C, 203D (1990).27. McCarran Amendment28. Summary of Amended Instream Water Right Flow Claims, Inre SRBA Consolidated Case # 38576 (1993).29. “Treaty with the Nez Perces, art. III,” June 11, 1855, 12 Stat.957 (1863).30. In re SRBA, 38.31. Samuel Penney to Robert G. Hamlin, February 11, 1999.Affidavit of Heidi Gudgell, In re SRBA Case No. 39576, February4, 2000, Exhibit A (Idaho Dist. Ct.).32. In re SRBA Case No. 38576, 46.33. United States v. Adair, 723 F.2d 1394, 49.34. John Echeverria, “Changing the rules by changing theplayers: the environmental issue in state judicial elections,” N.Y.U.Environmental Law Journal 9, no. 31 (2001): 217.35. Nez Perce Settlement, Mediator’s Term Sheet withAppendices, http://www.idwr.idaho.gov/nezperce/pdf files/complete-agreement.pdf (accessed March 18, 2008).36. Wallowa Band Nez Perce Trail Interpretive Center,“Remembering the Past,” http://www.wallowanezperce.org/(accessed on March 19, 2008).37. Nez Perce Tribe Wildlife Program, Precious Lands WildlifeArea Draft Management Plan, November 2002, http://www.nezperce.org/content/Wolf/precious_lands_wildlife_area_dra.htm(accessed on March 19, 2008).38. United States v. Washington, 384 F.Supp 312.39. 3 Treaty Tribes-Action Agency Agreement, “Memorandum ofAgreement among the Umatilla, Warm Springs and YakamaTribes, Bonneville Power Administration, U.S. Army Corps ofEngineers, and U.S. Bureau of Reclamation,” April 4, 2008

44 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasLand’s End – the rocks at Land’s End on the western tip of Cornwall. (Margaret Evans)

45The Life-giving Spring: Waterin Greek Religion, Ancient andModern, a ComparisonE v y Jo h a n n e Hå l a n dB e r g e n , No r w a yIn Greece, springs in caves have long played acentral role in religious beliefs and practices. In ancienttimes springs, represented water nymphs. Today springsare dedicated to the Virgin Mary (Panagia) under herattribute of the Life-giving Spring (Zōodochos Pēgē).Both ancient and Christian believers have expressedtheir beliefs in rituals connected to purity and waterby fetching holy water from the caves dedicated tothese female divinities. The water is thought to beparticularly healing and purifying during the festivalsdedicated to the goddesses and saints. These beliefsare reflected in the modern festival of the Life-givingSpring, which is celebrated on the first Friday afterEaster Sunday, the Resurrection of Christ. Duringthis festival, Athenians visit the Virgin Mary’s chapelinside a circular Spring House, hewn in the rock on thesouthern slope of the Acropolis to obtain life-givingwater. The Sacred Spring is situated inside a caveover which is constructed a church (Plate 1). Manybelievers underscore the importance of being baptisedin water from one of the many sacred springs, which arededicated to the Virgin. Cults dedicated to the sacredand healing spring-water, have also been important forpolitical purposes both in ancient and modern Greece.Plate 1: The church dedicated to the Life-giving Spirit, Athens: The Holy Spring is behindthe low wall (author photograph).Evy Johanne Håland, PhD., is a historian/researcher, in Bergen, Norway, Her most recent publications include, GreekFestivals, Modern and Ancient: A Comparison of Female and Male Values, Norwegian Academic Press, 2007;Women, Pain and Death: Rituals and Everyday-Life on the Margins of Europe and Beyond, Cambridge ScholarsPublishing, 2008 (editor); and forthcoming, Competing Ideologies in Greek Religion, Ancient and Modern (2009).Since 1983, her fieldwork has taken her to the Mediterranean, mainly Greece and Italy where she has beenresearching religious festivals since 1987. evyhaa@online.no

46 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasCleaning the Acropolis cavesAt nine o’clock in the morning on Saturday, April4, 1992, my mother and I arrive at the cave of theLife-giving Spring. 1 Eirinē Melas, who cleans theAcropolis caves on a monthly basis (Plate 3), tells usit is dedicated to Agioi (cf. Agios, i.e. Saint) Anargyroi,the patron saints of healing. 2 Eirinē has carried outthis task since the death of her husband who workedat the Acropolis. 3 Today, Eirinē’s daughter, twoother women, and a young man, Panagiotis, are alsopresent. He shares Eirinē’s religiosity, and, duringour stay, he presents several newspaper cuttings aboutthe “cave-churches.” 4 I always have regarded the twocaves as caves, but my informants always refer tothem as churches. With the exception of Panagiotis’participation, the key performers of the rituals inthe caves are women. They assertthat since childhood they havebeen brought to the Life-givingSpring to fetch holy water alongwith their mothers: “It has alwaysbeen like this.” A clear example ofhow Greek children are socialised,this is a common response toresearchers’ questions—a reaction thatunderscores the differences betweenthe perspective of many Greeks andthe more linear view of time andhistory shared by most WesternEuropeans. 5Eirinē tells me her arrival this daywas delayed by a visit to a church inMonastiraki. While she lights candlesand fetches water in the cave, we chatabout the annual festival dedicated tothe Life-giving Spring, scheduled inthe cave in approximately a month. Itis not clear whether the festival willbe celebrated this year due to twopractical problems, one the actualdate of the festival in 1992, coincideswith the celebration of Workers Day on May 1. Thesecond is the relationship between the new parish priestand the celebrants: According to Eirinē’s daughter,the young successor to the elderly priest in the nearbyByzantine Church resists participating at the festival,claiming it represents a pagan custom. During theconversation, I learn the previous year, the youngerpriest stated he was ill, suffering from a heart disease.“But, we don’t believe that,” added Maria.Despite the commonalities between Orthodoxpractices and popular traditions, tensions betweenthe two often come to the fore during celebrations. 6In 1991, the festival was observed only after Eirinē’sson invited a priest from the University of Piraeus toofficiate at the ceremony. Later that day, Eirinē andPanagiotis tell me they also plan to talk with the priestfrom Piraeus to ensure the ceremony will be held.Plate 2: The entrance to the SacredSpring, the Acropolis cave at Athens(author photograph).Eirinē plans to be here during the afternoon on May 1,but the service/mass will be in the morning, starting atapproximately 8:30.The cave is situated within the archaeologicalquarter of the Sanctuary of Asklepios, the ancienthealer of sickness, and today the entrance is securedwith bars and several padlocks. When they reach thecave this morning, everyone washes in the spring anddrinks the water. The two women assert the water ismiracle-working and healing. They have been hereregularly since childhood. They explain that among themany icons in the cave, the most holy represents thePanagia and the Child. In front of the icon, one of thewomen arranges a bunch of flowers (nasturtium). So,even if the cave is still dedicated to Agioi Anargyroi,in reality the Panagia is the one who gets the gifts.Similarly, while the icon of AgioiAnargyroi is still in the cave, thetamata (i.e. metal plaques depicting avow or request) are mainly dedicatedto the icons of the Panagia. Themost common offering is a silver- orgold-plated ex-voto representingthe person or limb that has alreadybeen, or is seeking to be, cured bythe icon in combination with thewater. Before she leaves the cave,the flower-arranging woman fills abottle with holy water, in keepingwith a tradition she learned fromher mother when she was five yearsold. The other woman also bringswith her a bunch of flowers. Sheonly “gives half of it to the icon inthis cave, because the other half isgoing to be offered to the icon of thePanagia in the other cave, where wewill go when we have finished here.” 7She states “this is the oldest churchin Greece, and Paul was preachinghere.” She lights the candles in frontof the icon, and she and her partner light the manyolive-oil lamps. All the devotees fill their bottles withwater, while saying “even if it is not raining, there willalways be water in the cave.”After a while, Eirinē fills a bucket with holy water,which we carry further up the rock into the other cavechurchalong with a candelabrum for votive candlesas well as a broom, some soap, and other objects.The church opens above the theatre of the ancientgod, Dionysus. This cave is dedicated to the PanagiaCrysospēliōtissa, or the Chapel of Our Lady of theGolden Cavern (Plate 4). 8 Within, Eirinē or someoneelse lights a lamp every evening.On the walls of the church are faded Byzantinepaintings, but the cave was also important for theancients. The two churches are from the fifth or thesixth century. In both churches we see a newspaper

Evy Johanne Håland,: The “Life-giving Spring” 47article framed and glazed. Panagiotis tells me thathe put it up himself. He does not remember exactlywhen and where the article was published, only that he“found (i.e. read) it some years ago,…the year I was onTinos during the Panagia” (i.e. August 15, 1989). Thearticle describes the legend behind the cult dedicatedto the Panagia Crysospēliōtissa in this particular cave.Eirinē and Panagiotis recount the article in their ownway: “In the beginning of Christianity there was amiraculous icon in this cave. It was painted by Agios(i.e. the Evangelist) Luke (i.e. during Mary’s lifetime).Roxane, the daughter of a pagan medical doctor, wasapproached by Panagia in a dream, who asked theyoung woman “to set her free.” “She was imprisoned.”In other words, the iconwas buried here. 9 Afterthree dreams, Roxaneasked the other Christiansto go along with her. Bydigging up the icon, sheliberated the Panagia,who then appeared to herin a vision. The Panagiapromised to help Roxaneliberate Athens from theGoths. When their leader,Alaric, came, he wantedto destroy the city. Buta light appeared beforethem, 10 and Alaric, whowas a Christian himself,departed after recognizingan image of the Panagiaon the city-wall. The article also asserts many of thepagan Athenians interpreted the miracle in their ownway—they thought the goddess Athena, who wasbelieved to be the protector of her namesake city, hadappeared on the city-wall. The miracle happened inAugust 395 and therefore 15 August is celebrated herein commemoration of the miracle. 11 Unable to datethe article precisely, I am also aware of the potentialinterpretative biases of my informants. Their accountsof the article emphasize the magical powers of theicon, and we are able to see the similarities betweenthe pagan and Christian beliefs. Accordingly, they alsomaintain the icon was brought to the cave when peoplewho did not believe in Christianity were present. Thearticle does not say anything about that part of thestory. Instead, it recounts how the icon helped theAthenians save the city from the assault of the Goths. 12My informants tell me at an earlier time, they usedto be in both churches during the festival dedicatedto the Life-giving Spring. They always started in theLife-giving Spring, and sometimes they continuedthe celebration in the Crysospēliōtissa. In the cavededicated to Panagia Crysospēliōtissa, they perform amemorial service called “Nine days after the Dormition”on August 23. 13Plate 3: Eirinē Melas carries out the monthly cleaningof the Acropolis caves starting in the church dedicatedto the Life-giving Spring (author photograph).There were once two storeys separated by awooden-floor in the chapel dedicated to PanagiaCrysospēliōtissa. The upper-floor was situated wherethe ladder leading up to the icon of the SleepingPanagia (i.e. her Epitaphios) stops (cf. Plate 4). WhileEirinē is cleaning, she arranges the candelabra shebrought from the cave dedicated to the Life-givingSpring on a certain place, claiming this is where the“holy table” used to be, and “there was a church above,”referring to the second floor. 14 She continues explainingthis actual “upper” church “is named after the death or‘Dormition’ of the Panagia, because the icon from 1894depicts her death.” They decorate the icon with oliveoillamps and flowers. They also decorate the rest of thecave, but they leave all thelamps in front of the icon ofthe Panagia and the Child.When asked if the locationof the lamps is purposive,Eirinē replies “No.” Themost important icon wasactually moved to Moscow;only a copy remains in thecave. Many votive offeringshave been dedicated to thiscopy in the cave.The first time I visitedthe cave, August 19, 1990,I also saw icons dedicatedto the Panagia Athiniotissaand Agios Attikos. 15 Thecave contains many iconsof different saints (cf. Plate4), including Agios Constantine and Agios Gregorios.Several icons hang over older Byzantine frescos,which are not restored (i.e. in 1992). There is also apicture of the Holy Ephraim. He suffered martyrdomunder the Turks, who burned him. His remains arein a monastery, dating to the eleventh century, inthe neighbourhood of Nea Makri. According tomy informants, many miracles have occurred there:Panagiotis’ cousin Sophia, who was barren, reportedlybecame pregnant following a visit to the monastery. 16Religious symbols, stories, and legends play a centralrole in nurturing the faith of many followers. Duringmy visit, Panagiotis supplies me with several smallpictures of different saints and other gifts, for instancea medallion of Agios Pandeleimon, the Healer, thepatron-saint of invalids and cripples. I also received apicture representing a tree, which had a cross insideit when it was cut. 17 They also tell me a miracle hasprobably occurred recently in the church at Kypselidedicated to Agios Ephtimidios: Last week, they foundblood on the icon of Jesus Christ. They summonedexperts, who were unable to pinpoint the source of theblood. I also learn that some years ago, Eirinē foundall the icons broken when she arrived at the cavechurch.This is why both the churches are now locked

48 PROTEUS: A Journal of Ideasup with barsand securedwith chainsand padlocks.Aided byvolunteers,Eirinēmanaged torepair someof the brokenicons, and shereceived severalnew ones.Panagiotislights theincense burnerand emphasizesthe incense isfrom Athosand is calleddesert-flower.Eirinē tellshim to polishall the framedand glazed iconswith Ajax andPlate 4: The cave dedicated to thePanagia Crysosp li tissa or Chapelof Our Lady of the Cavern at Athens(author photograph).wash-leather. 18 Meanwhile, Eirinē sweeps and dusts allthe icons. In both churches she scrubs the candelabraswith steel wool and olive oil.When she has finished sweeping, she sprinkleswater from the Life-giving Spring throughout the cave.Then, after seeing to it that all the lamps are lit, wereturn to the first church. Once there, my informantsshow me a hole in the ground close to the entrancesill. This is where they used to behead the priests theyexplain. To protect themselves, the priests used to hidein the water behind the wall on the right side of theicon. Eirinē and Panagiotis are eager to share theirbeliefs and interpretations with me and teach me moreabout the caves. According to them, an ancient column,situated in the middle of the ground floor, served asthe “holy table (see Plate 1), and has relics from saintsinside! 19 Panagiotis emphasizes that formerly thischurch had a “greater church above,” and (the emperor)Constantine built it. Accordingly, the church dedicatedto the Life-giving Spring was part of the largeByzantine Church-complex covering an extended area.He shows another picture of Ephraim, the monk whowas burned on May 5, 1426. May 5 is now an annualholiday, celebrating the saint in the monastery that isdedicated to him. “There he lays in a silver-coffin andover his relics is the Byzantine banner decorated withthe two eagles.” In the cave are many icons (cf. Plate 1)as well as many votive offerings.While talking about icons, my informants recount apopular belief among many Greeks that the holy iconon Tinos is the work of the Evangelist, Luke. Theysay when King Paul became ill his family bestowed allthe gold and precious stones that cover the icon. Theicon in the cave dedicated to the Life-giving Springwas made in 1917, and shows, according to Panagiotis,“how the water was turned on formerly, when there wasa fountain here.” 20Upon our departure, Eirinē wishes my mother andme “Happy Easter” and adds, as most faithful Greeksdo, “Happy Resurrection” (Kalē Anestasē).“New” Friday in the “White Week”: TheCelebration of the Life-giving SpringEaster celebrations in Greece last throughout theweek that follows Easter Sunday. The first week afterEaster is known as the “White Week” or the “BrightWeek.” (Lamprē signifies both bright and Easterin Greek). On New Friday in the White Week, theGreeks commemorate the Virgin Mary under herattribute of Zōodochos Pēgē, the Life-giving Spring.The festival is a part of the spring festivals, whichare celebrated during the first week after Easter. Inseveral places, on this day, there are special servicesand processions followed by folk dances. 21 In Athens,the festival is celebrated in the church dedicated tothe Life-giving Spring, which is situated inside thearchaeological site of the Athenian Acropolis.In 1992, the Friday after Easter coincided withMay 1, which is the annual Workers Day. 22 This is alsoa general holiday also for the guards working at theAcropolis area. Approximately two months before theEaster celebration, some guards told me they believedofficials might close the entire Acropolis area on May1, which would prevent pilgrims from visiting the LifegivingSpring on the feast day.It remained unclear for some time whether the“holiday of the workers,” a more secular celebration,would win out over the religious celebration, whichis rooted in the traditional customs and value systemsof the common people. 23 Both festivals represent thepeople, but one is related to a modern and Westernorientednationalist ideology while the other representsPlate 5: The priest packs up his briefcase, situated inthe middle of the altar, in the church dedicated to theLife-giving Spring at Athens (author photograph).

Evy Johanne Håland,: The “Life-giving Spring” 49the “Romeic” (or inward-facing Orthodox Christian)tradition to which the overwhelming majority ofGreeks still adhere.Finally the Acropolis-authorities decided to keepthe area open for a short period of time, and thepopular religiosity of the Greeks triumphed. Thefestival is celebrated from 8:30 until 11:00 a.m. Theguards working at the Acropolis are on duty at thetwo entrances to the Acropolis area. Greeks from theneighbourhood are “filtered out” from the rest of thepeople, and only the Greeks are admitted into thearea. To the many frustrated tourists, the message isquite clear: “only Greeks are admitted, since it is theirfestival.” 24 So, the Romeic (“inside”)tradition gains the victory over the“Hellenic” practice, which is “outwarddirected”(i.e. the “common Ancientheritage” which the Greeks shareswith the Western world). As in otherinstances, the Romeic tradition ishidden from Europeans and otherWestern people. 25 Underscoring thetensions between the popular religioustraditions and official practices, theparish priest claimed the Romeic ritualwas pagan and refused to officiate.Accordingly, he had to be replaced byanother celebrant.During the ceremony, which takesplace at the cave dedicated to theLife-giving Spring, Athenians fetchLife-giving holy water. Many peopleare present, old and young, female andmale. The service lasts for two hours,and the officiating priest is the same asthe year before. Several tables are setup outside the entrance to the cavechurch.They are laid with a variety of special breadsbrought by the participants as offerings, particularlythe round holy bread, prosphoro, which is blessed bythe priest. In addition, the ceremony also featuressweet breads (cakes sprinkled with sugar icing), whichare baked and offered at annual festivals dedicatedto saints. Inside the church several candles are lit inthe candelabras. The censer of the priest, which isdecorated with little bells, is suspended on one of thecandelabras near the altar (cf. Plate 7). At the altar, infront of the wall behind which is the spring, the priestis officiating. When he concludes the mass, he startsto assemble the rest of the holy bread, which he hasblessed and distributed to the participants. He alsopacks up his briefcase, which is situated in the middleof the altar (Plate 5).Although most of the participants have left withtheir small bottles of holy water and pieces of holybread, some people still flow into the cave-church. Anold priest leaves, carrying with him a bottle of holywater for the following year. People who flow into thePlate 6: A man on crutches sitsnext to the spring and is occupiedwith drawing water in the churchof Life-giving Spring, Athens(author photograph).cave-church also wash in the spring and drink from thewater.The water scoop is often used in the cave dedicatedto the Panagia, the Life-giving Spring, during thefestival. A man using crutches sits next to the springoccupied with drawing water (Plate 6). 26 Suppliedwith the water scoop, he continually receives emptybottles, which he fills and returns to the people whoare queuing up. Other people drink from the spring,sprinkle their heads, or fill small bottles they havebrought for just this purpose by putting the bottlesdirectly into the spring. In the middle of the groundfloor, a basket filled with pieces of bread is placed onthe ancient column (cf. Plate 7), i.e.the “holy table,” containing the saints’bones. When the last slice of bread istaken, a faithful seizes the basket andpours the rest of the crumbs over him.While people are occupied with theirown water-fetching ritual, the guardsworking at the Acropolis becomemore and more impatient: They areshouting, arguing that we have to getout (Plate 7).But, the people ignore the officialsand continue to fetch water andbread, to drink and eat, to kiss thevarious icons, and cross themselves.Eirinē becomes very angry and arguesardently with the head of the guards.At 11 o’clock, we are more or lessthrown out. The evening service iscancelled, but the Acropolis authoritiesare forced to open the church, letpeople in, and keep several guards onduty for more than three hours on May1, 1992.The cults in the Acropolis caves at Athens:continuity and changeAncient Greeks generally viewed springs and poolsof water in caves and caverns as manifestations of thedivine. With the spread of Christianity, most of thecaves were transformed into churches, as in Athens,where we find the church dedicated to the Life-givingSpring. Here, and in other locations, Christian symbolshave replaced pagan ones.Initially the Life-giving Spring and its surroundingswere sacred homes of the water nymphs. The structurehousing the spring dates back to the late sixth centuryB.C., and several remains of votive reliefs depictingnymphs have been found throughout the area. 27 Panwas also worshipped there from the fifth century B.C.onward. A large marble altar or altar-table (IG II²4994) bearing the names of Hermes, Aphrodite, andIsis might suggest these gods also have been linkedto the spring since they were worshipped in the area.

50 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasSometime before the middle of the first century,a modest shrine for Isis, an Egyptian import, wasestablished on the slope just south of the ArchaicSpring House beside an even smaller temple to thegoddess Themis.So, the original cult of the spring, followed by theArchaic round Spring House, later situated withinthe Asklepieion, or the sanctuary of Asklepios in theCity (cf. Plate 2) are very much older than the shrineof Asklepios, which was dedicated in 419/418 B.C. byTelemakhos of Acharnai, a devout private donor. 28 Thesacred territory of the spring was not officially markeduntil this last quarter of the fifth century, the era ofTelemakhos’s beneficence, when a marble boundarystone inscribed with the words horoskrenes (boundary of the spring) wasplaced, establishing the limits of theSpring House terrace.Asklepios owes his status andpopularity to the healing of sickness.His daughter who is named simplyHygieia (Health), also illustrates thehealing aspect. News of the miraclecures drew hordes of visitors toEpidauros, the home or original cultcentre of Asklepios (cf. Paus. 2.26,8),and gave rise to a regular healthbusiness. The worship of Asklepios,was introduced into Athens onthe occasion of the plague of 429B.C. According to the HistorianThucydides: “In the city of Athens it[the plague] appeared suddenly, and thefirst cases were among the populationof Piraeus, where there were no wellsat that time, so that it was supposedby them that the Peloponnesians hadpoisoned the reservoirs” (Thuc. 2.48).“Words indeed fail one when one triesto give a general picture of this disease; and as for thesufferings of individuals, they seemed almost beyondthe capacity of human nature to endure” (2.50). The“cure” followed a ritual, during which patients washedin the Sacred Spring, offered at an altar, and thenretired to the stoa (a porch or portico not attachedto a larger building) where the mysterious process ofincubation (egkoimēsis) was assisted by incense fromthe altars (cf. Paus. 2.27,1 f.). This ceremony and thereligious excitement it encouraged produced dreams,through which Asklepios was supposed to effect hiscure. Many ex-voto tablets to Asklepios and Hygieiahave been found showing the portion of the anatomytreated. These were affixed to a wall or were inlaid inthe columns; larger votive stelai, some showing the godvisiting sick patients in their sleep, were affixed to thestoa steps. The traveller and writer, Pausanias, living inthe second century A.D., recounted the votive offeringshe saw while visiting the Acropolis cave (1.21,4-7).Plate 7: One of the impatientguards workng at the Acropoliswithin the church dedicated tothe Life-giving Spring (authorphotograph)He specifies (1.21,4): “In it there is a spring, by whichthey say that Poseidon’s son Halirrhothios (Seafoam)deflowered Alkippe the daughter of Ares ….”The baths were important in the shrines ofAsklepios, since the ancient Greeks believed Asklepioswould not accept or come into personal contact withpatients who had not been washed. Accordingly,sacred springs are mentioned in all three hundredtwenty documented Asklepieia. 29 The clear bubblingwater of a spring, rising out of the earth by a power,habitually regarded as a water nymph, was, in theimagination of the ancient Greeks, a gift of the waterdeities, the goddesses by which all life on earth wasfed. 30 Accordingly, it is quite understandable thateven pure water was considered tohave therapeutic properties. Ancientmedicine employed water treatmentsin various ways for a great varietyof maladies including eczema,rheumatism, gout, and psychosomaticdisorders. The physician, Galen(approximately A.D. 129-199) gavedetailed instructions for particularwater treatments, which took place inPergamon in Asia Minor.In the fifth or the beginningof the sixth century A.D., all thebuildings were demolished and onthe foundations a large three-aisledChristian basilica was built to thememory of Ag. Anargyroi, thepatron saints of healing. 31 Whenearly Christians built a structure onthe remains of the Asklepieion, thesanctuary dedicated to the ancientgod of healing became a ByzantineChurch. Here, under the patronage ofAg. Kosmas and Ag. Damianos (i.e.Ag. Anargyroi), many of the healingtraditions of the ancients continued under the cloak ofChristianity. When the area around the Asklepieionwas excavated in 1876, the cave with holy water alsobecame dedicated to the Panagia. 32Some scholars have emphasized the continuities inthe cults of male divinities at the site—first the pagan,Asklepios, and then the Christian, Ag. Anagyroi. 33In the practical rituals of contemporary locals,however, the female Panagia has emerged as the mostimportant saint. In antiquity, the two Acropolis caveswere dedicated to the water nymphs and Artemis 34respectively, and later they became churches wherethe Panagia is worshipped. In other words, in the twocaves there have been cults dedicated to female fertilityand healing divinities in ancient (i.e. archaic) andmodern times, even if the names of the divinities havechanged. The male elements in the Classical (Asklepiosand Dionysos respectively, Asklepios neverthelesstogether with Hygieia) and the Byzantine periods

51were intermezzos. 35 Even as Christian divinities havereplaced pagan ones, the archetypal symbols of theLife-giving Spring as well as many of its attendantrituals have remained almost completely unchanged.Indeed, contemporaries continue to fetch the holywater from the cave much as their ancient counterpartsdid more than two thousand years ago.From the Life-giving Spring at Athens to othercults of the Life-giving SpringHoly water, agiasma, is found in most contemporaryGreek sanctuaries, but some sanctuaries offer waterthat is said to possess especially strong miracle workingproperties. And several caves with springs, which werededicated to ancient gods and goddesses, particularlywater nymphs, are now transformed to chapelsdedicated to the Panagia. The linkages between femaledivinities and water are particularly striking on theAegean island of Tinos, the site of a chapel dedicatedto the Life-giving Spring—that belongs to the greatestshrine of Greek Orthodoxy.In 1822, a pious nun named Pelagia saw a series ofvisions in which the Panagia ordered her to persuadeisland elders to search for her buried icon in a barrenfield and to build a church on that spot. On January30, 1823, the icon was unearthed at the site of aChristian church that had been built on the ruins of apagan temple to Dionysus and then destroyed by theSaracens during the tenth century. The miraculousdiscovery of the icon took place only two years afterthe first uprising of what would become known as theGreek War of Liberation. The Greeks would have towait until 1832 before the major European powersrecognized their independence.During the violent and uncertain birth of modernGreece, many patriots found comfort and hope in themiraculous developments on Tinos. Pelagia eventuallybecame recognized as a saint in 1971, when the Greekgovernment also decreed Tinos a sacred island. Inaddition to the thousands of pilgrims who visit Tinoson their own, several pilgrimages are organised byrepresentatives of the Orthodox Church in connectionwith the most important festival on August 15.The first excavations on Tinos brought to light theruins of the foundations of the Byzantine Church,including a deep but dry well. Some months later,in 1823, the cornerstone of the church of the LifegivingSpring was laid. Later, the icon was foundapproximately two meters from the well, and localleaders oversaw the construction of a big church abovethe chapel dedicated to the Life-giving Spring. So, thechapel or church dedicated to the Life-giving Spring,which is formed as a cave, is situated below the Churchof the Annunciation. 36 On the day of the laying ofthe cornerstone of the Holy Church, the formerly drywell became filled with water and has since becomea rich fountain—a development that quickly becamerecognized as one of the most important miracles ofthe Panagia of Tinos. 37 Some faithful not coming fromTinos however, believe the Panagia sent the waterherself to provide a cleaning agent for her dirtied icon. 38Pilgrims view the sacred water as a miracle-workingagent and have long collected it in bottles, which theythen take home. Baptisms are not performed in thechurch itself but in the baptistry, located off the chapelof the Life-giving Spring. During the Dormition ofthe Panagia, on August 15, many children are baptisedin the chapel of holy water, in the Life-giving Spring(Plate 8). 39Rituals connected with water are very important,both in modern and ancient Greece, as is exemplifiedin the festival dedicated to the Panagia, under herattribute of the Life-giving Spring. In this connection,it is important to mention the establishment ofthe festival dedicated to the Life-giving Spring inConstantinople by the Patriarch in 1833. 40 Throughthe important blessing of the agiasma, we againencounter holy water, a very old purification symbol,whose significance was re-established by the Patriarchin service of the national ideology in the same year theGreek struggle for independence came to a successfulconclusion. In Greece, then, popular traditions andsymbols merge with the ideology of nationalism. 41In this manner, belief systems that might otherwiseappear contradictory have become complementary andinterdependent.Plate 8: A child is baptised in the chapel of holy waterin the Life-giving Spring, Tinos (author photograph).From the Greek context to other Mediterraneanand Middle Eastern SpringsResonating far beyond Greece, the underlyingreligious patterns found in the Acropolis caves andon the island of Tinos are also at work in the storiesand traditions associated with a much more famouscave in Lourdes, France. Here, beginning in February1858, Bernadette Soubirous (1844-1879), had eighteen

52 PROTEUS: A Journal of Ideasmystical visions, during which the Virgin Maryappeared to her. During the ninth vision, in front ofseveral spectators, Bernadette started to scratch theearth with her fingers and a thin jet of water beganto pour forth. In 1862, the Catholic bishop decidedto build a sanctuary in connection with the cave.Later, Bernadette became a nun and in 1933 she wassanctified. This religious centre has been characterisedas the greatest pilgrimage centre in the world. Inaddition to pilgrims coming on their own, “Assumptionpriests,” since 1873, have organized “NationalPilgrimages” in Paris. In 1963, the first organisedpilgrimage for the poliomyelitis took place, eventuallydisabled persons in wheel chairs also participated, thus,paralleling the circumstances on modern Tinos. Nextto the cave with the marble Holy Virgin in Lourdesare the fountains and the pools where the pilgrimstake their baths. Today, the pilgrims, much like theircounterparts on Tinos, fetch holy water from the cavein small bottles. In addition, the church sends smallbottles of water all over the world at the request ofpeople who do not have the opportunity to personallyvisit Lourdes. The main church built over themiraculous cave, where Bernadette had the visions, isdedicated to the “Immaculate Conception.” In the cave,a marble Holy Virgin indicates the spot.Throughout much of the Catholic world, imagesof Bernadette kneeling in the cave while she receives avision have been reproduced. One such image is foundon the backside of a small church in the little southItalian village of Villammare, dedicated to the HolyVirgin under her attribute of Saver of the port (MariaS.S. di Portosalvo). 42 Other places in the Mediterraneanand Roman Catholic world also have holy springs,including Il Santuario Pietrasanta, in the village of SanGiovanni a Piro, situated in the mountains over theBay of Policastro in southern Italy. The most importantstatue in the church represents the Madonna and theChild, and the spring in San Giovanni a Piro is alsothought to be particularly healing and purifying. 43The ancient and Christian demands for ritual purityhave their parallels in Islamic rituals, since prayer isvalid only when performed in a state of ritual purity,and therefore has to be preceded by ablution, wudû’.The Koran (5:8-9) ordains: “…wash your faces andyour hands up to the elbows, and wipe your heads andyour feet up to the ankles….” 44 The duty of ablutionaccounts for the presence of fountains in the mosquecourts.In conclusion, springs are connected to healing andpurification both in the ancient Greek and Graeco-Roman worlds and in the modern Mediterranean andthe Middle East. In ancient and contemporary Greece,water has been linked with exceptional powers. Wateris also often viewed as dangerous, because it is aroundsuch sources where the Nereids may gather. 45 Even asthe official religions of the Western, Mediterranean,and Middle Eastern worlds have diverged, waterremains a central motif. Water has fertility-enhancing,healing, purifying, and protecting powers; in the formof holy water, it is central to many rituals designed toward off evil and ensure blessings. It is also used inconjunction with different magical remedies. It is saidthe spring at the Church of Christ at Spata lends powerto stones gathered there, these, added to holy water andpassion flowers, make a charm which protects a housefrom illness.Throughout the ages, springs have been placesto which one is directed by a dream for the cure ofillnesses; “silent water” is said to cure muteness andrainwater is said to cure warts. Today, people fromthroughout the world come to Lourdes and Tinos,because of their holy healing and purifying waters,which the pilgrims take home in bottles. In diversecultures, modern sanctuaries are often situated atplaces where ancient pre-Christian people also madepilgrimages to holy springs, for example in Greece,where Agia Marina of the Holy Springs has her churchnext to the ancient site of a temple holy to the goddess,Themis. 46 The holy city of Mecca is situated on a placewhere, in earlier times, were found a stone and a holyspring. 47ENDNOTES1. I have not attempted to disguise the location of my fieldresearch, although I have used pseudonyms to protect theidentities of the individuals who are discussed in this article.2. See also Loukatos 1982: 153, cf. nevertheless infra and Håland2003, 2005, 2007. It may be noted that Saint in Greek is Agios(m.) or Agia (f.), Agioi (pl.).3. He was working here for 31 years.4. I am particularly grateful for this, because I would probably nothave been able to track them down without his help. I learnedthis when talking with several other persons, who found the ritualquite uninteresting compared to the other materials found in theAcropolis-area. Certainly, the two other women may also havebeen present because of curiosity.5. For the problem with different histories, see Håland 2007: ch. 2f., 6, cf. Hastrup 1992. See also infra for the problematical datingof a newspaper article.6. Such as the Anastenaria, cf. Håland 2007: ch. 3 f., 6 fordiscussions of the practical problems that may arise, resultingfrom the (sometimes) difficult relations between the officialOrthodox Church and popular religion, i.e. in practical life, wemeet another reality than the official one given by Alexiou 1974.7. She leaves the rest of the flowers in the other cave, anddeparts soon afterwards.8. Eirinē always finishes her cleaning of the church dedicated tothe Life-giving Spring before she goes up to the Crysospēliōtissa.Cf. the ritual on Aegina, where they fetch the icon of the Panagiato get rain, Håland 2005.9. Cf. Håland 2003, 2007 for the Tinos-legend, etc., see also infra.Cf. also Kephallēniadē 1990 and 1991.10. Cf. Hdt. 8.65, 8.84; Xen. Hell. 2.4,14 f.; Diod. 14.32,2 f. andClem. Al. Strom. 1.24,163,1-3 for other pre-Christian parallels.11. So, in this instance another meaning is added to thecelebration of August 15, the Dormition of the Panagia.

Evy Johanne Håland,: The “Life-giving Spring” 5312. They also tell that today the icon is to be found in the churchdedicated to the Panagia Crysospēliōtissa, in the neighbourhoodof Omonia square. They also call it Eirinē (i.e. Peace) or the Sleep,i.e. the Death.13. In 1992 the ritual was not performed. Some days before thefestival Eirinē and Panagiotis were cleaning and tidying up bothchurches, but Eirinē goes to the church in Monastiraki on thefestival day. She does not tell why, but it might be that they havedifficulties when trying to find a priest. Early in the morning, awoman reaches the entrance to the theatre of Dionysos, asking ifthe ceremony is going to be performed. But, she gets a negativeanswer.14. Over the table is a Byzantine wall-painting representing AgiosAthanasios from the 16th century. Several dates are alsoscratched on the rock.15. So one may suggest that even if the cult dedicated to Athenaon the top of the Acropolis was prohibited in the 5th century,when Athena’s Parthenon was transformed into a churchdedicated to the Panagia after the termination of the Panathenaiain 410 A.D., it has continued in one of the cave-churches on theslope of the same rock.16. I observe a cross, which looks like a phallus, and they tell thatit is sewn.17. Cf. the story behind the “split column”, Economdes 1986:22-24.18. It is worth mentioning that after a while the leader of theguards working at the Acropolis-area comes around. He got acopy of my permission-letter to do research in the caves. All theway, I experienced that they found it quite incomprehensible thatI was as interested in talking with the people performing theirreligious rituals as with the archaeologists.19. Cf. ancient Greek death-cult and the belief that the power ofthe dead was most strongly experienced in the neighbourhoodof the grave, cf. Garland 1985: 4 and fig. 1 for a parallel to thebones of the saints in the cave.20. Panagiotis also tells that the best candles are made of honey,cf. the beeswax-candles on Aegina.21. See also Tsotakou-Karbelē 1991: 98 f.; Megas 1992: 184-187.22. May Day is also celebrated with other particular customs, i.e.people gather spring flowers. With these they make wreaths andhang them on their front door.23. Cf. Håland 2007: particularly ch. 2. For the following, cf. alsoHerzfeld 1986, 1992.24, Arriving directly with a delayed plane from Karpathos, I waslate, and the guards would not let me enter: They take me forone of the other ordinary tourists who are persistent outside theentrance-gate, even thought most of them know why I am here.They say that, “the festival is only celebrated for the Greeks.”Finally, they admit me into the area because I am able to presentthe letter I got from the Acropolis-authorities, giving mepermission to visit the caves in connection with my research.25. Cf. Herzfeld 1992: for the term “disemia”, a two-way-facingsystem of meanings that can be part of a public discourse, cf.also Dubisch 1995: ch. 9 for the distinction between insider andoutsider, dikoi (our own) and xenoi (strangers or foreigners). Cf.Håland 2007: ch. 2 f., 6, forthcoming.26. See also Håland 2003: fig.3 and 2005: fig.8.27. See also Håland 2003: fig.4; Travlos 1971: 127, 138, fig.178,cf. figs.192 f. Fig. 192 is also dedicated to Pan, cf. the following.Also Hdt. 6.105, cf. Ar. Lys. 720-723; Eur. Ion. 492-502, see alsoMen. Dysk. 432-434. For the Athenian Acropolis, see for exampleHurwit 2004.28. Travlos 1971: 127. The ancient Athenian calendar year beganin the summer of one of our years and ended in the summer ofthe next, accordingly ancient dates are often expressed inslashed terms.29. See Kasas and Struckmann 1990.30. Cf. Håland 2003, 2005, for the importance of the waternymphs.31 Travlos 1939/41: 35-68, cf. Travlos 1971: 128.32. Travlos 1939/41: 68.33. Loukatos 1982: 153.34. For Artemis’ connection with springs, see Håland 2003. In theAcropolis cave, she is worshipped with her brother Apollo, Paus.1.21,3.35. Cf. the cult dedicated to Agia Marina beneath the Hill of theNymphs at Athens were people fetch Holy water from the springconnected to the church sacred to Agia Marina, particularlyduring her festival on 17 July, Håland 2005, 2007.36. See Håland 2003, 2007, forthcoming for a more detailedaccount also for the following.37. Foskolos 1996 presents the most important miracles of theMegalochari of Tinos.38. Blum/Blum 1970: 59.39. See Håland 2003: fig.2.40. Loukatos 1985: 165.41. For the similarities between life-cycle passages and the ritualsperformed in connection with important passages during thecycle of nature, see Håland 2006, 2007.42. Håland 1990: ch. 2.43. Håland 1990: ch. 2 and 7.44. Quoted from Grunebaum 1981: 10.45. Cf. Blum/Blum 1970; Håland 1990, 2003, 2005 also for ancientmaterial.46. Blum/Blum 1970: 324, cf. Håland 2005: Agia Marina and theformer Nymphs. See also n.34 supra.47. For the relations between traditional popular religiosity andIslam see also for example, Bourdieu 1980; Eickelman 1981. Cf.also Grunebaum 1981.REFERENCES AND ABBREVIATIONSAlexiou, Margaret. 1974. The ritual lament in Greek tradition.Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press.Aristophanes (Ar.), trans. Benjamin Bickley Rogers. 1946 (1924).Vol. 3: The Lysistrata (Lys.), The Thesmophoriazusae, TheEcclesiazusae, The Plutus. The Loeb Classical Library.London: Heinemann.Blum, Richard, and Eva Blum. 1970. The dangerous hour. Thelore of crisis and mystery in rural Greece. London: Chattoand Windus.Bourdieu, Pierre. 1980. Le sens pratique. Paris: Les Éditions deMinuit.Clément d’Alexandrie, Les stromates (Clem. Al. Strom.), trans.Marcel Gaster/Claude Mondésert. 1951. Vol. 1. SourcesChrétiennes. Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf.Diodorus of Sicily (Diod.), trans. C. H. Oldfather. 1954. Vol. 6. TheLoeb Classical Library. 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54 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasEuripides (Eur.), trans. Arthur S. Way 1946 (1912). Vol. 4: Ion,Hippolytus, Medea, Alcestis. The Loeb Classical Library.London: Heinemann.Foskolos, Evangelos A. 1993, 1996 (1968). Perigraphē tēsEureseōs tēs Thaumatourgou Agias Eikonas tēsEuangelistrias stēn Tēno kata to etos 1823. Skopoi kaidrastēriotētes tou Ierou Idrymatos. (English version from1991, trans. C. Meihane tsidis). Tinos: Panellēniou IerouIdrymatos Euangelistrias Tēnou. (Pamphlet distributed bythe Church of the Annunciation of Tinos.)Garland, Robert. 1985. The Greek way of death. London:Duckwort.Grunebaum, G. E. von. 1981 (1951, 1976). Muhammadanfestivals. London: Curzon Press.Hastrup, Kirsten, ed. 1992. Other histories. London: Routledge.Herodotus (Hdt.), trans. A. D. Godley 1946, 1950 (1922, 1925).Vols. 3-4. The Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, MA:Harvard Univ. Press.Herzfeld, Michael. 1986. Ours once more: Folklore, ideology,and the making of modern Greece. New York: Pella.———. 1992 (1987). Anthropology through the looking-glass.Critical ethnography in the margins of Europe. Cambridge:Cambridge Univ. Press.Hurwit, Jeffrey M. 2004. The Acropolis in the age of Pericles.Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press. (A longer version,The Athenian Acropolis: History, mythology, andarchaeology from the neolithic era to the present, waspublished in 1999.)Håland, Evy Johanne. 1990. Ideologies and mentalities: Ajourney from ancient Greece to modern mediterraneansociety. M. A. dissertation, University of Bergen; inNorwegian: Unpublished.———. 2003. Take Skamandros, my virginity: “The ideas ofwater” in connection with rituals linked to life-cyclepassages in Greece, modern and ancient. Paper presentedat The Third International Water History Association (IWHA)Conference, Alexandria, Egypt, December, 2003. The paperis found on the CD-Rom from the conference, distributedby the IWHA secretariat (post@iwha.net). A later andsomewhat different version is forthcoming in Kosso,Cynthia & Scott, Anne. eds. The nature and function ofwater, baths, bathing, and hygiene from antiquity throughthe Renaissance. Technology and Change in History, 11.Leiden: Brill Publishers 2009: 109-148.———. 2005. Rituals of magical rain-making in modern andancient Greece: A comparative approach. Cosmos: TheJournal of the Traditional Cosmology Society, Vol. 17, 2:197-251. The article is based on a paper presented at theIWHA 2nd conference Bergen, 2001. A similar paper waspresented at the PECSRL Conference (Permanent EuropeanCommittee for the Study of the Rural Landscape), 2004 andis published in: Roca, Z., Spek, T., Terkeli, T., Plieninger,T., Höchtl, F., eds. 2004. European landscapes andlifestyles: The mediterranean and beyond. Proceedings ofthe 21 st PECSRL conference. One region, many stories:Mediterranean landscapes in a changing Europe, Limnosand Lesvos, 2004. 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55Liquid LeviathanD a v i d Le e Ke i s e rM o n t c l a i r St a t e UniversityWhen tongues frost with singular snowflakes andFractal patterns collapse under bated palatesManna dissolvesWhen necks slicked with sweatGarner gold beads andBodily deltas cleanseA momentary flush of glandular renewalWhen nipples conduce water andMammary glands spike with hormonesNutritional alchemyBut when we in the West hear others drink urineWe say so sick so unsanitary so unwiseOr so it seemsWhen we in the west hear that BikramHeats past one hundred and fiveWe say Namaste for our lube jobAnd when we see sweat as unwomanlyThe sweat we regret serves us bestLeft alone to its own gladular devicesWhen water flows from loinsRich with stolen mineralsGolden kidneys excreteSweet saccharin syrupBut beneath the sugarIs SugarWhen Indian boys swim in harbors sullied with toxinsLegs remember brown waterWhen Yoruban priests drink acid rainOsun takes note in his haraAnd when Chinese dams leave Laos rivers powerlessPeasants spawn against the currentBut swimming into tidesSteels souls tethered to perpetual droughtAquatic epiphany!David Lee Keiser is a teacher educator at Montclair State University. His poetry has been published in the PatersonLiterary Review, Democracy and Education, HEArt Journal, and other publications. david.keiser@montclair.edu

56 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasTintagel Doorway – one of the doorways to the legendary King Arthur’s castle at Tintagel through whichone can view the sea with miles of visibility in nearly every direction. (Margaret Evans)

57Competitive Structure of theGlobal Design, Build, andOperate (DBO) Water SupplyIndustryE d w a r d PitingoloS h i p p e n s b u r g University“Water, water everywhere, nor any drop to drink.”Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Rime of the Ancient MarinerIn the United States we take for granted the factwater is readily supplied to us by a governmentallyrelated entity or a private water company. We go tothe faucet and with a turn, water is readily dispensed.There are water fountains for drinking in many publiclocations and venues, as well as fountains for aestheticpurposes. When the bill comes for the water service,we willingly pay the requested amount for this valuablecommodity. When water service is disrupted due toa variety of events including natural disasters andpollution, we have the technology to return waterservice to normal within a reasonable amount of time.We rarely deal with permanent water supply shortages.Globally, this may not be the case. Althoughindustrialized countries enjoy a similar water scenario,other countries do not. Emerging and Third Worldcountries have water infrastructure problems, somedue to the apparent lack of development and othersto cultural components. For example, many of ourfellow citizens worldwide believe water is a free right,much like the air we breathe, and expecting monetaryremuneration for providing water service is tantamountto taxing the air we breathe. Therefore, going to a watersource and carrying water home is normal and expected– and free. However this causes multiple problems,including reinforcing poverty, as infrastructuredevelopment, that is developing undeveloped countries,hinges upon providing a stable supply of clean water.Tension exists between those expecting free waterand private companies entering a country and providingwater service, proponents of water privatization.Governments of those countries believe in the freerightconcept and do not (or cannot) fund outright thedevelopment of water infrastructure. Their citizensexpect free water. Moreover, non-governmentalorganizations (NGOs) regularly oppose and fundchallenges to establishing water infrastructure of thetype we in the United States and other industrializedcountries presuppose.The design, build, and operate (DBO) watersupply industry is examined from the viewpoint of aninternational water supplier, a French company, VeoliaEnvironnement. By examining the competitive natureof the industry, a larger picture of water supply ispresented. Additionally, since economic developmentand water supply go hand in hand, Veolia’s presence inChina is portrayed as a case of the cultural imperativesof the water business. Assessing the competitive natureof the water industry from accepted strategic modelsoccurs.Water constitutes a basic need to sustain all life.Without water, all life as we understand it will die.Civilization’s success relies on the ability to supply itscitizenry with water, dating back historically to theaqueducts of the Roman Empire. Often undertakenas the responsibility of a government to provide watersupply infrastructure, the nature of the industry evolvedwith private service providers designing, building, andoperating water distribution systems. This collaborationEdward Pitingolo is an assistant professor at Shippensburg University teaching accounting and who researches strategicmanagement of the firm utilizing management accounting techniques.

58 PROTEUS: A Journal of Ideasbetween public governmental entities and privatesubcontractors flourishes in today’s global marketenvironment.Industrialized nations typically enjoy a stable puresupply of water that easily envelops daily living at theturn of a faucet. However, emerging and Third Worldcountries have degraded water distribution, oftenimpure, with an unstable supply. Approximately onebillion people globally currently do not have adequatewater supply (Anonymous, 2004). This translates tochallenges and opportunities for firms providing design,build, and operate (DBO) services.The combination of industrialized nationssubcontracting water utility systems and developinginfrastructure in emergent and Third World countriesprovides Veolia Environnement, currently one of thelargest providers of DBO services, with ample marketshare opportunity. Cultivating appropriate strategicplans encompassing global, cultural, and politicalaspects ensures the potential for success. Examiningcomponent pieces of the competition of the watersupply industry reveals expectations for strategicallymanaging the firm. Evaluating Veolia’s position inthe industry reveals insights into the future role ofdeveloping global infrastructure in water supply thatenables economic development.Global economic development requiresinfrastructure enabling sustainable growth. The basicnature of water supply and other environmental servicesprovided by Veolia indicate the importance of itsservices. Obsolescence occurs only in the technologyemployed, not in the customer demand. This ensuresstability and growth as the population expandsglobally. Economic development in the former Sovietbloc countries, China, and Third World nations alsoguarantees the viability of the water supply, the watertreatment industry, and Veolia Environment into theforeseeable future.The Global Competitive Structure of Design, Buildand Operate Water Supply SystemsStoried history. Describing Veolia’s heritage,Chairman and CEO Henri Proglio, states: “Foundedat the dawn of the industrial era and the start of urbandevelopment, Veolia Environment has constantlyadapted to the changes in our societies over the past153 years.” This illustrates the confidence throughwhich Veolia conducts its operations. Founded in1853 through an Imperial Charter of the FrenchEmperor Napoleon III, the Compagnie Générale desEaux (CGE) mission was providing water to Frenchmetropolitan areas and irrigating French farmlands.CGE accumulated other companies in a conglomeratedportfolio of operations, including other environmentalventures dealing with waste management (VeoliaHistory 2006).After securing water supply rights to Venice in1880, CGE began global operations by expandingacross Europe. Ahead of the environmental curve, in1884 the firm began treating wastewater, in contrastwith the practice of discharging waste into nearbybodies of water. Throughout the twentieth century,CGE acquired companies in a variety of industriesspecializing in environmental processes. By 1980,CGE consolidated into a new organization known asOmnium de Traitement et de Valorisation (OTV),providing the design, build, and operate (DBO) aspectto its operations. The core companies of today’s Veoliacame together through acquisitions in the 1980s,including Connex, Onyx, and Dalkia. These holdingsbecame Vivendi Environnement in the 1990s, part ofVivendi Universal, and became a separate companythrough an initial public offering in 2000.Veolia maintains independence with no parentcompany and its stock trades on the Paris Bourse andthe New York Stock Exchange. For fiscal year 2005,its water supply systems segment represented thirtyfivepercent of total sales, increasing as a percentage oftotal revenues. Sales volume increased to over thirtyfivebillion dollars in 2005, which amounts to overtwelve billion dollars of sales for Veolia’s water systemsegment. Veolia’s operating income for the same fiscalperiod rose to almost three billion dollars and the watersystem segment constitutes half of Veolia’s operatingincome. The company operates on all populatedcontinents. Forty-eight percent of its total businessis from its home country of France and is decreasing.Operations in Europe outside of France total thirtythreepercent and is increasing. Sales in the Americasremain stable at ten percent while the nine percent ofoperations in the rest of the world is increasing (VeoliaHistory 2006).Characteristics of the industry. Although its originsrest in antiquity, centralized water distribution systemsbecame commonplace through the industrial revolutionand its concomitant urbanization (Chao & Chuang-lin2007). Municipalities and regional governments oftenprovide water systems through quasi-governmentalentities. These authorities may own and operate theirfacilities, charging consumers for water consumptionthrough a mechanized measurement meter.Outsourcing water supply capacity occurs where thegovernmental unit maintains ownership of the facilitiesand distribution network, but the subcontractedentity manages the operations. In a comprehensiveapproach, this concept results in the design, build,and operate (DBO) service: a municipality contractsthe management of the entire project and maintainsownership. This public-private partnership,characterized by transparency, exists where there is nodifferentiation between the water utility provider andthe municipality (Mann, C. C. 2007).Private water holdings also exist where a companybuys the water rights, then builds, and owns the water

Edward Pitingolo: Competitive Structure of the Global DBO Water Supply Industry 59distribution system. This concept causes global culturalconcerns as the perception for the individual rights towater are the same as the individual rights to air. Truewater supply privatization, where a private firm ownsthe supply, the purification system, and the distributionlines, contains the possibility for exploitation of theend-user according to some opponents (Bate 2004).As Asia, Eastern Europe, and Africa emergeeconomically, a stable, pure water supply is essential.The lack of a stable water supply precludesdevelopment. Since water supply infrastructure must bein place for economic development (Chao & Chuanglin2007), these areas provide the growth opportunitiesfor this industry. They represented nine percent oftotal sales in Veolia’s sale volume and this percentage isincreasing (Veolia History 2006).To accomplish better efficiency in providing water,future incarnations as “Total Water Supply Systems”evolve where water purification and wastewatertreatment will combine in producing potable watersupplies (Anonymous 2001). Positioning the companyfor this eventuality, waste management representsthe second largest segment of Veolia’s business, withtwenty-six percent of sales. Veolia also operates aninstitute for the purpose of innovation and educatingpeople in environmental issues (Veolia History 2006).Estimates place global market sales at approximately$1.5 trillion dollars by 2015, doubling current marketrevenues. These growth expectations occur whereVeolia conducts its smallest segment, but still representsa major presence (Anonymous 1999).Intensity of rivalry among competitors. Economiccompetition consistently changes as companies striveto stay ahead of their competitors. According toPorter, “firms that gain competitive advantage in anindustry are often those that not only perceive a newmarket need or the potential of a new technology butmove early and most aggressively to exploit it” (1990).Two of the largest companies providing water supplysystems are French, Veolia and Suez Lyonnaise. TheFrench provide a favorable environment for waterdevelopers (Mann, C. C. 2007). This enables a nationalcompetitive advantage that translates to internationalsuccess when moving into global territories (Porter1990).Companies compete for governmental contracts,voraciously attempting to increase revenues. Whenproposing any component of the operation, similarscoped projects require similar sized companies, andlarge firms encompass the economies of scale necessaryto implement large projects. Some of the largestcompetitors regularly compete against each other:Veolia, Suez Lyonnaise, Berlin (Germany) Water,and Thames Water. In addition to competing in thecontract bidding process, these companies buy sharesin other companies or parts of quasi-governmentalauthorities. By purchasing shares of local entities,these firms accomplish a strategic goal in addition toadding market share: obtaining an in-country culturaladvantage for securing additional contracts (Zin 2004).Currently, the number of water service providerstotals twenty thousand. These range from largeconcerns operating multiple water systems transnationallyto local authorities operating one watersupply systems. By 2015, experts expect this number todecrease to five thousand as existing firms fuel growthin market share by merger and acquisition (Anonymous1999). Expectations are that eighty companies willdominate the global market by 2015 with a sixtypercent market share; the top-ten companies by salesvolume will capture approximately forty percent ofthe global market; the smaller companies making upthe remainder of the five-thousand will garner theremaining forty percent (Anonymous 1999).Porter’s five forces. Porter developed the modelencompassing forces related to competition. Hisanalysis outlines five important sources that determinecompetitive power and their relationship on competitiverivalry: bargaining power of suppliers, bargainingpower of buyers, threat of substitution, threat of newentry, and competitive rivalry (1985).Bargaining power of suppliers relates the abilityof suppliers to affect market conditions and prices.Since supply factors consist of multiple sources inmultiple countries the bargaining power of suppliers isdetermined to be low.Figure 1, Porter’s Five Forces (1985).Bargaining power of buyers corresponds to thepotential for customers to exert pressure on the firm.Although serving large numbers in urban areas requiresexpertise and only major water supply companies havethe ability to maintain contracts, there are sufficientnumbers of suppliers in the market. Additionally,customers could obtain their own knowledge andemploy their own resources. Therefore, this force rates amedium power.

60 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasThreat of substitution corresponds to customershaving the ability of substituting one product foranother. Pertaining to water supply and distribution,this signifies governmental entities substituting a utilityplant for another system, such as individual wellsserving residential enclaves. Another substitution callsfor customers to implement their own resources todevelop water systems. Because these substitutions arepossible and do occur, but do not characterize a majorshift in the marketplace, this threat warrants a mediumassessment.Threat of new entry signifies new competitorscoming into the market. Although many competitorsexist, long-term contracts characterize the nature of theindustry. This force assesses low because of the costlybarriers to enter a market. The feasibility of establishinga second water utility in a given region determines thisassessment, not only because of the cost for duplicateinfrastructure but also because rights and franchises fordistributing water are exclusive.Competitive rivalry assessment results from thecombination of the first four forces. Evaluating thecontributive forces, the competitive rivalry in the watersupply system is low to medium, warranting continuedevaluation. If a significant amount of new watersystem development occurs in the twenty-first centuryreducing the growth potential, this may change (Porter1985).Geographical influences. Because of the urbanizationresulting from industrialization occurring first inEurope, developing water supply infrastructure becameparamount. Imperial decree set the French evolution inprocess, creating a favored industry.Approximately one billion people currently donot have adequate water supply. The areas affectedepitomize the geographic areas where future growthwill occur (Anonymous 2004) and the major companiesare poised to capture these markets. In many countries,controversy exists over true water privatization, wherewater companies actually own the systems they operate.Surprisingly, true water privatization is less commonin the United States than in other countries andcontinents (Bate 2004).The global competitive nature of the water supplysystem evolved over centuries, and industrializationexpedited its growth. Economic development can onlyoccur after the construction of primary infrastructure.Water supply services exist on a scale ranging frompublic utilities constructed, owned, and operated bygovernmental entities, to a public-private partnershipbetween the governmental entity and firms such asVeolia, to completely privatized operations. The watersupply design, build, and operate industry will continuegrowing, doubling in the next ten years. However, thisgrowth occurs in geographic areas that now representthe smallest segment of current industry operations.Through mergers and acquisitions, the total numberof suppliers will diminish by 75 percent in the nextdecade. Analyzing competitive rivalry utilizing Porter’sfive-forces model reveals that competitive rivalry existsin a medium range as most of the contributing forceslie in that range.Although over 90 percent of Veolia’s currentbusiness takes place in Europe and the United States,the locations accounting for the remaining 10 percentrepresent the majority of future growth. Its currentrevenue base exists in industrialized nations; futurerevenue growth can only come from developingcountries (Veolia 2006). Veolia is a global leader in thisindustry.The Competitive Structure of Design, Build andOperate Water Supply Systems in ChinaDBO in China. The People’s Republic of China,governed as a communist state since its revolutionin the 1940s, has allowed free-market transactionssince 1978. Since then the resultant growth in theireconomy averages approximately 10 percent per year,almost three times the rate of major western nations.This growth shows no sign of abating and at timeshas reached 12 percent. China’s growth continues todirect infrastructure development. Economic growthrepresents a primary focus for the government,expecting their blend of communism and capitalism tosave them from the fate of the former Soviet Union.For continual economic development, infrastructureconstruction must occur first, and water supply systemsrepresent the primary component of that infrastructure(Chao & Chuang-lin 2007).The central government invites companies tonegotiate the nature of their operations in China. Thisacts as tacit approval for local and regional governmentsto utilize these companies (Tan, Li, and Xia 2007).Operating in China since 1997, Veolia became thepremier water supply systems provider in that country,investing over one billion dollars as of 2004. Otherwater supply system companies operating in China areBerlin Water, Thames Water, and the other Frenchcompany, Suez Lyonnaise (Zin 2004).Porter’s diamond model. In his book, The CompetitiveAdvantage of Nations, Porter (1990) defines a modelthat provides reasoning why some companies succeedin the global competitive environment and othersdo not. Attributing success to characteristics in thehome country of the organization, Porter defines thesefeatures and relates them in four points of a diamond,with bidirectional flows moving to and from each point.The four points are:• Factor conditions are resources and inputsclassically identified by economists as the factorsof production such as skilled labor, developedinfrastructure, and technological advances.These conditions aid in developing a competitiveadvantage for various industry segments. Porterdefined several subcategories and demonstratedthese initial advantages constitute building blocks

Edward Pitingolo: Competitive Structure of the Global DBO Water Supply Industry 61from which companies may build additional competitiveadvantages.• Demand conditions prognosticate via homecountry customer wants and needs, products andservices, signaling demand trends internationally.Market signals, Porter contends, provide nationaladvantages if the signals extend to internationaltrends.• Related and supporting industries present inthe home country offers competitive advantages.Often industries develop within a network ofassociated industries and the presence of theseindustrial partners aid in advancing a nationalcompetitive advantage.• Firm strategy, structure, and rivalry encompassconditions in a home country that establishorganizational structure, management methodologies,and the attributes of domestic competitiveness.In the home country, cultural aspects playa significant role in determining the competitiveadvantage in international operations.Figure 2, Porter’s Diamond (1990).Utilizing Porter’s diamond, companies’ access anddevelop home country aspects enabling a competitiveadvantage on a global basis. At the national level,Porter’s diamond enables governmental policy makersto favor developing competitive advantages in variousindustries.Employing Porter’s diamond to evaluateVeolia’s home country competitive advantage thattranslates to an economic benefit in the Chinesemarket aids in developing corporate strategy. Forexample, France has a sufficient skilled labor pool,industrialized infrastructure, and enjoys groundbreakingtechnological advances related to the water systemsupply organization. Demand conditions for a pureand stable supply of water enabled Veolia to developservices comparable to those needed in China. Veoliaalso developed sewage treatment in France, againallowing for cross boundary trading in this particularservice. Since the Imperial Decree by Napolean III,governmental policy has favored the water supplysystem industry.Refining Porter’s diamond, Dunning (1993)distinguished parameters for international components.Defining multinational enterprises (MNEs) the authorasserts companies enjoy a more pluralistic motivationfor global trade. As this relates to Veolia in China,its status as a MNE allows a systematic advantage oflowering its transaction costs in international markets.Veolia’s multi-national enterprise status (MNE)provides tools for continued strength in the marketplace(Dunning 1993).Veolia’s involvement in China requires strategicplanning to enhance its competitive position. Part ofthat strategic planning is accessing the competitiveadvantage Veolia brings to China based uponcompetitive advantages enjoyed by Veolia in its homecountry, France. Porter’s diamond presents a modelfor evaluating the competitive position translatingfrom France to China. After analyzing the homecountry competitive advantage of Veolia, we cansurmise the various attributes included in Porter’sDiamond consisting of economic factors, factors ofproduction, consumer demand, interrelated industries,and governmental policy, present Veolia a significanthome country competitive advantage. This benefittranslates globally particularly in its Chinese operationsand contributes to the success of Veolia as the premiersource for water system supply in China.Virtuous expanding cycle versus vicious cycle ofdecline on a sliding scale. Global trade and the factorscomposing trade often further industries and theirrespective companies. These decision processes amplifyin magnitude creating a composite affect. This affectsometimes represents positive momentum and Porter(1990) defines this as a virtuous expanding cyclewhere forward momentum causes positive benefits forcompanies, their industries, and the foreign countriesin which they do business. Conversely, negativeattributes expand in a cause and effect relationship aswell. The amplitude and direction of these negativeaffects is the vicious cycle of decline. This cause andeffect relationship, amongst multiple factors in theinternational trade environment, allow for economicgrowth or economic decay. Part of the reason ThirdWorld countries experience delayed development incomparison to the rest of the world rests partly withthis theory. As various policies, procedures, and culturalattributes prohibit economic development, a viciouscycle of decline exists. Industrialized nations benefitfrom their related set of economic attributes that enablea virtual expanding cycle. This concept applies toindustries, home countries, and international tradingpartners in its application (Porter 1990).Global environment. A virtuous expanding cycleexists for the water system supply industry asglobalization spurs potential development of previouslyunderdeveloped countries. This positive cycle existsbecause of the human demand for stable and purewater supplies plus the fact positive developments in

62 PROTEUS: A Journal of Ideasany given society cannot take place without sources ofwater. This economic development of providing watersupply infrastructure creates positive changes in cultureand politics, thus fulfilling the definition of a virtuousexpanding cycle (Porter 1990).Exploitation is possible in super-poor countries ingeographic areas such as Africa, where exploitationof resources and faulty policies may stifle benefits andthe vicious cycle of decline continues. Attempts mustbe made at providing suitable water supplies, becausecurrent water situations permanently hinder anydevelopment.Chinese environment. The circumstances providingfor global virtuous expanding cycles or vicious cyclesof decline exist with the Chinese market. Economicdevelopment begets economic development; there existsa virtuous expanding cycle in China, that supporters ofcapitalism claim provides benefits across and array ofpolitical and social issues. Hopefully, as their economicsystem expands through the benefits of water systeminfrastructure, positive advantages will occur in Chinawithin the human rights area. Concern continues overthe intent of the central government in its policiestoward personal liberties.Benefits in trade processes contribute, in anamplified way, towards a benefit of human civilization.This virtuous expanded cycle presents itself in theglobal trade of water system suppliers. The opposite,embodied by the vicious cycle of decline presents itselfwhen policies and applications of trade are convolutedfor illicit means. For the most part, both globally andin China, water system development presents thevirtuous expanding cycle. This important identificationrepresents part of the strategic plan for Veolia as itcontinues its course in globalized trade, reachingtransnational status.Competitive Impact on Veolia EnvironmentOrganizations require strategic planning forsuccessful foreign operations. Multiple attributesapply including cultural aspects of the firm, foreignenvironment, political ramifications of trans-globaltrade, and international trade relationships. Veoliamust ensure its business process paradigms addressmultiple international characteristics with a systemicorientation. While trading in China, for example,Veolia must reasonably assure its stakeholders thateffective corporate management enables globallyconsistent business processes. Factors potentiallyderailing Veolia and its competitive advantage requirediscernment and reconciliation for smooth operations.Potential factors causing problematic circumstancesinclude government upheavals, anti-water privatizationconcerns, and the inability to anticipate and implementmarket place changes. As market growth includesfactors new to Veolia management, an adequateframework established in strategic planning requiresimplementation. This framework must include goalseeking scenarios for profit maximization and marketpenetration; reorientation of business processes;organizational metrics accessing foreign operations; andcontrol mechanisms that alter unsuccessful programs.Various paradigms, such as Porter’s five forces anddiamond models present tools for assessing andmanaging foreign operations. Generating considerationfor multiple attributes of the company related totransnational operations becomes part of the missionand vision of the firm.Veolia must define its perception for sustainablegrowth in global situations, particularly its Chineseoperations. Determining the attributes that governappropriate courses of action in differing circumstancesis a priority. Although predicting future events mayprove futile in large part, discerning future economicpatterns represents a prerequisite for long-termstrategic planning. A model consisting of paradigmsfor at least a ten-year time frame must be included inorganization policy. A combination of sensing marketplace evolutionary iterations based upon experience willenable Veolia continued leadership in its industry.Veolia’s background consists of a strong nationaladvantage for its industry. This national advantagetranslates to economic advantages in foreignmarketplaces. Veolia must foster this national advantagethrough its own operations in conjunction with thehome country. Similarly, multiple home countryadvantages require development as each foreignoperation contains the potential for a future homecountry, adding to its competitive strengths.As a multinational enterprise, Veolia muststrategically plan a “national diamond” (Dunning1993) that creates a competitive advantage for theorganization in the countries it operates. This isparticularly true for its Chinese operations as thereduced transaction costs favoring Veolia may beexplored for diversion to potential investment reapingadditional profits. This presence in Asia serves as theorigination for future ventures in this geographic locale.Business change occurs constantly. Veolia must seekout, through market signals, the potential for changeand innovation. The decision making of the firmrequires a composition that embraces change initiatives.By sensing and embracing the possibilities for change,Veolia presents a continual leadership role in the globalindustry.Veolia faces multiple considerations in managingits global operations, and in particular its Chineseoperations. Differing strategic plans encompassingvariations in its enterprises impart models that assessthe competitive environment and allow the firm toplan accommodating scenarios for successful ventures.Veolia’s embrace of substantive models that permit andencourage change consist of positions for policy andprocedure development consistent with sustainable

Edward Pitingolo: Competitive Structure of the Global DBO Water Supply Industry 63growth. Its core strategic plan must comprise thefollowing attributes:• Expect and manage for sustainable growth,developing a consistent vision and mission,correlating to applicable models.• Export the national advantage internationally(Porter 2000).• Exploit its role as an MNE (Dunning 1993).• Explore change initiatives.General SummaryBeginning with a rich history in antiquity as in theaqueducts of the Roman Empire, water distributionepitomizes the basic infrastructure requirementfor society’s economic development. Partly theresponsibility of government and partly the undertakingof private enterprise, water supply systems providetangible benefits across a given spectrum. The basicneed for water will not diminish and the continualimplementation of water system capabilities remains onthe horizon.Equally noble with the task of ensuring a watersupply is the history of Veolia Environment. Pioneersin developing water supply system technologies, thefirm evolved into a premier global producer of watersupply systems. Its current operations ensure continuedgrowth in foreign markets. Veolia maintains success inassessing and scanning its competitive environment.The global marketplace for water distributionsystems continues to expand, either as a forerunner tofuture economic development or as simply supplyingthe basic component of life that is water. Varied levelsof water supply systems exist globally between theindustrialized nations and its poorer counterparts.This supports multiple potential for the water supplyDBO under either circumstance, continuing tosupply industrialized nations or developing poorergeographical regions. The emerging economies of Asiapresent substantive opportunity, particularly its Chineseinvestment. As these opportunities evolve, this sectormust adapt with the market place.This industry encounters a mix of applicablestructures for its operations. Water supply DBOsmust exploit their market position to encompass anypotential structure whether a public-private partnershipor true water privatization. Eventually developingproducts encompassing sewage treatment with watersupply in a unitary ecosystem provides benefits to theexisting product mix. This potential model combiningtotal water management better allocates economicresources.Employing models, such as Porter’s five forces thataccesses competitive rivalry and Porter’s diamondmodel accessing the home country’s strengths fosteringa competitive advantage abroad enables strategicplanners a view of the necessary direction required formanaging the firm. Veolia shows considerable foresightby its early investment in China. Its collaborationwith the Chinese warrants exploration for continuedbenefits. Veolia’s national advantage and previousexport of this advantage enables consistent capture ofeconomic benefits from lower international transactioncosts. Any water supply DBO Chinese relationshipfurthers the need for evaluation based upon the politicalambivalence and direct nature of the communistcountry. Successful operations require devisingplans that employ scenarios for any contradictinggovernmental developments. Veolia may export itscompetitive advantages as it discerns translatableconcepts from dealing with the Chinese to otheremergent ventures.The water supply DBO products and services existin a virtuous expanding cycle in both the countriesit operates in and by the nature of its products andservices; their operations convert to extended societalbenefits. The potential exists, particularly with truewater privatization, for exploitation in a given societyspecifically in Third World countries. Convolutingdoctrine and policies may continue the vicious cycle ofdecline encountered in these poor nations; nations thatcan least afford negative implications.This sector’s tool kit in dealing with the globalenvironment in total and individually with its Chineseoperations consists of multiple strategic planningattributes. These attributes comprise goal-seekingscenarios for achieving management’s intentionsand incorporating multiple dynamic paradigms thatrequire continuous improvement. Veolia’s environmentscanning capabilities derive from its home countryadvantage, adding competitive advantages because ofthe favorable home country environment.Change in the water supply system industry remainscontinuous; therefore, management must expect andemploy techniques seeking opportunities for change.Veolia must incorporate its varied history and success,and utilize its history as a springboard for growth andnot an anchor. 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65Flying over Four Rivers inMaineM a r y Ka t e Az c u yM o n m o u t h UniversityThe indestructiblesun lightmirrorssilver or titaniumonto the rivers’reflectingsurface.The limitof shapes—leaves,cuts,scraps—that reflectthe blue sky.The white sunbeckonslike rescuesignalsor the devildancinglike asatyr.The yin-yangsymbolcutfrom sheet metal,the surfacepolishedwith aluminumof rippled air,leaving only thecloudsetchedand moving.Rivers and lakeslike puzzle shapesof islands,water,the mysteriousland,andmy heart—lost to my children,as I fly alone—in the center.Mary Kate Azcuy teaches at Monmouth University in Monmouth County, N.J.—where she lives with her husband Greggand two daughters, Kathryn and Brooke. Recently she has published poems in The Exquisite Corpse and TheCaribbean Writer. She is the upcoming Poet/Artist-in-Residence for the Florida Everglades.

66 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasAnenomies – found in the aquarium in Plymouth, England. (Margaret Evans)

The PhotographyM a r g a r e t Ev a n sS h i p p e n s b u r g UniversityIn June 2006 I visited the southwestern coast of Englandwhere my friend Hilary from the Peace Corps daysin the early 1970s now lived. We had kept in touch buthad not seen each other in over 30 years. Nevertheless,we immediately recognized each other at the train stationin Bristol where we had arranged to meet.Along with her husband, Mike and their two grownchildren, Hilary lives in Plymouth on the southern coastof Devon County. To the west lies the Peninsula of CornwallCounty, a land full of romantic and mystical Celticlegends.Hilary and I went on a six-day tour of Cornwall andDevon, stopping at peaceful towns and sleepy fishing villagesas well as historic places along the way.In Devon, we visited an aquarium and climbed Dartmoor to see ancient ruins, including a working water “leet,”a channel that allows water to flow from higher to lowerelevations, attributed to King Arthur. We visited Tintagel,the legendary castle home of King Arthur himself and ofMerlin’s Cave, which is snuggled deep within the rocks farbelow. We saw small fishing villages, the rocks at LandsEnd, and places of higher elevation where the sapphire seaseemed to be visible from all directions at once.The Images:• Chysauster – the remains of an ancient village located at the plateau top of a long slow incline. The ruins nowexist in the middle of a working sheep farm where animals graze and the surrounding farmland is worked as ifnothing unusual were enclosed in its midst. (Page 4)• Merlin’s Cave at Tintagel – the entrance to the legendary cave at the base of the Tintagel Castle. (Page 18)• Tintagel Doorway – one of the doorways to the legendary King Arthur’s castle at Tintagel through which one canview the sea with miles of visibility in nearly every direction. (Page 56)• Fishing Village – a small village along the coast of Cornwall. (Page 28)• Land’s End – the rocks at Land’s End on the western tip of Cornwall. (Page 44)• King Arthur’s Leet – a small channel where water passes from the high elevations inland to the lower villagesbelow. (Page 12)• Anenomies – found n the aquarium in Plymouth, England. (Page 66)• Coral Reef – found in the Plymouth aquarium. (Page 68)• Floating, Sleeping Seal – found in the Bristol Zoo, Bristol, England. (Page 68)Margaret Evans is professor of photography and visual communications in the Communication/Journalism Departmentat Shippensburg University. She has been making portraits of humans, animals, landscapes and manmade objectsfor over 35 years. Many of her photographic works have been in major exhibits throughout the United States.

68 PROTEUS: A Journal of IdeasCoral Reef – found in the Plymouth aquarium. (Margaret Evans)Floating, Sleeping Seal – found in the Bristol Zoo, Bristol, England. (Margaret Evans)

PROTEUSa J o u r n a l o f I d e a sIf you enjoyed this issue of Proteus, you might like one or two or more of our previous issues.Sports, Exercise, and Recreation (Vol. 25:2 – Fall 2008)Higher Learning (Vol. 25:1 – Spring 2008)Reconciliation, Reparations, and Forgiveness(Vol. 24:2 – Fall 2007)Humans and Animals (Vol. 24:1 – Spring 2007)Judaism, Islam, and Christianity (Vol. 23:2 – Fall 2006)Globalization (Vol. 23:1 – Spring 2006)Pleasures and Addictions (Vol. 22:2 – Fall 2005)Race and Politics (Vol. 22:1 – Spring 2005)Poet Laureates: Morrison and Faulkner(Vol. 21:2 – Fall 2004)Africa (Vol. 21:1 (Spring 2004)Interpreting Lives (Vol. 20:2 – Fall 2003)Urban Challenges (Vol. 20:1 – Spring 2003)Memory (Vol. 19:2 – Fall 2002)Pennsylvania (Vol. 19:1 – Spring 2002)Community (Vol. 18:2 – Fall 2001)Play, Creativity, Invention, Exploration(Vol. 18:1 – Spring 2001)The American Civil War (Vol. 17:2 – Fall 2000)Leaders and Leadership (Vol. 16:2 – Fall 1999)Popular Culture and Folk Art (Vol. 16:1 – Spring 1999)Freedom of Expression (Vol. 14:2 – Fall 1997)Technology and Education (Vol. 14:1 – Spring 1997)Our Children at Risk (Vol. 13:2 – Fall 1996)Famous Trials (Vol. 13:1 – Spring 1996)Holocaust Studies (Vol. 12:2 – Fall 1995)Frederick Douglass (Vol. 12:1 – Spring 1995)America and the Immigrant (Vol. 11:2 – Fall 1994)Global Communications (Vol. 11:1 – Spring 1994)Gender in America (Vol. 10:2 – Fall 1993)Politics of AIDS (Vol. 9:2 – Fall 1992)Columbus (Vol. 9:1 – Spring 1992)Mozart (Vol. 8:2 – Fall 1991)Teaching (Vol. 8:1 – Spring 1991)John Huston (Vol. 7:2 – Fall 1990)Ethnic Concerns (Vol. 7:1 – Spring 1990)Darwin (Vol. 6:2 – Fall 1989)Popular Literature (Vol. 6:1 – Spring 1989)Free Enterprise (Vol. 5:2 – Fall 1988)United Nations (Vol. 5:1 – Spring 1988)Constitution (Vol. 4:2 – Fall 1987)Education (Vol. 4:1 – Spring 1987)Humans and the Environment (Vol. 15:2 – Fall 1998)Civil Rights in Global Perspective(Vol. 15:1 – Spring 1998)Requests for copies, further information, orquestions, should be addressed to:Proteus, Managing EditorUniversity PublicationsShippensburg University1871 Old Main DriveShippensburg PA 17257-2299717-477-1206proteus@ship.eduQuantities are limited.Individual copies are available for $10 each –includes first class postage.Annual subscription rate is $17.50Make checks payable to: Proteusplease include your name, address, telephonenumber, and e-mail address.iiiii