Chinese Painting Studies in the West: A State-of-the-Field Article ...

Chinese Painting Studies in the West: A State-of-the-Field ArticleJerome SilbergeldThe Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 46, No. 4. (Nov., 1987), pp. 849-897.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-9118%28198711%2946%3A4%3C849%3ACPSITW%3E2.0.CO%3B2-NThe Journal of Asian Studies is currently published by Association for Asian Studies.Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtainedprior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content inthe JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/journals/afas.html.Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academicjournals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers,and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community takeadvantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.http://www.jstor.orgWed Feb 13 15:28:32 2008

cavations, most strikingly by the early Han lacquer coffins from Ma-wang-tui tombno. 1 that have yet to be dealt with seriously in Western literature.In the area of figure painting, enough Han works have now been recovered tosuggest the possibility of a surprisingly early emergence of northern and southernregional styles, but a study of this has yet to be undertaken. As for figure paintingof the Six Dynasties and T'ang period, excavated works have served to confirm, inmany cases, the reliability of visual images associated with famous early masters butknown today only through copies (see, for example, Soper 1961; Laing 1974; M.Fong 1984). Yet their actual dates-sometimes unexpectedly early, earlier even thanthese masters themselves-necessitates a general reevaluation of the role played bythe well-known artists to whom the creation of such styles has traditionally beenascribed. This topic, as well as iconographic aspects of these and other early excavatedworks, will be dealt with later in this essay (see below, pp. 852-53, 867-68).Excavated works from the Han through the T'ang have also facilitated three interestingstudies of the use of painting colors, a much neglected topic in both this and laterperiods (Glum 1975, 1981-82; M. Fong 1976).Michael Sullivan's studies (1962, 1980) provide the best overview of these periods,yet his excellent study of Six Dynasties painting demonstrates well how quickly newdiscoveries have superseded old research. For a model study of how excavated art bearson the works in one particular collection, Boston's Museum of Fine Arts, see Fonteinand Wu (1973).Funerary wall painting seems to have declined in significance in the post-T'angperiod, an impression that has as yet fully to be accounted for, while paintings inthe increasingly important hanging scroll and handscroll formats were rarely takento the tomb. Although Laing (forthcoming-a) indexes forty Chin tombs with decoratedwalls, these and similar works are not generally of high aesthetic quality andhave so far attracted limited attention. Sung imperial tombs have yet to be excavated,and the available Sung, Liao, and Chin tomb paintings have so far been studied mostlyas documentation of the material culture of the time (as Laing does) or as a gaugefor dating and expounding on other, finer works (e.g., Rorex 1973, 1984). Perhapsbecause these tomb paintings remain inaccessible except in poor-quality illustrations,only one effort has been made to define a distinct Liao style of painting (Johnson1983).Only a few significant cases exist so far of excavated post-T'ang scroll paintings.Two hanging scrolls from the beautifully furnished tomb of an aristocratic Liao womanprovide new perspectives. One of these, a landscape with figures, offers insight intothe nearly vanished styles of tenth-century landscape paintings and into later stylesthat can now be recognized as based on them (Vinograd 1981), as well as providinginsight into the funerary role of Taoist paradise scenery (Cahill 1985). The otherwork, a painting of birds, rabbits, flowers, and bamboo, reveals an early phase of"flower-and-bird" painting before it became a standard artistic theme; its funerarycontext suggests some religious significance in the theme, a possibility that has yetto be evaluated-a rationale for such a thematic interpretation of birds and flowersmay be found in Klein (1984) in a Japanese. - Buddhist context.In the realm of Sung and post-Sung painting, the opening up to world view ofmainland collections, mostly public, since the mid-1970s has had great impact, inmany ways as great as that of excavated works, but this impact has normally beenmuch sharper in focus, bearing on much more specific questions and much less likelyto affect whole modes of art-historical speculation than the excavation of early works

has been. Generalization about this broad range of works is all but impossible, butcertain cases are referred to in the course of this essay.The Connoisseurship ofSung and Later PaintingThe central issue of most Sung and many post-Sung studies has been the authenticationof paintings. Given the prevalence of Chinese copywork, there is noexaggerating the continuing need to reevaluate the traditionally ascribed authorshipand dating of the bulk of Chinese paintings, particularly those assigned to earlierand more important artists. As Wen Fong has written, "Bonajide copying in ancientChina {i.e., copying without the intent to deceive). . . was not only an honorablebut also a vitally necessary form of art. It was the only way to reproduce-and byreproducing to circulate and perpetuate-treasured masterpieces of calligraphy andpainting" (1962:95). The historical importance of copying is suggested by the widevariety of forms it has taken in China: tracing (mu), copying done with the originalclose at hand (lin), close imitation of the original master's style Vang), and inventivefabrication (tsao). Unlike modern reproductive means, Chinese copywork often introduceddistortions inconsistent with the original work and its time period, of whichFong has written: "These changes are not 'slips of the hand' or 'misunderstandings';instead, they are positive signs of the later painter's own style. Even a more or lessmechanical copy. . . inevitably reveals something of its own time" (1975: unpaginatedpreface). In the historical development of Chinese attitudes on copying, asdocumented by Erik Ziircher, "It is only in the works of Mi Fu (1052- 1107) andhis followers in the 12th and 13th century that authenticity is treated as the basicproblem of art criticism" (1955: 141). Although Chinese disinterest in this problemcan be overestimated, it has never been as critical a problem to the Chinese as it isto Western scholars.Beginning in the late 1940s, the realization by Western museums that many ofthe "Sung" and "Yiian" paintings purchased earlier in this century were actuallyMing or Ch'ing, and the simul.taneous realization by scholars of a resultant dilemmahow-toderive-an accurate history of Chinese painting from works of uncertain dateand authorship-dictated that an accurate reevaluation of dates take precedence overall other problems. Skepticism and even pessimism replaced the earlier ready acceptanceof traditional dates and attributions. Today, scarcely a single painting reproducedin Ernest Fenollosa's Epochs of Chinese andJapanese Art of 1912, the earliestWestern work on East Asian art history, seems acceptable as dated there. As two oftoday's leading connoisseurs, Shen Fu and Marilyn Wong-Gleysteen have written,"In many minds unquestioning acceptance has been replaced by rampant and contagiousdoubt. Thus, when confronted with a group of attributed paintings or calligraphy,such scholars may pronounce nine out of ten 'forgeries' and relegate themto oblivion, an equally unhealthy state of affairs" (Fu and Fu 1973:16).Max Loehr has clearly articulated the dilemma over how to initiate the correctiveprocess of reattribution: "The authenticity question results in a true paradox: (1)Without knowledge of styles, we cannot judge the authenticity of individual works,and (2) without convictions about authenticity, we cannot form concepts of style.What road do we take under such circumstances?" (1964: 187). Sherman Lee (1948)and Benjamin Rowland (1951) were among the first to focus on this problem, andLee's studies led in 1955 to the first monograph on a Chinese painting, Szumms andMountains Without End, a case study in connoisseurship written with Wen Fong. A

CHINESEPAINTING STUDIES IN THE WEST 853series of articles by Wen Fong followed, departing from the methods of traditionalChinese connoisseurs, their exclusive visual focus on brushwork, their dependence oncategorical identification (painted with such-and-such a texture stroke in the mannerof so-and-so), and their highly subjective mode of evaluation (for example, rich inor lacking in "spirit-resonance"). Materials external to the painted image itself (signatures,seals, inscriptions, and catalog records), which played a large role in traditionalconnoisseurship, were reduced to corroborative status, since seals and signatureswere as easily copied and forged as paintings themselves (cf. Fong 1962:98;Fong 1963; Fong 1969; Fong 1960:184-89). Adapting Western methodology andciting Meyer Schapiro's classic article, "Style," as precedent, Fong's studies empha-sized instead the structural qualities of painted forms-theconsistency of ground-planes and modes of spatial recession, the organizational schema of brushstrokes, andso forth (Fong 1963:75; Schapiro 1953).This approach concentrated less on those aspects of the art that were foremost inthe consciousness of the copyist and chief among his skills and more on elements thatlay beyond his immediate awareness. Like Rowland (195 1:5), Fong rejected the possibleperiodization of Chinese painting history according to the European sequenceof archaic, classic, and baroque styles, although some basis for this Wolfflinian sequenceexisted. He proposed, as an alternative, the identification of a series of unassailablyauthentic "prime objects" (borrowing George Kubler's influential concept),archaeologically recovered and dated where possible, to provide the basis for datingother works (Fong 1963:73; Kubler 1962; see Fong 1969 for illustrations of someof these "prime objects"). These, in turn, provided the definition of uniquely Chinese"period styles." Fong's efforts contributed to a hybrid method of art history that didnot reject the knowledge gained by sinological means and traditional techniques ofconnoisseurship but relied largely on Western-developed stylistic analysis. His mostprecise definition of period styles appeared recently in his book Images of the Mind(1984), which includes a long series of undated Sung paintings, each assigned onstylistic grounds to a period of fifty years or less. He broadly characterizes the periodsof Chinese landscape painting in terms of pictorial representation (Han through Sung),calligraphic self-expression (Yiian), revivalism (early and middle Ming), and synthesis(late Ming to middle Ch'ing).Students today, in retrospect, might well regard this approach as self-evident,which is a testament to its widespread influence not only in the West but increasinglyin Asia as well. My book-length introduction to stylistic analysis, Chinese PaintingStyle: Media, Method, and Principles of Form (1980a), attempts to provide a more precisedescriptive foundation for this approach. Still, the notion of period style has not sateasily with all Chinese art historians. Although not wholly rejecting this concept,Max Loehr has written, "'Sung painting' is an abstraction, to be sure, somethingthat does not actually exist. . . . These works represent a big complex, and when theyare studied by themselves will soon reveal a great diversity, so that 'Sung' will dissolveinto several or many 'Sungs"' (1964: 192-93). Practically speaking, classification byperiod styles seems most applicable in distinguishing large periods that, from today'sperspective, appear as divergent as Sung and Ming. But how reliable is it in referenceto increasingly small increments of time, particularly as our knowledge of the diversitywithin such periods increases? The problem becomes even more acute in the laterperiods, when artists' practice of a broad range of past styles resulted in a sometimesbewilderingdiversity of styles.The concept of period style, which offers the hope of someday revealing the placein time of every undated Chinese scroll, is predicated on the existence of historical

order and a certain degree of predictability of the visual data. One of the few detailedstudies to find this troubling is James Cahill's study (1963-68) of the Ch'ing painterYuan Chiang, whose stylistic development is shown to lack any such predictablepattern. Cahill concludes, "When such marked diversity, down to basic features ofstyle, can exist in the work of a single master, the error of supposing any greaterhomogeneity in a school of painters or a whole period of painting is self-evident"(1963-68, 6:212). Elsewhere, Cahill has written about the compound influence onlater Chinese painting styles of both contemporary style (period style) and painters'conscious imitation of earlier masters' styles (earlier period styles): "Each such imitation,then, stands not only on the same warp line as its contemporaries-the 'periodstyle' of art historians-but also on a woof strand extending back through a 'linkedseries' (Kubler's term) to the creator of that particular lineage. The difficulty of reconcilingthese individual 'linked series' of works with larger chronological developments-ofdetermining, that is, the precise art-historical coordinates of a givenwork-is part of what makes the history of later Chinese painting so resistant toconventional art-historical formulation" (1978:81).Despite such concerns, stylistic studies of Chinese painting are now deeply infusedwith the notion of period style, so one must wonder what specific results they haveproduced. At first glance, a number of cases suggest that over a period of thirty yearsthis approach has yet to resolve many of the major disagreements in connoisseurship.For example, an early landscape masterpiece acquired by the Metropolitan Museumof Art was traditionally ascribed to Yen Wen-kuei of the late tenth century (see thereaffirmation of this by the prominent connoisseur and seller of the painting, C. C.Wang, in Barnhart 1985:185); yet it has been reattributed to a little-known pupilof Yen's, Ch'u Ting (ca. 1050), by Wen Fong (who arranged the purchase) (Fongand Fu 1973: 17-25), as supported by Richard Barnhart (1983a:43-44), while beingdated to the twelfth or thirteenth century by James Cahill (1980:196), RoderickWhitfield (1976), Sherman Lee, Max Loehr, Laurence Sickman, Richard Edwards,and others. A narrative painting acquired by the Metropolitan Museum at the sametime (1973), Duke Wen of Chin Recovering His State, attributed to Li T'ang (ca. 1130;W. Fong and M. Fu 1973:29-36), has been described by Barnhart (1985) as characteristicof the copywork produced a century afterward by the late Southern Sungimperial academy of painting. Scholarly disagreement about various other paintingsacquired by the Metropolitan Museum at that time is reported by Malcolm Carter(1976). The difficulty of arriving at a uniform view of a given work of art is alsowell illustrated by Chu-tsing Li's valuable early monograph, The Autzlmn Colors onthe Ch'lao and Hzla Mozlntains: A Landscape by Chao Meng-fu (1965), and reviews ofthis by Richard Edwards (1965) and Max Loehr (1966). And yet, for all the disagreementthat remains, one can see growing agreement during the past three decadesabout dates for major paintings and on periodized sequences of paintings, even thoughsuch agreement is perhaps more difficult than disagreement to perceive and document.One central aspect of Western art historical concerns that has yet to influenceChinese painting studies is the study of color, whose technical characteristics andstylistic contribution remain largely unexamined. The general scholarly neglect ofcolor, undoubtedly, is due in part to the strong Chinese aesthetic and philosophicalinterest in ink-monochrome painting, whose T'ang dynasty origins have been welldocumented and interpreted by Kiyohiko Munakata (1965). The only extensive studyof color in traditional Chinese painting, by Yu Fei-an in 1955, is well known inChina but not abroad; primarily concerned with materials and techniques, perhaps

CHINESEPAINTING STUDIES IN THE WEST 855the appearance of this work in translation will facilitate further study of the stylisticrole of Chinese painting colors (Yii Fei-an forthcoming).Brush-oriented ConnoisseurshipWestern structural methodology has not ended the use of connoisseurship basedon the analysis of brushwork. On the contrary, Shen Fu and Marilyn Wong-Gleysteen,two of Wen Fong's students, in their Studies in Connoisseurship (Fu and Fu 1973),have extended to painting their pioneering system for the study of calligraphy, blendingChinese and Western methods of connoisseurship. Although it might be askedwhether their systematic approach takes sufficient account of the stylistic and expressiverange possible in a given artist's brushwork, from his early years to his latest,they have written, "We must not seek out mechanically repetitive likeness but ratherhabits of instinctive muscular response which condition the pace, pressure, pauses,and stresses in any one stroke and its interrelationship with others" (p. 17). Theyreadily acknowledge problems in applying calligraphic analysis to painting, notingthat "an artist's calligraphic style tends to be more stable than his painting style. Amaster may imitate any number of different artists in varying modes in both paintingand calligraphy, but the calligraphic formulas tend to be fewer" (p. 59). Yet theirapplication of this method to the work of the early Ch'ing master Tao-chi (Shih-t'ao)is an attempt to render comprehensible the style of an artist regarded by many to beChinese painting's most enigmatic figure (cf. Edwards et al. 1967:48). Extensivelydetailed, their study of Tao-chi has become the most influential example of brushorientedconnoisseurship in the West.It has been suggested by Shen Fu and Marilyn Wong-Gleysteen that Chineseconnoisseurship can effectively be practiced only by those who are personally skilledin the art of Chinese brushwork, as Shen Fu is (Fu and Fu 1973: 17). But perhapsnot surprisingly, one of the few other art historians trained in the art of calligraphy,Joan Stanley-Baker (Byrd 1974), has arrived at conclusions about Tao-chi quite differentfrom theirs, although in basic agreement on method. More profound disagreementhas come from another leading Tao-chi expert, Ju-hsi Chou, who holds thebulk of the works they seek to authenticate as second-rate or worse and asks, "Arethese really Shih-t'ao's? If they are, I might say that he does not deserve the highplace that art history has accorded him" (1978-79:83). Quoting Max Loehr's declarationthat "it is not possible to prove authenticity" (Loehr 1964: 188), Chou chargesthat "Marilyn {Wong-Gleysteen] and Shen Fu, in spite of their elaborate theoreticalstructure, are not operating so differently from those who are without this structureand who allow their intuitive-aesthetic-recreative ability to flow unchecked" (1978-79:81). And he concludes, "It is in this sense that this paper asks: are we ready forShih-t'ao? Or for that matter, are we ready for any of the major painters in China?. . . We, the art historians, are each on individual tracks" (p. 8 1). Elsewhere, Stanley-Baker (1977:49-50) has used brush-oriented connoisseurship to question the authenticityof one of Wen Fong's "prime objects," Wu Chen's Hermit Fisherman onLake Tung-t'ing (dated 134 l), indicating that structural and brush-oriented connoisseurshipcan readily produce entirely contrary results. All of this suggests that howeverdetailed and carefully descriptive, both brush-based and structural connoisseurshipretain a strong intuitive component and remain as much a subjective art as an objectiveprocedure.In her article "The Development of Brush-Modes in Sung and Yiian" (1977),Stanley-Baker applies the perspective of brush-oriented analysis to the broader his-

torical question of when brushwork in painting first became dependent on calligraphy(traditional assertions that the two were always interdependent not withstanding).The brushwork of Southern Sung academy painting is often described as "uncalligraphic"because of its frequent use of the side of a slanted, sweeping brush, whilethe emergence of calligraphically inspired painting is ordinarily associated with ChaoMeng-fu and the rise of literati painting in the Yuan period. But Stanley-Baker viewsSouthern Sung academy brushwork as derived from clerical and regular script types,typified by squared brushstrokes and dramatic effects, while literati painting is saidto derive from the brushwork of the seal and cursive scripts, typified by round,centered brushwork, with a calm, contained effect. Thus, she argues, the intensedependence of painting on calligraphic brushwork began with the abbreviated brushworkof Li T'ang and the Southern Sung court painters (pp. 54-55), a radical reversalof traditional literati views.Artistic Individuality, Development, Variability, and PersonalityFew studies have shaped the ways in which we think about Chinese painting styleas broadly as those of Loehr and Fong. Most stylistic studies have concentrated morenarrowly on a particular artist's stylistic development and his role at some particulartime. And yet, even though studies of individual artists have too often producedisolated artistic biographies rather than integrated art history, they have expandedthe corpus of detailed study on which any broad yet well supported view of laterChinese art history must be based. Among the individual artists who have been beststudied are Tung Yuan of the Southern T'ang (Barnhart 1969); Li T'ang of the Sung(Edwards 1958a; Barnhart 1972a); Ch'ien Hsuan (Edwards 1958b; Cahill 1958; W.Fong 1960; Shih 1984a; Hay 1985b); Chao Meng-fu (Li 1965, 1968; Vinograd 1978),and Huang Kung-wang (Hay 1978) of the Yuan; Shen Chou (Edwards 1962), WenCheng-ming (Clapp 1975; Edwards and Clapp 1976), Lu Chih (Yuhas 1979), andTung Ch'i-ch'ang (N. Wu 1954, 1970) of the Ming; Kung Hsien (Wilson 1969;Cahill 1970a; W. Wu 1970, 1979), Hung-jen (Kuo 1980b), and Tao-chi (W. Fong1959, 1976, 1986; Edwards et al. 1967; Fu and Fu 1973; Byrd 1974; Chou 1978-79) of the Ch'ing. Li T'ang, Chao Meng-fu, Ch'ien Hsuan, and Tao-chi have provokedthe most disagreement among scholars and, therefore, in many regards have provedthe most instructive. Although assumptions about stylistic individuality, development,variability, and personality have shaped the scholarly process used here andare deeply embedded in the results, these notions have rarely been the subject ofconscious scholarly concern and research.Individual stylistic studies require some description of the artist's developmentalpattern. The framework most commonly adopted for writing about the developmentof artistic style has been that of an organic pattern, conceived of in terms of early,middle, and late periods of artistic production. The popularity of this model in bothhistorical and modern times is discussed in Silbergeld (1987a: 105-8), and its significancefor connoisseurship is dealt with in Fu and Fu (1973:32). James Cahill'sstudy of Yuan Chiang (1963-68) provides a rare and important exception to the viewthat artistic development is approximately as uniform and predictable as biologicalmaturation, but no cumulative evaluation of artists' developmental patterns has yetproduced an alternative theory.Equally in need of further study is the problem of stylistic variability: the diversityof style to be found in a given artist's works. Stylistic research on individual artists

is often limited to a central core of trusted monuments and peripheral works are leftfor future study. Aithough the theoretical importance of this issue in connoisseurshiphas been recognized (Fu and Fu 1973:31-32), their prescription for the systematicstudy of individual masters in terms of typical mature works, early and late works,mediocre and atypical works, imitations and forgeries has rarely if ever been put intopractice. Too often, no clear standard is articulated. Joan Stanley-Baker (1977:49-5 I), for example, has argued against an important Wu Chen attribution on thegrounds of its straying too far in brush technique from his other works, while in thesame article she effectively demonstrates the existence of a surprising, even disturbing,variation in the brushwork of a single work, Huang Kung-wang's famous Dwellingin the Fa-ch'un Mozlntains ("Wu-yung version"), whose authenticity she fully supports.One specific treatment of this issue appears in Richard Barnhart's study of LiT'ang (1972a), to whom such a broad range of individual style has traditionally beenascribed that much disagreement exists about the degree to which he helped shapethe development of Southern Sung painting. In Barnhart's formulation, Li T'ang wasan artist ofgreat stylistic diversity, who encapsulated at the very outset of the SouthernSung period virtually the entire range of academic painting styles that followed, andwho was the earliest Chinese painter whose full stylistic range can still be viewedtoday. The variety of his styles is accounted for by reference to formal and casualmodes of painting, much like the practice of various script types by a single calligrapher.Although the specific works attributed to Li T'ang may still be questioned,Barnhart's consideration of this issue is a valuable one, and he documents well theearly written evidence of Li's stylistic range. Barnhart's study of Li Kung-lin (1976)similarly demonstrates the existence of considerable stylistic diversity, even earlierin the case of a literati artist, although here stylistic variation is seen as a responseto different historical models of painting. Such typological breadth, which Barnhartshows to have emerged by the Sung period (Wu Tao-tzu, Wang Wei, and TungYuan offer still earlier examples), grew even greater in later periods and makes allthe more difficult any definition of the limits of individual stylistic identity.One of the traditional assumptions about style made by Chinese art historians,never explicitly articulated but pervasive nonetheless, might be dubbed the "greatman theory"-namely, the view that most significant stylistic innovations are theproduct of great individuals rather than the result of collective endeavor, suddenhistorical events rather than gradual evolutionary processes. Western histories ofChinese art have typically shared this view, as exemplified by Osvald Siren's classicsurvey, Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and Principles (1956-58), and Max Loehr'sGreat Painters of China (1980). Western scholars have described the innovations inpainting in the Yuan dynasty in terms of "Chao Meng-fu's revolution" (Fong andFu 1973:85) and have written that Tung Ch'i-ch'ang, "by assuming single-handedlythe leadership of both the reactionary and revolutionary currents in painting for histime, managed to establish himself as the founding father for the 'Orthodox School'of the following centuries, and on the other hand as the prime instigator of the greatage of the 'Individualists"' (Cahill 1967: 16).Although this viewpoint has yet to be considered explicitly, surely both Taoisticand Confucianistic notions of individualism could be adduced to account for it intheory (cf. Loehr 1961; Hightower 1961). But it should also be assessed broadly,and a number of recently excavated early works suggest its limitations. A series offunerary banners from the Ch'ang-sha area, from the third-second centuries B.c.,present such a startling anticipation of the style known to the Chinese as "the KuK'ai-chih style of figure painting," after the famous fourth-century Nanking painter,

that Ku's role in the establishment and promulgation of this style must be redefined.Similarly, the T'ang royal tombs northwest of Sian, including the early eighth-centurytombs of Prince Chang-huai, Prince I-te, and Princess Yung-t'ai, provide a confirmationof the general stylistic characteristics of high T'ang painting as seen in latercopies or pastiches of T'ang art: sculpturesque figures portrayed against unpaintedbackgrounds, set in dynamic spatial and psychological relationships to each other.But these excavated works suggest much more. The presence in works datable to706 of powerfully modulated brushwork, traditionally related to the great artist WuTao-tzu and the mid-eighth-century revolution in calligraphic styles, and the appearanceof full-bodied models of feminine beauty, typically associated with the mideighth-centuryconsort Yang Kuei-fei and her imitators and the mid-to-late eighthcenturypaintings of Chang Hsuan and Chou Fang, indicate that a more importantrole was played collectively by lesser artists in the creation of these styles than hastraditionally been recognized. Valuable research by Mary Fong along lines similar tothis, comparing tomb murals and traditional texts, leads to her conclusion that "T'angpainting was more advanced than what had previously been assumed from the meagreand scattered traditional sources" (1984:71); she does not speculate on a generalexplanation.Possibly the role of the famous masters was to bring major stylistic tendenciesto a level of qualitative perfection. But perhaps it was simply to add individualidentity, satisfying traditional Chinese historiographic needs. Similarly, one may askabout Chao Meng-fu and Tung Ch'i-ch'ang: were they the first or the last, were theyreally as revolutionary as often perceived or did they complete slow, evolutionaryprocesses? The latter viewpoint has been suggested or is implicit in several recentwritings, particularly ones that relate to the transition from Southern Sung and Chinto the Yuan (Bush 1969, 1986; Stanley-Baker 1977; Shih 1984a; Edwards 1985;Hay 1985b; Chaves 1985) or that deal with Tung Ch'i-ch'ang's indebtedness to earlierart like that of Wang Meng and Wen Cheng-ming (Leong 1970).Yet another aspect of individual stylistic studies that deserves further thought isthe relationship between artistic personality and social personality. Should we, forexample, assume a relationship between the social character of Tung Ch'i-ch'ang(powerful, but not particularly pleasant) and the character of his art? The Chinesehave long drawn such links (if not this particular one), regarding brushwork as thehallmark of the man and sometimes rejecting the brushwork because of the man. Ifthere is such a relationship, the implications are significant for the questions if andhow art is influenced by context (a topic raised repeatedly later in this essay). Theproblem of "stylistic personality" and its evaluation goes beyond formal aspects ofstyle and deals with subjective effect ("effective" versus "causal" description, to useMichael Baxandall's terms). An interesting case of "effective" interpretation dealswith the late Yuan artist Ni Tsan, whose sparse and simple landscapes, more blankpaper than brushwork, seemed to later generations to be the very model of artisticpurity. Ni's social personality seemed to complement this style: elegant, unworldly,aloof-"like Ku-yu Mountain's ice and snow," to quote a contemporary. But as WenFong has shown (Fong et al. 1984: 108), the later mythologizing of Ni's personalityand even his politics disguised a critical facet of the man: his inability to cope withreality, the neurotic fetishism of his cleanliness, and his awareness of a troubledpersonality that spilled out in his poetry ("I am truly depressed by squalid, vulgarproblems / . . . I struggle to survive in frozen snow"). With this in mind, the arthistorian is forced to consider these basic alternatives in judging Ni Tsan: to regardhis rarified paintings as divorced from his social personality, a pure release from a

CHINESEPAINTING STUDIES IN THE WEST 859deeply troubled life; or to reread the effect of his paintings, their minimalism reflectinghis intolerance for the real world, their formal structures stretched to a breakingpoint in a desperate search for purity; or at least to recognize far greater complexityin both his style and social personality.General StzldiesIn addition to specific studies of style, a number of recent "summations" by seniorscholars in the field should be mentioned. The collective work Eight Dynasties ofChinesePainting (Ho et al. 1980), which documents and illuminates the results of severaldecades of collecting by Kansas City's Nelson Gallery and the Cleveland Museum ofArt under the guidance of its primary authors, Laurence Sickman, Sherman Lee, WaikamHo, and Marc Wilson, is recognized as a model among exhibition catalogues,with prefatory essays and lengthy entries of unusual value. Max Loehr has recentlypublished The Great Painters of China, intentionally giving, as he says, "short shriftto matters of historical and cultural backgrounds" and writing "on the assumptionthat painting, like music or calligraphy, is a more or less closed system" (1980:vii).Wen Fong's Images of the Mind is written in a much'broader cultural context, withfrequent reminders of "a strong moral ethos, a sense of spiritual purpose and commitment"that accompanied the art of painting, although stylistic analysis alwaysremains his primary vehicle (Fong et al. 1984:2). Michael Sullivan's Symbols of Eternitypursues even more the conviction that style cannot be understood well except in abroader context, that for the Chinese painter "even his choice of style often hadpolitical, philosophical, and social implications" (1979:xi). A similar view permeatesthe treatment of painting style in James Cahill's history of later Chinese paintingthreeof five volumes now completed, Hills Beyond a River (1976a), Parting at theShore (1978), The Distant Mountains (1982b)-a series that is gradually replacing thelatter volumes of Osvald Siren's Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and Principles (1956-58) as the standard comprehensive survey of the period. Cahill began his survey inthis tone: "To suggest, as has sometimes been done, that the styles of painting practicedunder the Sung dynasty had 'worked themselves out' and were somehow doomedto decline and be replaced even if the Sung itself had continued strong is to treat artas though it could take a totally independent course in a historical vacuum. In fact,the revolution in Yiian painting was in some part forced by history" (1976a:3).These differing views about artistic style and how it relates, if it does at all, tosocial and cultural environment lead to the subsequent topics in this essay.Theoretical StudiesCurrent Theories of Style and ContextMoving from a discussion of style to other aspects of painting, namely theory,content, and context, leads immediately to an encounter with sensitive issues regardingthe definition of art and the practice of art history. The nature of thesefundamental issues should at least be mentioned before proceeding further.The central task of the art historian, according to Max Loehr, is to define arthistory in terms of a history of styles, independent of the history of other things.Loehr opposes the notion that art originates in the world around it, created by externaltastes, values, and events, and he argues that art is made possible only by the creative

psyche of the individual artist. Since it is expressed in a language that is unique toart, the language of visual style, it cannot have been generated by forces external tothe arts. Rather than regarding the work of art as expressive of its time, he argues that"the work creates its time" (1964: 190). "The historian," he writes, "is interested inthe inception of styles, not in their perpetuation. The importance of a work fromthe historian's point of view, therefore, depends largely on his insight into its onetimestylistic newness" (p. 189). Believing that only in the writing of it is historycomprehensive and continuous, Loehr practices instead a selective coverage of history,dwelling only on what he feels to be its most creative moments and monuments (asin his Great Painters of China E1980)). He minimizes the significance of so-calledsecond-class art, in which Marxist historian Arnold Hauser perceived such great historicalvalue (Loehr 1980: 185, 187). The issues raised by Loehr's article "SomeFundamental Issues in the History of Chinese Painting" (1964) and his "Questionof Individualism in Chinese Art" (1961) are indeed basic questions rarely confrontedelsewhere, and they should long remain a stimulus to thoughtful historians of Chineseart, whatever one's personal orientation.However, contrary to Loehr's view of style and his emphasis on artistic individuality,the thrust of activity in Chinese painting studies in the past decade has runmuch more toward a contextual understanding. This approach has been articulatedby Loehr's foremost pupil, James Cahill, in an article entitled "Style as Idea in Ming-Ch'ing Painting": "When styles are consciously chosen, the choice can take on anadded significance in that particular values were attached to styles, values involvinglocal pride, or social status, or even intellectual or political commitments. Stylescome to have implications that go beyond the confines of art. . . . When it reachessuch a condition, the history of painting begins in important respects to resembleintellectual history, social history, political history, and the issues {begin) to interlock.Styles function as ideas" (1976b:154-55). Cahill, however, draws this limiton the influence of external events on style: "We must beware of. . . supposing thata presentation of the painter's biography with the appropriate references to thesecircumstances and events, and conjectures about his response to them, will suffice to'explain' his paintings. To suippose so would be to fail to recognize the complexityand unpredictability of his mind, which is not to be regarded as a simple machinefor transforming stimuli from outside into pictorial expressions. . . . We should infact mistrust any formulation that states or implies simple causality in seeking tolink the style of a work of art with factors outside it" (p. 150).Pre-Sung Painting Theories and Their Philosophical ContextThe question of whether to move the study of art out of isolation and into aninterdisciplinary context has also been asked of the study of traditional painting theory,with the result that much effort has been made recently to interpret paintingtheories within more precise philosophical or religious contexts. At the Conferenceon the Theories of the Arts in China, held at York, Maine, in 1979 (cf. Bush andC. Murck 1983), four essays were presented on early theories of Chinese landscapearts. A common bond between these essays is a view of pre-Sung thought as ratherstrongly inclined to magical beliefs, seen by some as animistic at their core; thesebeliefs were "not a monopoly of the so-called 'Taoists,' as some people hastily assume,but . . . shared by Confucian scholars and everyone else" (Munakata 1983: 120). Thetopic of Lothar Ledderose's "Earthly Paradise: Religious Elements in Chinese Land-

scape Art" is three-dimensional forms of landscape art (imperial parks, imperial tombcompounds, paradise gardens, natural gardens, miniature tray-landscapes, and incenseburners), particularly from the Ch'in to the T'ang period. All of these are said tohave shared one central notion: "An archetypal idea which is one of the basic reasonsfor man to create images at all, the magical belief that by artificially making a replicaof something one wields power over the real object" (1983: 166). Painting, althoughmentioned only briefly, is also said to have embodied this belief.A similar, animistic view of aesthetics appears in John Hay's "The Human Bodyas a Microcosmic Source of Macrocosmic Values in Calligraphy." Noting the frequentuse of physiological terms (bones, arteries, sinew, and the like) in Chinese aestheticand calligraphic texts, Hay suggests that "the metaphors of art texts are far morethan picturesque embroidery, they are the most effective mode of understanding. . . .Organs, as discrete physical objects, barely exist in Chinese medical theory. . . . Instead,it [anatomy] identifies functions" (1983:75, 83). Hay examines the metaphorof the organism as the basis for a dynamic concept of art theory, with the flow andstorage of energy seen as central not only to writings about art but to artistic expressionitself. The central goal of art-a microcosmic event concentrating in itself the boundlessenergy of the macrocosm-is seen as the attainment of life-energy (p. 95). Suchviews of early Chinese attitudes toward landscape and art as intense and dynamic, asattempting to partake quite literally in nature's awesome powers and mysterioustransformations, represent a significant recent departure from the prevailing, morefigurative understanding of early critical attitudes as "romantic sentiment" poeticallyexpressed (Siren 1956-58, 1:37).Something of this dynamic concept is present also in two studies of Tsung Ping'searly fifth-century Preface to Painting Landscapes (Huu shan-shui hsii), the earliest survivingtheoretical writing about landscape painting. Yet these two articles departfrom the traditional interpretation of Tsung's Preface as representing Neo-Taoist aestheticism(e.g., Sullivan 1962: 102-3) or animism (Silbergeld 1987a: 103-5, whichtreats Tsung's painting as an aid to prolonging life) by placing Tsung Ping insteadin a Buddhist context at a time of intense Buddhist borrowing from Taoism andConfucianism. Kiyohiko Munakata (1983) views Tsung Ping's essay in terms of "Buddhisticanimism," still dependent on Taoist precedent and in particular on the ontologicalconcept of kan-lei-the sympathetic responsiveness of things to others oftheir kind. After describing the early development of the concept of kan-lei in religiousand philosophical beliefs and even Han musical theory, he writes of its Buddhistadaptation as intended "to attain the essential nature (lei) of the mountains, so as tocause a mystical karmic interaction between the spirit of the viewer and the spiritof the sacred mountain depicted" (p. 127), in other words, to purify the soul andpromote karmic progress. Susan Bush (1983) follows a recent Japanese trend in emphasizingthe involvement of Tsung Ping in Hui-yiian's Buddhist community onMount Lu, and she translates his Preface with reference to Tsung's religious tract, theDiscourses llhminating the Buddha (Ming Fo lun). Rejecting the notion that Tsung wasspecifically animistic, she calls his view of nature "landscape Buddhism." Bush envisionsan analogy in Tsung's art and writing between soaring landscape peaks, suchas those of Mount Lu, and karmic ascent, an analogy she believes was intended tosatisfy the need for iconic concreteness in early Chinese Buddhism. Landscape's spatialvastness, she writes, served to suggest the infinitely complex web of karma.The Bush and Munakata articles exemplify the coupling of art-critical translationswith philosophical studies, and by so sharply shifting the context of their translationsfrom a Taoist to a Buddhist environment they illustrate the dependence of translation

on contextual assumptions. At this stage of development, the reader would do betterto read with an open mind than to expect any final determination of Tsung Ping'sexact intentions, but the subtlety of Tsung's philosophical premises and the necessityof ultimately coming to an understanding of them is effectively indicated by thesetwo articles. The same may be said of Hsieh Ho's famous and frequently studied SixCanons of painting, which William Acker (1954:xiv-xlv, 4) has attempted to placein a Buddhist context but which James Cahill (1961) has since interpreted largelyin terms of Neo-Taoist animism.Later Painting Theories and Their Philosophical ContextThe magical pronouncements of early Chinese painting theorists are now increasinglytaken as literal, inspired by religious Taoism and Buddhism, and not as poeticmetaphor. Conversely, much of later Chinese painting theory, once seen primarilyin terms of philosophical Taoism and Buddhism, has recently come to be treated interms of Neo-Confucian rationalism. An example is the Pi-fa-chi, or A Note on theArt of the Brash, by the tenth-century pioneer of monumental landscape painting,Ching Hao, as translated and expounded by Kiyohiko Munakata (1975). Max Loehrhad previously written of Ching Hao and particularly of his choice of art-historicalmodels in terms of his "single-minded concern with purely artistic problems . . .[unrelated to) non-artistic factors of whatever kind, political, social, religious, literary,or philosophical" (1964: 189-90). But Munakata treats all aspects of Ching'sart and especially his painting treatise as deeply philosophical, relating the treatiseto early developments in Neo-Confucianism and calling it "an all-inclusive theoryaiming at achieving harmony between contrasting ideas and elements: between Taoistmysticism and Confucian idealism, spontaneity and learnedness, outward form andinner content" (1975:4). Painting was viewed by Ching as a mode of self-education;style, far from being an end in itself, was viewed as shaping an artist's outlook, andit therefore was to be balanced in its choice of models and never taken to extremes.Whereas Siren described Tsung Ping and Ching Hao alike as "romantic" (1956-58,1:37, 8 I), Munakata's portrayal of Ching's carefully balanced intellectualism offersa sharp contrast with the fervent spirituality of Tsung Ping and pre-Sung theory ingeneral as presented by Munakata, Bush, Ledderose, Hay, and others.James Cahill's "Confucian Elements in the Theory of Painting" (1960) still providesthe clearest general account of Neo-Confucian influence in literati painting theory.Cahill dismisses the notion that the main contribution of Confucianism to laterChinese painting lay in the moral tone of its subject matter. He traces the gradualshift in Confucian painting theory, as in poetic and musical theory, from a stress onsubject matter to an emphasis on the artist, his personal qualities and his transientmood and feelings at the time of artistic engagement (p. 129). In particular, Cahillcontrasts the pre-Sung artistic ideal of deriving aesthetic arousal from the things ofthis world (ch'zl-wzl) with Sung literati painting theory as based on Neo-Confuciantheories of emotion, which eschewed any serious attachment to subject matter-"Thesame attitude operated, I believe, in both philosophy and art: the perfect man respondsto natural stimuli, but is not permanently affected by them, because they do notalter his essential self; the scholar-painter makes use of natural objects only to 'lodgehis mind' Fii}, not allowing them, or his feeling toward them, to dictate the importof his pictures (pp. 132-33). Cahill also suggests that this later attitude played amajor role in enabling literati painting to pull away from objective description anddraw closer than its predecessors to the abstract art of calligraphy (p. 128).

CHINESEPAINTINGSTUDIESIN THE WEST 863As a valuable counterpart to Cahill's more focused study, Susan Bush's The ChineseLiterati on Painting: Su Shih (1 03 7- 1 101 ) to Tung Ch'i-ch'ang (1555-1636) (1970)presents the most influential overview of later theoretical writings, offering a morecoherent thesis than other major compilations of Chinese criticism and theory (e.g.,Siren 1936, Bush and Shih 1985) and drawing on a wider range of sources, includingoccasional writings as well as formal texts. At the time of publication, it was notablefor its treatment of social class objectives as a major force in the shaping of paintingtheory, as well as for its attempt to establish independent chronologies for the practice,theory, and historical criticism of literati painting. In a review article, KiyohikoMunakata (1976) rejects such distinctions between theory and practice, arguing thattheory (and the modern translation of it) must be consistent with what theoriststhemselves saw and knew of art. He claims that even though Su Shih, in writing,may have stressed self-expression rather than problems of representation, he did notsee the two as opposed. What Su meant by self-expression and the kind of work thathe appreciated must be gauged in terms of what he had actually experienced, naturalisticSung styles rather than the kind of expressive styles found first in the Yiian.By extension, Munakata argues that the "clear definition of art as a product of man,and thus to be evaluated for its own sake independently from nature" (p. 318) doesnot appear until Tung Ch'i-ch'ang, thereby disputing Bush's view that Ming paintingtheory lacked significant originality.As later Chinese painting theory has increasingly been studied in a Neo-Confuciancontext, terms and concepts that once were viewed as mystical and eccentric areincreasingly being understood in terms of Neo-Confucianism's intellectual syncretism.An example is Tung Ch'i-ch'ang's well-known use of the Ch'an Buddhist terms"Southern" and "Northern" (signifying, respectively, spontaneous insight and gradualistpedagogy) to distinguish between those painting masters whom he recommendedto the literati as outstanding models and those lesser masters whom he foundskilled but pedantic models appropriate only for professional painters. Although NelsonWu (1962:279-81) has documented Tung's association with Li Chih and suggestedthe important influence on him of Li's "Mad Ch'an," Susan Bush (1970:161)describes Tung's resort to Buddhist terminology as a mere "convenience" and WaikamHo (1976: 122) suggests that Tung's theory owed less to Ch'an Buddhist thoughtthan to the secondary influence of its philosophy in the T'ai-chou school of Neo-Confucianism. James Cahill(198 lb) also minimizes the Buddhist significance of thisterminology, describing it as a rhetorical strategy enabling Tung to justify by a singlestandard every painter selected as an ideal painting model, when neither style norgeography nor social class alone could do this. In reexamining the paradox, so intriguingto Joseph Levenson (1957), that Tung and his late Ming-early Ch'ing followers,practitioners of a highly intellectualized mode of art based on the rigorousstudy of the past, should have chosen the Ch'an Buddhist ideal of instant mindlessnessto describe their aesthetic, Cahill concludes: "The answer to the question of whyConfucian intellectuals chose a Buddhist aesthetic, then, is that they didn't really;or rather that they did so to the same degree that Wang Yang-ming and his followerschose a Buddhist metaphysic. The presence of Ch'an ideas in late Ming paintingtheory is not essentially diffecent from the presence of Ch'an in other areas of lateMing thought and culture; it is not a separate phenomenon, in need of special explanation"(1976b: 140-4 1).As implied by the subtitle of Susan Bush's book (1970), Su Shih to Tung Ch'ich'ang,literati painting theory was stretched between these two great eras of thought,the eleventh and the seventeenth centuries, with much less taking place in between

than there was at either end. The latter end, the era of Tung Ch'i-ch'ang, whichCahill has described as "the most intensely self-concious time of this most reflectiveof artistic traditions" (1982a:225) and a time when Chinese painting was as deeplytroubled as it was creative, has also been the focus ofgreatest attention in terms ofmodern theoretical studies. The critical theories of Tung Ch'i-ch'ang-whose originalityin relation to Mo Shih-lung's Hua-shuo, where many of the same passagesappear, has been well demonstrated (Fu 1970; Ho 1976: 113- 15)-established theorthodox norms for Chinese painting from the seventeenth century on and have sometimesbeen seen as a manifestation in the cultural realm of the sterile orthodoxy thatwas the fate of imperial China in almost all of its affairs. Joseph Levenson (1957),in particular, assumed the sterility of Tung Ch'i-ch'ang's work, like that of lateConfucianism itself. But most recent studies (e.g., W. Fong 1968, 1984; N. Wu1962; Munakata 1976:318) have tended to emphasize the vitality of Tung Ch'ich'ang'sart, his theories, and his era. Cahill suggests that Levenson's view of Tung'sart as "patently derivative" exemplifies "one of the classical pitfalls that open beforeanyone writing about art: taking at face value what the artist, or someone else, saysabout the work of art, without checking this judgment or characterization againstthe work itself. . . . When we do, Tung stands forth as a brilliantly innovative master"(1976b: 139, 141-42).In an examination of the relation of Tung's critical theories to Ming literarycriticism, Wai-kam Ho (1976) suggests that Tung pursued dynamic, not static,values and that he could even be termed anti-orthodox-Ho uses the term "neworthodoxy" to describe Tung's reaction against the older values. Ho observes that thenotion of an orthodox lineage of models to be followed (cheng-tsung or cheng-t'ung)appeared in Ming literary theory well before it emerged in painting theory and thatit was dependent on the development of a critical periodization begun in the earlyfifteenth century by Kao T'ing-li and on the literary revival started around 1500 byLi Meng-yang; that Tung's "orthodox" view does not describe the attitudes foundin the Yuan or early Ming, despite the common tendency to apply it retroactively,has been argued elsewhere (Silbergeld 1980~; Liscomb 1987). By Tung's time, certainmodels had already become widely accepted for literature (Ch'in-Han in prose, andhigh T'ang in poetry) and for painting (Sung and early Ming academic painting hadbeen given the critical backing of Wang Shih-chen). In all of these fields, therefore,there existed a formal, strictly regulated artistic standard. Ho discusses the influenceon Tung of the Neo-Confucian Kung-an school, which challenged these models asbeing too restrained by stereotypes and external rules, raising the alternative modelsof middle T'ang poetry and T'ang-Sung prose and the "new orthodox" standard of"inspired harmony" (pp. 120-24). Tung's role was to add Yiian painting to theKung-an literary models. In theory, Ho says, Tung intended a unification of twoconflicting values, rules fa) and creative transformation (pien), combining the idealsof formal regulation and inspired harmony in a "Great Synthesis" that would transcendthe polarization of late Ming criticism (p. 125; see also Fong et al. 1984: 156-61on this matter).Despite the stress on Neo-Confucian influence in studies of later Chinese paintingtheory, some research provides a continuing reminder of the value of detailed examinationsof Taoist and Buddhist contributions to the artistic thought of this period.Examples include studies of the role of Taoist geomancy in the art of Huang KungwangUohn Hay 1978:227-81) and in the writings of Wang Yuan-ch'i (Susan Bush1962). Shou-chien Shih (1984a) has demonstrated the presence of Taoist thought inthe paradise landscapes of Ch'ien Hsuan in the early Yuan, while Kiyohiko Munakata

CHINESE PAINTING STUDIES IN THE WEST865(1986) and Ellen Laing (1986) have shown similar ideas at work in the Wu schoolpaintings of Shen Chou, Lu Chih, and others. Mary Gardner Neil1 (1981) has examinedthe religious background and sometimes visionary landscapes of the late Yiianperiod Taoist monk Fang Ts'ung-i, while Richard Barnhart (1983b) has pointed toa Taoist role in the "wild" brushwork of many "Northern School" painters of thesucceeding period, the early to middle Ming, a group not usually dignified by considerationas philosophically oriented. However, although Taoist in inspiration, exceptfor Wang Yiian-ch'i these artists were not published theoreticians, and manyof these studies are themselves only tangentially concerned with Taoist theory.The most important crystallization of Taoist thought in later painting theoryappears in the writings of Tao-chi, whose Taoism was inseparable from the Ch'anBuddhism of his upbringing and whose ideas are as important as those of Tung Ch'ich'angin defining the alternatives possible in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.Far from being an easygoing Taoist romantic, Tao-chi seems to have beenprofoundly responsive to the troubles of this turbulent era (W. Fong 1976). In hiswritings, he eschewed conventional norms in favor of individual creativity and theidentification of art and artist with nature. In opposition to Tung's traditionalistnotion offang, or creative imitation of past styles, Tao-chi wrote, "In painting, thereare the Northern and Southern Schools, and in calligraphy, the methods of the twoWangs. . . . Now if it is asked, did I learn from the Northern or the Southern School,or did they learn from me? Holding my belly laughing, I would reply: I naturallyuse my own method" (Fu and Fu 1973:55). He frequently described his own methodas "no-method." Tao-chi's theoretical treatise, Record of Discussions on Painting (HuayilIu), is the subject of a valuable study by Ju-hsi Chou (1970). For the translationof a variant edition of this work, the Huu-p'u, see Coleman (1978); for a Frenchrendition, see Ryckmans (1966).These studies collectively suggest that as late as the early seventeenth century,Chinese painting still retained its vitality and that this was reaffirmed in theoreticalwritings that offered a range of viable alternatives. Yet the theoretical writings ofthe period also clearly foreshadowed the eventual tyranny of traditionalism over originality.Tung Ch'i-ch'ang's theory of creativity was couched exclusively in terms ofvariations on the past, fang, whose practice increasingly limited the future range ofartistic possibilities. His concept and practice of fang readily won a wider role thanTao-chi's "no-method" in the context of late Ming and Ch'ing culture. With an eyeto the future and the decline of later Chinese painting, James Cahill writes of Taochi'sisolated stance as a grand lost opportunity for all of Chinese art: "He mightappear to have laid the foundations for a great new age of painting, in which theburden of the past was finally thrown off, and nature was reconciled with art. It wasnot to happen that way. . . . The magnificent failure of Tao-chi to bring about singlehandedlythe emancipation of painting from the weight of the past marks the endof the age in which that interaction of theorizing and painting had been most pervasiveand productive, the most intensely self-conscious time of this most reflective of artistictraditions" (1982a:2 16, 225).Conversely, Wen Fong, in arguing that Tung Ch'i-ch'ang's traditionalism wasno less creative a force than Tao-chi's individualism, casts the latter in a much lessheroic pose: "I do not believe for a minute that Tao-chi, or any other 17th-centuryChinese artist, could have imagined 'a great new age of painting, in which the burdenof the past was finally thrown off' in the sense Cahill has formulated it" (1986:508).Writing on the pervasiveness of conventional attitudes in this period, Richard Edwards(1976a) has shown how Tao-chi's theory of unrestricted creativity was itself

derived from a tradition of established theories and embedded in a network of traditionalvalues shared with past and present masters, including Tung himself. AndSusan Nelson (1983) has illustrated how the theoretical term i, which once meantunfettered or "untrammeled" creativity, was gradually reduced by Tung's time tomeaning little more than painting (fettered or otherwise) in the style of two particularearly "untrammeled" masters, Mi Fu and Ni Tsan, and no longer pertained to thefew relatively unfettered later artists like Tao-chi. Whichever way one views it, it isdifficult to escape the feeling that seventeenth-century painting theory said as muchabout China as a whole as it did about art and that it was ominously prescient withregard to the unhappy fate of Ch'ing art and culture.The Relation ofPainting and PoetryChinese theories about the relationships between painting, calligraphy, and poetrydate back at least to the T'ang dynasty. Early views on the relationship of paintingand poetry, posed in terms of their "convertibility," were documented by Hans Frankelalmost three decades ago (1957), while Michael Sullivan's sensitive work, TheThree Perfections (1974), has explored the sometimes-exquisite aesthetic interactionbetween the three art forms. But quite in contrast to traditional Chinese assertionsof convertibility is the conclusion of Jao Tsung-i in his study of tz'a poetry andpainting: "At base, however, the painting remains a painting, and the poem remainsa poem. In form they are totally different. In fact they have not been transposed buthave extended themselves to emulate the beauties of another art form" (1974:20).Similar skepticism about this equivalence appeared earlier in Esther Jacobson's study(Leong 1972) of Wu Yuan-chih's painting of Su Shih's "Prose Poem on the Red Cliff"(despite some strikingly specific adjustments of Wu's landscape forms to fit the text);and it emerges again in Richard Edwards's more recent examination ofpoetry inscribedon paintings of the Southern Sung imperial academy, presented at a recent symposiumon painting, poetry, and calligraphy at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Edwardsconcludes that this poetry "seemed most valid in the context of painting when it hadthe freedom to wander from a specific painting and feed on the ever expanding bordersof the imagination, while painting fulfilled its aims by insisting on the precision ofits images. In sum, the poem that surrendered to the painting endangered the richnessof its ambiguities; the painting that surrendered to poetry must compromise theclarity of seeing" (1985: abstract p. 2).A historical review presented at this symposium by Jonathan Chaves (1985) describesthe three arts as involved in a constantly changing relationship. He observesthat, beginning with the earliest self-composed, self-inscribed poems, which probablyappeared in the artistic circle of Su Shih, poetry primarily drew attention to thepainter as the agent of the painting and to the circumstances of the painting's execution.Only in the Yuan did self-inscribed poems first begin to function in theirown right (p. 7). Chaves also studies the evaluations of Chinese painters' verse byMing and Ch'ing poetry critics (pp. 36-5 1) and concludes that even though someof the painter-poets like Shen Chou, Wen Cheng-rning, and T'ang Yin were quitehighly thought of, there was generally a "suspicious" attitude toward most and particularlytoward that poetry which was inscribed on paintings (t'i-hua shih). JohnHay's contribution to this symposium focuses on the visual encounter between thespatial illusion of painting and the nonillusionistic art of calligraphy (1985b:esp. 11-13). Noting the nonhistorical nature of traditional generalizations about these arts,

CHINESE PAINTING STUDIESIN THE WEST 867Hay outlines a pattern of chronological development (pp. 1-4), beginning with earlySung painters who typically rendered their brief inscriptions visually innocuous byhiding them amid foliage or carving them on rocky cliffs. In the later Sung, inscriptionsfirst began to "invade" the paintings and challenge their spatial order,thereby transforming the works into a more consciously aesthetic object. In thisdevelopment, according to Hay, a critical role was played by the court paintingsdesigned to be inscribed by Yang Mei-tzu, empress of Ning-tsung, reversing thetraditional critical relegation of court painting to a role that had little bearing onpainting as a literary art form. Completing this historical transformation, Hay claims,landscape paintings by Yuan literati eliminated the last major vestiges of spatialnaturalism in order to accommodate more fully the poetic inscription. This final phaseis seen as beginning with Ch'ien Hsiian, the first artist consistently to inscribe hispaintings with his own poems and signatures. The impact of inscribed poetry on thedevelopment of nonnaturalistic painting styles, as portrayed by Hay, deserves furtherclose examination. Like Jao, Edwards, and others, Hay maintains the inherent inconvertibility("asymmetry") of painting and poetry, even in the art of later times,due to their essentially different character.Studies of ContentIt is perhaps a natural part of the evolution of Chinese painting studies that ascommon ground for the study of style becomes established and as an ever-increasingcorpus of works comes to be acceptable for research use, research increasingly hasbeen less limited to painting as a "closed system" of styles and more concerned withthe multifaceted relationship between style, content (which is often more subtle thanimmediately recognized), and cultural context.Buddhist and Taoist IconographyBecause of the iconic nature of Buddhist painting-which has condemned it toinferior artistic status in the eyes of some critics-its study has long been characterizedby a strong interest in content. In contrast to Japan and China, in the West therehas been little recent research on traditional Buddhist painting; among the few majorstudies are those on Chang Sheng-wen's encyclopedic Long Roll of circa 1175 (Chapin1970-71; Matsumoto 1976) and the research on the British Museum's Tun-huangbanners and scrolls (Whitfield 1982-83). On the other hand, Ch'an (Zen) painting,which has no historiographic tradition in China, has been an increasingly productivearea of research in the West. Zen Painting and Calligraphy, Jan Fontein and MoneyHickman's catalog (1970) of the centennial exhibition at the Boston Museum of FineArts, which included many of Japan's finest collected works, helped greatly to elevateresearch standards in an area that had previously suffered from unashamed romanticizationand much sheer vagueness. This was the first major Ch'an exhibition evenheld in the West and the first study to extensively translate and carefully interpretthese paintings' enigmatic colophons.Most Ch'an painting studies have been thematic in emphasis, such as CorneliusChang's research on the "Water-Moon Kuan-yin" (1971) and two studies on Ch'anpriest-portraiture (Bush and Main 1977-78; Brinker 1973-74). Bush and Main haveemphasized the syncretic nature of Sung-Chin religion and religious iconography,and particularly the influence of Lii sect art and that of other traditions on Ch'an

Buddhist painting. Brinker's study is concerned with portraits in a landscape setting,which first appeared in the Yiian period; he shows that these portraits were derivedstylistically from those of secular recluses and that their subjects were typically priestswho had abandoned the regulated hierarchy of the church, being too independentmindedeven for Ch'an's monastic lifestyle "in an age in which various forms ofescapism as an alternative way of life became prominent" (p. 24). Another particularlyinstructive topic is that of Shakyamuni's descent from the mountains, typically depictedwith a grim realism that is distinctively Ch'an Buddhist and iconographicallyrooted in Ch'an's unorthodoxy. Dietrich Seckel (1965), Helmut Brinker (1973), andHoward Rogers (1983) have effectively rejected rhe popular and seemingly logicalinterpretation of this scene as Shakyamuni prior to his enlightenment, descendingfrom his mountain-cave after six years of asceticism in a moment of failure. Theysuggest instead that it represents enlightened Buddha making his momentous decisionto return to the world of suffering as a teacher. The support of this interpretationlies neither in scripture nor in visual logic but in Ch'an beliefs that departed fromorthodox Buddhist tradition. Particularly important among these was the belief inthe Buddha's serial or double enlightenment, the first of which preceded the traditionalevent at Bodh Gaya, taking place in the mountain wilderness on his seeingthe morning star at midnight, and which was commemorated annually at Ch'an (orat least Japanese Zen) temples with the display of these "Emerging Buddha" paintings.Rogers's article further suggests that this stark image of the Buddha may wellhave derived from Wang Wei's now-lost eighth-century depiction of Hui-neng escapingthrough the mountains, a painting that inaugurated the tradition of Ch'anpatriarchal portraiture in support of the Southern School's claims against better establishedNorthern School lineage.But unorthodox Ch'an seems to have developed its own conventions. Studyingthe "ghostly" or "apparitional style" (wang-lzang) figure paintings of the fourteenthcenturyCh'an artist Yin-t'o-lo, which are now preserved as fragments of scrolls thathave been cut up and dispersed, Yoshiaki Shimizu (1980) offers an innovative approachto reconstructing the original sequence of these fragments by trying to solve a largerissue: the identification of typological programs that were followed by paintings depictingCh'an activity. He proposes that such programs can be derived from theorganizational scheme of the "Fo-tsu-tsan" chapters in books of collected sayings byindividual monks, chapters that preserved the poetry inscribed by these monks onCh'an historical figure paintings. Shimizu's informative study is both a proposal ofthis concept and a test application and if accurate it might well facilitate further suchapplications.A work linking Buddhist and Taoist studies is Wu Hung's research (1986) onthe earliest (Eastern Han) Buddhist motifs found in China, based mostly on othermedia but with equally important implications for painting. This research has givennew support to the recurring argument that by virtue of their funerary context andiconographic content, such "Buddhist" motifs must be understood instead as part ofearly religious Taoist art since they demonstrate that the Buddha was first understoodin China and treated in art as a Western immortal deity, incorporated into the Taoistpantheon and linked to or even interchangeable with Hsi-wang-mu.The study of Taoist funerary art has been greatly enriched by the archaeologicaldiscovery in recent decades of at least six painted funerary banners from the WarringStates and Western Han periods, as well as some related wall paintings, mostly fromthe Ch'ang-sha area. Typically including portraits of the deceased, of dragons and

other vehicles of spiritual conveyance, and symbolic depictions of the heavens andunderworld, these works have given rise to numerous iconographic studies, muchindebted to research originating in China (Bulling 1974; James 1979; Loewe1979:17-59; extensive Chinese research is cited in these three works). Referred toin two tomb inventories asfei-i, or "flying garments," and probably used in funeraryrites of "summoning the souls" of the deceased, the most mature of these bannershave been described as cosmic diagrams and are rich in mythological content. Buta comparative reading of studies about them (Silbergeld 1982-83) suggests a strikingdegree of inconsistency both in the identification of figures and in their interpretation,a problem that may result from forcing interpretations out of the surviving earlyliterature. In fact, this literature (the Li-chi, 14, Shan-hai ching, and so forth) probablyrepresents but a fragmentary survival of the relevant literature from that period; also,these writings were probably more prescriptive than they were descriptive of typicalpractice, and they have yet to be compared carefully to local funerary beliefs andpractices and to the artistic traditions of Ch'ang-sha and other relevant regions. Allof these factors raise questions about the reliability with which literature can beapplied to the study of early painting. A more thorough consideration of these bannershas been prepared by Robert Thorp (forthcoming).. It has yet to be noted that anearly Han painting from Ma-wang-tui tomb no. 3 may actually depict such a bannerbeing carried in a funerary procession.Blue-and-green landscapes, which played a major role in T'ang painting as wellas a greater part in later literati painting than is commonly acknowledged, remainone of the major areas of Chinese painting and Taoist iconography still needing rigorousstudy. Although Six-Dynasties-period examples, in which red was regularlyincluded with the other two colors, may well have been derived from foreign stylesbrought to China with Buddhism, the transferrence of this color scheme to Taoistparadise scenes must have occurred shortly afterward and helped shape the classicT'ang landscape. The links between jeweled landscapes and the mineralogical andalchemical interests of the Taoists were first suggested by Edward Schafer (1963). Anumber of recent works-John Hay's study of Yuan painting traditions and hissuggested analogy between alchemy and pigment preparation (1978:295), Cahill'sinterpretation of a tenth-century landscape-paradise found in a Liao tomb (1985),Shou-chien Shih's examination (1984a) of Ch'ien Hsuan's "escapist" paradise landscapes,studies of Ming "Wu School" painters by Kiyohiko Munakata (1986) andEllen Laing (1986), and Susan Nelson's study of peach blossom spring paintings(1986)-all help to shed light on the Taoist basis of blue-and-green landscape paintings.But a more thorough investigation, particularly of the origins of this tradition,is still awaited. Several of these studies, as well as John Hay's insightful exhibitioncatalogue on rocks in Chinese art (1985a), also discuss the closely related Taoistlandscape theme of caves and grotesque rocks.Research on two other Taoist themes deserve mention: a study on "purity andpollution" in Han funerary art (Berger 1983), which asserts that many early battlescenes, such as the Battle at the Bridge, commonly depicted in Han tombs representpurification rituals that pitted shamans and exorcists against the demons of disease,drought, and other evils; and'an iconographic study of the gods of Happiness, Emoluments,and Longevity (Fu, Lu, Shou; M. Fong 1983). A review of the numerousthemes relating to the Taoist pursuit of longevity may be found in Silbergeld,"Chinese Concepts of Old Age" (1987a).

Court Painting as Political PropaganhIn the past two decades, in the study of Sung and post-Sung painting, researchon Confucian-based political iconography has overshadowed interest in Taoist andBuddhist themes. (Surviving pre-Sung examples of Confucian court painting scarcelyexist today, but the literary materials for such a study are reviewed in Ledderose1973.) The most intensive research of this kind has focused on a group of paintingsproduced at the court of the first Southern Sung emperor, Kao-tsung, in support ofhis political campaign for "Dynastic Revival" (Chung-hsing) following the Chin conquestof North China in 1127.This group of works includes a long scroll attributed to Li T'ang, Duke Wen ofChin Recovering His State, which celebrates by analogy Kao-tsung's restoration (legallyproblematic) of the Sung imperial mandate (Fong and Fu 1973:29-5 1). Also amongthese works are illustrations of the Eighteen Songs ofa Nomad Flute, describing thecaptivity of Lady Ts'ai Wen-chi of the Han by Hsiung-nu nomads, a graphic reminderof the threat that faced the Southern Sung (Rorex 1973, 1974, 1984). Several otherpaintings in this thematic group portrayed literary narratives composed by Kaotsung'sgrand marshall, Ts'ao Hsun, including a set of scrolls depicting Ts'ao's AuspiciousOmens Relating to the Dynastic Revival (Chung-hsing jui-ying t'u) and the remarkablevisual record Welcoming the Imperial Carriage (Ying-luan t'u), which illustratedTs'ao's account of personally receiving Kao-tsung's mother (Hui-tsung's Empress Wei)and the remains of Hui-tsung, Hui-tsung's Empress Cheng, and Kao-tsung's EmpressHsing (the latter no longer part of the scroll, now in the Shanghai Museum), as theyentered Southern Sung territory in 1142 (Hsii 1972). Kao-tsung's own direct participationin this moralizing project was once thought to be documented by numerousscrolls illustrating the Classic of Poetry, with paintings by Ma Ho-chih and calligraphyby the emperor himself or partly by his successor. But Julia Murray and Hsii Pangtahave independently suggested that neither Kao-tsung nor his son Hsiao-tsungactually produced this calligraphy, arguing that the calligraphers were either quiteclose to the emperor and possibly included Empress Wu (Murray 1981, 1985) orrepresented several distinguishable groups of Imperial Calligraphy Academy members(Hsu 1985a, 1985b). The finest artistic work in this group, Li T'ang's Po-i and Shuch'iPicking Herbs (Palace Museum, Peking), which depicts the princes of Ku-chu whostarved rather than serve the Chou and provided a model of resistance to the Chinincursion, has yet to be studied in depth. This group of figure paintings representsthe finest surviving politically didactic art of the type that dominated early Chinesecourt painting. The perpetuation of this propagandistic mode in later times is bestseen in Ledderose et al. (1985).The Political iconography of Literati PaintingMore interesting still are paintings by literati artists of the Yuan and later periodswhose political iconography is largely or entirely covert, often concealed in inscriptionsas subtle as the painted subjects themselves. The existence of such works shouldnot be entirely surprising, given that the proper career of the literatus-amateur waspolitics. Yet their political advocacy and sometimes bitter or strident appeal seemsto contradict Neo-Confucian assumptions about the kind of themes and emotionssuitable for display in scholar's painting (cf. Cahill 1960: 132-33). They are alsoexceptions to the modern views that later artists' "intense concentration on style leads

CHINESE PAINTING STUDIES IN THE WEST 871them to lose interest in subject matter, which is so diminished in variety and significancethat it would be only a small exaggeration to say that most of later Chinesepainting, and much of the best of it, has no subject" (Cahill 1976b: 153) and that"extant {post-T'ang] Chinese paintings form a corpus in which iconographical considerationsare relatively unimportant {with] hardly any innovation in the iconographicrepertoire of the Chinese painter. . . after the rise of literati painting" (Ledderose1973:69). These views, as expressed by Cahill and Ledderose, are probablyquite right in terms of theory. Yet theory and practice seem to have differed; althoughthese paintings may have been exceptions to a general rule, the frequency of whichis as yet unknown, they are nonetheless exceptionally important.Examples of painted political allegory are largely associated with periods of politicalupheaval-the early Yuan, the late Yiian, the late Ming and early Ch'ingandmost of the examples discovered so far were painted by disaffected i-min, the"left-over people" or disenfranchised loyalists of their day. One of the first studiesof covert political iconography was Chu-tsing Li's "The Freer 'Sheep and Goat' andChao Meng-fu's Horse Paintings" (1968), which will be discussed below in terms ofits somewhat ambiguous message. Another such subject was the willow tree as paintedby the Ming dynasty loyalist, Kung Hsien (Silbergeld 1980b). Kung Hsien transformedthe standard image of the willow, lovely and romantic, into a tortured-looking,prematurely barren tree, invariably shown in the midst of winter. Poeticallyassociated with fading beauty, reclusion, and the parting of friends, this theme servedas a metaphor for the artist's fall from grace during the Manchu conquest, his buddingpolitical career prematurely ended. But as his inscriptions and instructional sketchbooksreminded viewers and students, his willows were prolific and toughened byharsh weather, an appropriate symbol for oppressed but unconquerable virtue, andthe massive form and densely packed groves of his trees expressed this notion instylistic terms. Although Neo-Confucian precepts would suggest that the only properpolitical function of painting was to purify the politician's emotions from the inherentcorruption of his trade-in other words, an antipolitical function-such examplesshow that the passions that ran through Chinese politics sometimes spilled over intothe politicians' art. Other such paintings of particular themes drawn from natureothervarieties of trees, flowers, rocks, and so forth-have occasionally proved to bepart of a rich vocabulary of metaphors, often representing embattled artists in a worldgone awry. The general basis of such metaphors and various examples were presentedin Richard Barnhart's Wintry Forests, Old Trees (1972 b). Further examples includeWang Mien's plum paintings (Li 1976b; Hoar 1983) and Pa-ta Shan-jen's eccentrictreatment of flowers, rocks, birds and fish, studied in poetry by Wang Fang-yii (1976)and by James Cahill (1987) with the purpose of somehow distinguishing politicalintention from the artist's uncontrolled madness; Cahill concludes that Pa-ta's bestwork was done after recovering from the worst of his mental illness and that he drewupon that experience to express political attitudes through well-controlled stylisticaberrations.More problematic is the interpretation of whole landscapes, traditionally thoughtof as neutral, undifferentiated, and impersonal subject matter, in contrast to specificmotifs. As noted by Barnhart, "The painting of trees and rocks was . . . regarded asa form of artistic expression more inward and personally expressive than the paintingof landscape in general" (1972b:7). But in an increasing number of studies, landscapesare shown to have been a stylistically flexible vehicle for conveying highly individualizedpolitical expression. Three early studies along these lines were presented ata Hong Kong symposium on the works of Ming dynasty i-min:Shen Fu's study (1976)

of "dry linear brushwork" as a means of expressing the disaffected melancholy ofpainters like Tao-chi, following the late-Yuan-period precedent of Ni Tsan; ChutsingLi's paper (1976a) on Hsiang Sheng-mo's unusual "red landscapes," a loyalistsalute to the name Chu (literally, "red") of the fallen Ming royal family; and my ownattempt (1976) to confirm that the darkened, convoluted landscapes of Kung Hsien,like his landscape poetry, embodied his shock at the Manchu conquest of China. Apredecessor to Kung Hsien's metaphorical twisting of landscapes has been found inthe works of Wang Meng of the late Yuan period, who formulated the theme of thescholar's mountain retreat in a manner that persisted throughout Ming times. RichardVinograd (1979, 1982) has suggested that Wang's turbulent style reflected the fightingthat nearly engulfed the artist's Pien Mountains estate in 1366, while his frequentlypainted theme of the retirement villa, referred to by Vinograd as "familyproperties," was stimulated by Wang's eremitism during that troubled period. Anotherimportant study of this kind is on Ch'ien Hsuan's early Yuan blue-and-green"paradise landscapes," a kind of mental hermitage created by an artist whom ShouchienShih (1984a) depicts as motivated less by Confucian loyalty and more by Taoistescapism.The youthful state of such iconographic studies is most apparent when a famouslandscape painting is belatedly discovered to possess specific content. This is the casein John Hay's study of Huang Kung-wang's Dwelling in the Fu-cb'un Mountains scroll,which uses local geography as the means for identifying the site and thus for establishingthe artist's intention in depicting this specific subject (1978:296-337). Haydemonstrates that the landscape represents the Yen Angling Terrace, its good fishingshallows, and the surrounding hills. This terrace was named for Yen Kuang (YenTzu-ling), who became famous for refusing to serve a former boyhood friend whohad risen to become the first Eastern Han emperor, preferring instead to spend histime angling at this spot on the Ch'ien-t'ang (Che) River. Thus, while the paintingis named after the mountains, the real theme of Huang's scroll is that of the riverand its fishermen, living far from the dangerous world of politics, and it reflectsHuang's own Taoist orientation after his nearly fatal encounter with politics in hisyouth. It has finally gained the attention of scholars that many Yuan landscape paintingsshare the theme of waterside eremitism and were not just "neutral" subjectmatter, and that their composition of "hills beyond a river" was dictated by morethan abstract design principles (Cahill 1976a; Lew 1976; for a general discussion ofliterati and fishermen, see Hay 1972; see also Maeda 197 1).Works like those mentioned above by Kung Hsien, Wang Meng, and HuangKung-wang were painted, at least in part, as political self-expression by disaffectedrecluses. The political counterparts to such works were painted privately by literatiartists defending their service in behalf of controversial governments. These were lesscommon than eremitic paintings, not only because literati at court had less time forthe arts than their reclusive peers but also because literati art in support of the courtwas stigmatized by association with lower-class court painters. Among the finest suchworks are the masterful horse paintings done in court painting style by Jen Jen-fa,a Yuan period official whose theme was derived from the long-standing literary traditionof the horse as public servant. To be sure, this literary theme had long beforebeen played both ways, and Jen's contemporary, Kung K'ai, a Sung loyalist, hadpainted the Chinese scholar class under the Mongols as an undernourished and downcasthorse, whose inner virtue could be judged from a bone structure that was apparentonly when he was lean (as stated in Kung's inscription). In a remarkable case ofdialogue through painting, Kung's work was answered byJenls painting of two horses,

CHINESE PAINTING STUDIES IN THE WEST873one fat and one lean, and an inscription claiming in essence that the issue is not fator lean, not government service or retirement, but the intention underlying one'schoice: self-serving or serving the nation. Intention, he suggests in a twist on Kung'sargument, cannot be judged from a horse's being skinny or not, for the fat horse,the government servant, may hide as fine a bone structure as the lean one displays(Silbergeld 1985: 169-70; cf. Cahill 1976a:155-56 for a somewhat different interpretation).An example of how this equine theme could be adjusted to a more specific politicalsituation is a painting by the Yiian official Chao Yung, son of Chao Meng-fu, of fivehorses grazing in a pasture while their foreign groom dozes. Dated 1352, after theRed Turban uprising that precipitated the Mongol downfall, the painting may besuspected of representing the artist's political weariness, his longing, like the horses,for freedom from the reins and whip of the Mongol groom. But two allusive poeticinscriptions by the artist's friends suggest the opposite: that these horses' leisure wasseen as representing the peace that follows a military victory over would-be usurpers,indicating that the artist opposed the popular uprising and regarded it as doomed,as his own career confirms (Silbergeld 1985). The identification of the patron to whomthese poems were dedicated as a well-educated Mongol general with a freshly earnedreputation for bandit extermination further supports the poetic message and illustrateshow the Chinese artist, like many of his peers, when given the choice between nativepeasant upstarts and a well-entrenched, somewhat sinicized Mongol aristocracy, preferredto stick by the latter and used his art to proclaim his choice (cf. W. Fong1984: 105-27 on the opposition of Ni Tsan and other Yiian literati artists to rebellion).This discussion of covert meaning concludes with the caution that even an accurateidentification of a painting's theme may not be sufficient to define the artist's intentin using it. This problem is exemplified by the handscroll Sheep and Goat, paintedby the early Yiian scholar-official Chao Meng-fu. Even though Chao's inscriptionavoids any suggestion of political intent and admits to nothing more than merebarnyard interests, Chu-tsing Li (1968:311-22) has shown the painting's theme tobe that of political loyalty. This is suggested by two early Ming inscriptions on thescroll and by the fact that Chao himself owned a famous painting showing the Hangeneral Su Wu as a shepherd-because Su was steadfast in his allegiance to the Hanwhen captured by Hsiung-nu Huns and exiled to the steppes with an all-male flockof sheep and goats, these animals came to symbolize outstanding loyalty. Despitethe new light cast on this theme by Li, Chao Meng-fu's intention in calling forththis reference remains uncertain. Li suggests that the sheep and goat reflect Chao'smisgivings about serving the Mongols (pp. 319-22), and the painting's Ming colophonssupport this view. But it could equally well be argued that the Ming colophonsserved the purposes of a later period and are misleading. Possibly, Chao's intent wasto show that his participation in the Mongol government was undertaken with a deepunderstanding of the Confucian commitment to national service, thus defendingrather than lamenting his career. Elsewhere, Li refers to poetry by Chao to supporthis contention (1965:s 1-84), but other Chao Meng-fu poetry and painting has beenseen as a defense of court service and discussed in terms of the concept cb'ao-yin, or"recluse-at-court," dedicated service despite one's love of independence (Shih 1984b).At any rate, only a correct understanding of context can tell just how to view thecontent of such a painting, and Chao Meng-fu's context supports multiple interpretations.The relation of content and context will be discussed further in the nextsection.

The llhstration of Traditional Litera y ThemesIn all of these examples, iconographic investigations of painting have been inseparablefrom literary and cultural research. Wen Fong has written of the growingneed for interdisciplinary research, "The fact that a fully realized Ming or Ch'ingpoem-painting represents the unified conception of a single creative mind makes thepoint plain: we art historians must learn to make an artist's literary culture andintellectual milieu part of our study, and we must seek the aid of our colleagues inliterary and cultural history for our interpretation of later Chinese paintings"(1985:21).A number of traditional literary topics have been explored in this manner, includingEight Views ofthe Hsiao and Hsiang Rivers (most recently and successfully byAlfreda Murck 1984); The Red Cliff (Leong 1972, Wilkinson 1981, although thepolitical aspects of this theme have yet to be considered); Spring in Chiang-nan (Fuller1984, with an interest in regional identification); Peach-Blossom Spring (Ch'en-Courtin1979; Nelson 1986); plum blossoms (Li 1976b; Hoar 1983; and an exhibition catalogby Maggie Bickford and Mary Gardner Neill, with an anthology of poems on thetheme translated by Hans Frankel [Bickford et al. 19851); bamboo (Kao 1979, Han1983); the Classic of Poetry (Murray 198 1); the Classic of Filial Piety (Barnhart 1967);the Nine Songs of Ch'u Yuan (Muller 198 1, 1986); the theme of literary gatherings,particularly the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, the Orchid Pavilion, and the WesternGarden Gathering(in studies by Ellen Laing [1967, 1968, 19741, which doubt whetherthe Western Garden event actually took place). Finally, to these examples should beadded the theme of the Chinese literati garden itself, as depicted in and as a stimulusfor literati painting, a topic of increasing interest since the opening up of China'straditional gardens to foreign travelers and students (Keswick 1978; A. Murck andW. Fong 1980-81; Barnhart 1983a; Hay 1985a; Harrist 1987; Laing forthcomingb).Studies. of Context and PatronageThe Relation of Content and ContextContent and context often shape the perceptions-or misperceptions-held ofeach other. To give a specific example, a well-known Western Han tomb paintingexcavated in 1957 in Loyang (Tomb no. 61) seems to represent the famous feast heldat Hung-men by the general Han Yu for his arch-rival, Liu Pang, at which Liunarrowly escaped assassination through the intervention of his charioteer. Liu subsequentlyfounded the Han dynasty, elevating his chariot driver, Fan K'uai, as Lordof Hsien-ch'eng. This well-known dramatic event might be the earliest major historicalnarrative painting still preserved, its characters described with remarkablehistorical accuracy (the bold rival generals, the dashing Fan K'uai, the effeminateChang Liang, the cunning Fan Tseng, the evil-looking Hsiang Chuang with swordin hand, and so forth), but for a large bearlike creature who sits in their midst andcasts the entire interpretation (first proposed by Kuo Mo-jo) in doubt. Of course, thebear could be but a subsequent addition, an apotropaic figure added, appropriately,right in the center of the rear wall. But Jonathan Chaves (1968:22-24) and PatriciaBerger (1983:42) identify this figure as an exorcist, who was often described in lateChou-early Han literature as clad in a bearskin, and regard the whole scene as afunerary ceremony. For Chaves, the remaining figures become incidental: "The figures

at the far right might be preparing the funeral feast, while the two large drinkingfigures, if not Hsiang Yii and Liu Pang, could be the chief mourners. The threeattendants might be waiting on the fang-hsiang [exorcist) who is having a drink beforeor after engaging in his exorcising duties" (1968:24).For the uncommitted reader, the choice becomes a toss-up: is the "bear" a mereattachment, or is it that all the remaining figures are so nondescript? It is perhapsbeside the point that the exorcist, in addition to bearskins, is supposed to have foureyes of gold, garments of black and red, a spear and a shield, and numerous assistants-ofwhich only his spear appears here. The critical question is, what woulda thoroughly political painting be doing in a purely funerary context? The fact thatanother patently political narrative occurs in this same tomb, as does another paintingwith a thematically unrelated, auspicious ram's head placed in the middle of it (muchas the "bear" is placed), gives no answer to the question. The same question mightbe asked of numerous other works, such as the Battle at the Bridge, which has beeninterpreted politically in the context of family histories by A. C. Soper (1954, 1974)yet is seen as a religious purification ritual by Berger (1983).One possible answer to this question is presented in a series of articles by MartinPowers, namely, that funerary narrative programs (like those at the Wu family shrines)were essentially bivalent: they "could simultaneously signify unworldly detachmentand material success," funereal on the one hand, visually rhetorical on the other, toinsure the future prosperity of the clan by announcing its political virtue and aptitudethrough a careful selection and presentation of themes (Powers 1984: 152; see alsoPowers 1981, 1983; Soper [I9741 provides a precedent for this approach). The pointhere is not to conclude whether political paintings served religious purposes or viceversa, but rather to demonstrate the place of contextual study in the study of content.Style, or at least its selection, was also shaped by context, according to Powers,who asserts that the seemingly primitive style of the Han dynasty Wu family funeraryshrines, far from representing technical nai'vetk or merely an archaizing style, wasconsciously intended to reflect the patrons' strong and pure moral qualities: theirsimple, mechanically produced lines and curves reminding us that "compass andsquare, or the shapes they produce, . . . had long served as metaphors, even cliches,for correct government" (1984: 157).Issues in the Study of Artistic PatronageThe Chinese have no word for artistic "patronage" as it is used here, and Westernart scholars must grope for a way to express to the Chinese what it means. Nearlya thousand years of an amateur painting tradition in which there presumably wereno commercial patrons helps to account for this shortcoming. In no other culturedoes the distinction between professional and amateur artistry loom so large as it doesin China, where the two artistic modes served radically different social purposes. Atleast since the late Ming dynasty, styles and tastes helped to define and harden thiscontrast, and the artist tho ventured to cross sociostylistic lines increasingly riskedguilt ("vulgarity" or "pretentipusness") by association.Art history and criticism, produced exclusively by the literati, also came increasinglyto reinforce that distinction, and not only individual artists but certain wholeregions (Chekiang, Fukien, Peking) bore the taint of professionalism or academism.The modern historian is obliged to evaluate the way in which such associations ofart and class shaped or distorted the historical record. To what degree does traditional

historical bias accurately reflect or diverge from the tastes and aesthetic forces thatmolded painting history? By what mechanisms did social environment help to shapeand differentiate the taste and practice of professionals and amateurs? Exactly howdid patrons direct the work of their hired artists, its stile and content, and how didthis differ from the effect that noncommercial recipients (friends or others) had onamateur painters and paintings? What were the localized institutions of professionalpainting and how did they operate? Just how amateur were the so-called amateursafter all? Largely ignored by writers and haphazardly recorded in official records, howwere the imperial painting institutions structured and how did they function? Whatcan be said of the thousands of women painters in traditional China, court ladies andliterati wives, now largely forgotten, and of their training, their artistic experiences,and their rarely collected paintings?Many of these questions have yet to be answered, but work on some of them hasbegun. Although it is impossible to identify the moment when questions ofpatronagewere first posed, studies of court patronage naturally preceded research on amateurpainting, beginning with works like Yoshio Yonezawa's "To-ch6 ni okeru Gain nogenryu" ("On the origins of the T'ang dynasty painting academy"; 1937). The studyof literati art patronage began much more recently and was first given public focusin the symposium Artists and Patrons: Some Economic and Social Aspects of ChinesePainting, held in 1980 at the Nelson Gallery (cf. Li forthcoming). The study of localprofessionalism and its patronage has scarcely begun.Imperial PatronageA series of major works now provides documentation for the institutional characterof imperial patronage in its most important periods: the Sung, Yiian, early Ming,and middle Ch'ing. Western studies on the topic began with A. G. Wenley's troublednotice (1941) that nowhere in the official Sung histories was there any reference toa "Painting Academy." Wenley proposed as an explanation that although Sung arttexts described an imperial painting academy, the high-minded courtiers of the day,while submitting to the imperial "whim" that elevated mere painters to the level ofofficials, managed nevertheless to get the painters dispersed among minor bureausthroughout the court and thus to prevent the formal institutionalization of such anacademy. The author's sympathy with these courtiers' disdain for court art is madeevident in his concluding remark, "Conditions were so bad in the Sung court thatone feels inclined to believe that the great painters of the Sung period were produceddespite it, and not because of it" (p. 272).The view of court painting, and particularly of Sung and early Ming court masterpieces,as setting the highest standards in Chinese painting, was inherited in thelate nineteenth century from the Japanese and was common to early Chinese paintingstudies in the West. But beginning in the 1940s, it was gradually replaced in writingslike Wenley's by a view of court patronage as corrupting and of great art as theproduct largely of unpatronized literary artists. This uncomfortable feeling aboutcourt art persists today and is reflected in the relatively small amount of research donein this area. Fortunately, such work has often been of high quality and has providedsome basic historical redefinitions.Harrie Vanderstappen (1956-57) demonstrates conclusively the existence of aSung painting academy and charts its emergence from T'ang and Five Dynasties courtstructures. Betty Ecke (1972) and Wai-kam Ho (in Ho et al. 1980: xxv-xxx) have

CHINESE PAINTING STUDIES IN THE WEST877added much detail on the patronage of the Sung court and of Chin emperor Changtsung,Sung Hui-tsung's emulator who inherited much of his collection, refurbishedit, and helped pass it down to Yuan and later times. Susan Bush (1987) has provideda valuable overview of these and other studies (including Shimada Hidemasa 198 1,Ling Hu-piao 1982, She Ch'eng 1983, and Thomas Lee 1985). Even though majoruncertainties remain, in part because of the ambiguity of official terminology, it isnow clear that the Sung court's patronage of painting went well beyond its predecessors'practice of merely attaching painters-in-waiting as decorators to whateverbureaus might need them. This began with the establishment in 984 of a formalBureau of Painting (the Han-lin t'u-baa-yiian, not to be confused with the elite Hanlinhsiieh-shih yiian, or Bureau of Academicians), which soon afterward was locatedindependently outside the imperial city and whose members were allowed officialhonors and promotion. Almost immediately, this elevation of the stature of paintingtechnicians engendered a rivalry with civil officials and led to a series of statutoryrestrictions on Painting Bureau members, beginning in 996 and culminating in about1085 with the reversion of the bureau to inner palace control. But under Hui-tsung,in 1104, an Institute of Painting (Hua-hsiieh) under central government control wasfirst established, along with other institutes in calligraphy, medicine, and rnathernatics;commoners skilled in painting were admitted to this institute, although theywere segregated from the scholars who attended. This nationalization of paintingeducation has been linked to the reform movement of Wang An-shih and its bureaucratizationunder Ts'ai Ching, while the unsteady fate of the Painting Institute(abolished in 1106, restored in 1107, and again abolished in 11 10) has been tied tothe subsequent struggle between reform and orthodox factions. It is thus suggestedthat the Sung academizing of painting, with both its elevating and its stifling effects,was as much a product of Sung institutional politics as of purely aesthetic concerns,and so too was the initial literati opposition to it. Despite its short, six-year lifespan,the institute's pedagogical practices are believed to have been passed on to and preservedin the Sung Bureau of Painting.Recent studies of Yuan court patronage have produced surprising results, giventhe view of Yuan patronage that has persisted since Arthur Waley wrote the firstbook fully devoted to Chinese painting in 1923, which dismissed Mongol patronagewith this analogy: "The Mongols were merely policemen. They did not influence thedevelopment of Chinese civilization any more than the officials at the gate of theBritish Museum influence the studies of the gentlemen who work inside" (p. 237).With this as their view, many scholars of Yuan painting have focused their researchalmost exclusively on literati painters from the Wu region. However, just as recenthistorical studies have begun to reveal in the Yuan polity something other than anunchanging, monolithic barbarity to which the educated Chinese could only react invarious postures of self-defense, so have art historical studies confirmed the deep andintelligent involvement in artistic patronage of certain prominent Mongols. Shen Fu(1978-79) and Chiang I-han (1979-80) have documented the roles played by PrincessTa-chang (Sengge) and emperors Jen-tsung, Wen-tsung, and Shun-ti, outlining theartistic activity that took place within the Imperial Library and other designated hallswhere the Southern Sung imperial painting collection was installed, repaired, andsupplemented. Expanding upon this research, Marsha Weidner (1980, 1982) hasstudied the major Chinese court artists and paintings produced under Mongol patronage,as well as examining the Mongols' favorite themes, not only portraiture andreligious subjects but also northern-style landscapes, horse paintings, and architecturalrenditions. Weidner asserts the importance of Peking as a creative center and

not just as a depository for old works, giving it credit for further developing Sungcourt styles in ways that are usually credited to the Ming "academy." The fact remains,however, that the Mongols did not actually produce an academy in any strict senseof the term and that their impact on art, although underestimated, can scarcely matchthat of the Sung court.Ironically, despite endless literary references to a "Ming painting academy ,"Vanderstappen(1956-57:274-82) demonstrates that no such organization was reinstitutedin Ming times and Ming court painters were simply dispersed among certainassigned halls and palaces within the court (which can still be identified in precisedetail), as in pre-Sung times. Perhaps the most illuminating view of a painting academyin action appears in Yang Po-ta's studies (1985a, 198513) of the Ch'ien-lungpainting academy, based on extensive Ch'ing archival research. Here, an institutionwhose very existence has until recently been widely doubted is laid out in remarkabledetail. Titles and salaries are discussed and compared to those of other officials: "TheHua-baa jen {painters of paintings) did not usually belong to the official governmenthierarchy {in contrast to Sung and Ming court painters)" (p. 15). "The Hua-baa jenwere, all things considered, rather well paid" (p. 19). Recruitment procedures aredescribed. The functional layout of the designated halls is indicated (pp. 10- 11).The artists and activities identified with each of the various halls are recorded: "Castiglioneof the Ju I Kuan also had his own painting studio at his residence in Haitien{near the Yuan Ming Yuan) where five students assigned to him by the Ch'ienlungEmperor studied painting. . . . There was also a studio set up by the Tsao-pancb'u specifically for oil painting" (p. 12). The painting procedures are outlined-"The Hua-bua jen conformed to a three-stage procedure in their painting commissions:an order was given, the preliminary version prepared and checked, and finally thecompleted painting was inspected" (p. 28)-and detailed examples of each stage ofthe process are given. The personal involvement of the emperor is discussed, as isthe comparative status of academy painters and court officials who were good atpainting: "Other painter-officials were under the same obligation to paint for theEmperor, with the difference that they were not as prolific. . . . Of course, whenpainter-officials were painting in the academy buildings or collaborating with Haabuajen on the same work, the latter would never have dared, given their {lack oflposition in the government hierarchy, to offend them or treat them on equal terms"(pp. 41, 43). Yang concludes with a defense of the institution and of the emperor's"real concern" for its welfare, overlooked, he suggests, in view of Ch'ing autocracy,its literary inquisition, and its persecution of the literati (p. 36). One other articleand two recent exhibition catalogs have given further important consideration to thistopic (Rosenzweig, 1980; Chou et al. 1985; Ledderose et al. 1985).Imperial patronage went hand in hand with imperial collecting, nurtured bybeliefs about Heavenly legitimization, moral virtue, and the emperor's cultural leadership.The original political function of imperial art collecting is described by LotharLedderose (1978-79:34-35) in terms of ling-pao, treasures imbued with sacred power,the "tally of a contract that Heaven concludes with the ruler" to show its favor.Gradually, secular arts and rationalizations were substituted as "in a more secularizedtime emperors saw to it, that after they started their reign or a new dynasty theirart collections grew, as a demonstration that they were going to conduct a virtuousand enlightened government" (p. 39). The details of imperial collecting, however,even when dramatic, were often more mundane than this. One study, by MarshallWu (1980), of high-level collecting in the K'ang-hsi era concerns the Manchu collectorpreviously known only by his seal-name, A-erh-hsi-p'u. This is a tale loaded

CHINESEPAINTING STUDIES IN THE WEST 879with mystery and court intrigue, ending with the owner's execution and the imperialconfiscation of his collection. The court finally obliterated the official records andeven the catalogue material that identified the collector, whom Wu has neverthelessmanaged to name as A-erh-chi-shan (d. 1708), son of the high Manchu official Soo-t'u(Songgotu).Patronage and the LiteratiTurning to literati painting with its amateur basis, studies of private collectingnaturally preceded the serious consideration of patronage and were primarily concernedwith the documentation of paintings, their transmission and avenues of influence,and their reflection of collectors' taste (e.g., Love11 1970; Riely 1974-75;Lawton 1970). But research has increasingly shown that amateurism was often morean ideal than a fact. Many of the most prominent "amateurs" profited to some degreeor other from their art or painted on imperial command, including Tung Yuan andChu-jan of the Southern T'ang; Li Kung-lin, Mi Fu, Wang Shen, and Mi Yu-jen ofthe Sung; Ch'ien Hsiian, Chao Meng-fu, Wu Chen, Chao Yung, Wang Mien, andpossibly Ni Tsan in the Yuan; in the Ming, Wang Fu and perhaps even Tung Ch'ich'anghimself; and in the Ch'ing, Kung Hsien, Tao-chi, Wang Hui, Wang Yuanch'i,and many of the so-called "Yang-chou eccentrics." It is now assumed that amateurismwas often maintained through the exchange of art for something other thanhard cash but perhaps just as valuable. Some of the economic realities of amateurpainting are introduced in Wai-kam Ho's essay "Chinese Under the Mongols" (Leeand Ho 1968).But nothing, normally, short of real need or cultivated cynicism lured the scholarinto sheer commercialism, with the loss of status that it entailed, and the artists'strong sense of privacy about matters of compensation prevents our understandingmuch about the marketing of their art. The literati painter Kung Hsien provides anexceptional view into a commercial artist's attitudes toward his patrons (Silbergeld1981)and reminds us that painting, unlike poetry, often put the status of the literatiartist in question. Driven by the Manchu invasion from a promising political careerinto the lowly ranks of professionalism, he despised his mercantile patrons and sometimesmocked them in his inscriptions, providing a model for this practice amongthe Yang-chou masters of the next generation. At the same time, he kept a separateclientele of sympathetic scholar-patrons, like Wang Shih-chen, Chou Liang-kung,and K'ung Shang-jen, whose sponsorship was based as much on bonds of class backgroundand shared political values as it was on art itself. Kung even refused to paintfor his friend Ch'u Ta-chun, lest that lower his literary standing in Ch'u's eyes. Fora further discussion of this issue, with regard to the Yuan painter Chang Wu, seeMuller (1986).The question of how the recipient of a literati painting, even if not a payingclient, helps shape the painting in style and content by providing its context hasonly recently come to be considered in cases like Chao Yung's Noble Steeds (Silbergeld1985; see above, p. 873) or, in the first serious major study of this sort, Chu-tsingLi's monograph on Chao Meng-fu's Autumn Colors on the Ch'iao and Hua Mountains(1965). Chao's Autumn Colors could well be taken for any southern, or Chiang-nan,landscape but for its title placing it in the north, in Chi-nan Prefecture. Similarly,its blue-and-green colors could represent any nostalgic or paradisical scene set farfrom real place and time, or instead it could simply be a play on past styles, un-

concerned with time and place. But the artist's own inscription provides both thetitle and an identification of the friend for whom it was painted, which shape one'sresponse to the landscape. Chao identifies the scene as the ancestral home of ChouMi, which foreign conquest prevented Chou from ever seeing and which Chao paintedafter a tour of official duty there as a substitute landscape for Chou. Only by knowingthese details can we appreciate that the unreal color scheme and other T'ang elementsplay more than a purely aesthetic purpose and were effectively chosen to create thesense of a place as unattainable as the T'ang itself, possibly to idealize and sanctifyit by rendering it in a style often associated with Taoist paradise mountains and toadd through its soft and delicate colors the feeling of an autumn season tinged withmelancholy and a sense of loss. The painted scene alone cannot project this, but theartist's description of the context, once read, molds a viewer's response so that thescene is experienced in terms of the recipient as much as in terms of the artist. Allthis is created by Chao, not Chou, but both must be understood.Artistic Status and Art: Professionals and AmateursThe question raised by all of these issues is, what differences if any do professionaland amateur status distinctions create in professional and amateur art? Richard Barnhart'sresponse (1977) to this question is embodied in his discovery about Yao Yench'ing,a fourteenth-century artist previously known by a single painting whose conservativestyle had led to the judgment that its artist must be a professional painter,minor and now forgotten-Barnhart'sdiscovery being that the "professional" artisthere is none other than Yao T'ing-mei, a scholar well-known for several fine "amateurstyle"paintings. If a judgment about Yao Yen-ch'ing's social status sensibly drawnfrom his painting style can be so faulty and if an amateur like Yao T'ing-mei couldhave worked so competently in a "professional" style like that of the Yao Yen-ch'ingpainting, then is not the traditional distinction between professional and amateurpainting much overdrawn, and are not modern attempts to correlate style and statusmerely the perpetuation of traditional class discrimination?It is in the context of middle-Ming-period painting that this issue of professionalamateurdistinctions has provoked the most interesting debate about the effect ofsocial context on art. Sharpening the basis for this debate is the social situation after1500 in the wealthy city of Suchou, the painting capital of China, where the interactionbetween the old landed gentry and a slowly emerging merchant class blurredtraditional class divisions. This fluidity of class identity is best exemplified by T'angYin, the son of a wealthy restaurateur and a child prodigy heralded by the scholars,whose successes and humiliation in the civil service examinations are still known toevery Chinese schoolchild. In their exhibition catalog, Friends of Wen Cheng-ming,Marc Wilson and K. S. Wong (1775) define a clear position on this issue, based ontheir observation that most of the members of Wen Cheng-ming's literary-artisticcircle actually came from the merchant class. The question of class orthodoxy, theywrite, had not yet concerned these men, and thus they conclude that "a history ofart built upon the professional or amateur status of the artist . . . [uses] for its buildingblocks considerations which are fundamentally irrelevant to an art history which turnsupon stylistic feature and change" (p. 26).The academic stage was thus set for controversy when James Cahill's Parting atthe Shore (1978) continued the strong social emphasis that helped distinguish his earliervolume on the Yiian, Hills Beyond a River (1776a), stressing correlations between

CHINESEPAINTING STUDIES IN THE WEST 881artists' professional or amateur status and basic characteristics of their style. Rejectingthe notion that such linkage involves total stylistic predetermination, Cahill substitutedinstead an emphasis on social expectations and suitability of taste: "Artistsoccupying certain positions in Chinese society, and functioning on certain economicbases, were subject to corresponding expectations from all around them, and frominside themselves as well; their choice of styles were affected, within broad limitseven determined, by the sets of expectations that applied to their particular situations.Shen Chou and Wu Wei, that is to say, could not have changed places, each paintingthe other's pictures. Shen worked within a spectrum of styles allowable for someonein his social position, and Wu Wei within another spectrum allowable for his. Withineach there was room for great diversity and manifestations of individual genius" (pp.164-65). A critical review of Cahill's book by Richard Barnhart (1981), maintaininghis concern for art as the product of individuals, not groups, as expressed in his studyof Yao Yen-ch'ing, led to a lengthy exchange of personal correspondence betweenCahill, Barnhart, and Howard Rogers, which has subsequently been published (Barnhartet al. 1982). This exchange is well worth reading, even though like many controversiesit tends to accentuate areas of disagreement more than to seek mutuallyacceptable ground. Barnhart's emphasis has more to do with the origination of stylisticfeatures, Cahill's with their perpetuation; art is the p;oduct of both. Cahill's DistantMozlntains (1982b) extends the discussion of these issues into the late sixteenth-earlyseventeenth century.Several recent studies have carried research on the patronage of literati paintingfurther into the Ch'ing, a period of increasing commercialization and ostentatiouspatronage, of heightened social and geographic mobility. The regional basis of thispatronage has also been a focus of attention in these works, which include studiesby Chi-sheng Kuo (1980a), Sewell Oertling (1980a, 1980b), and Sandi Chin andCheng-chi Hsii (in Cahill 198la) of Anhui patronage, and research on Nanking artand patronage by Hongnam Kim (1980) and Dawn Ho Delbanco (1982). They joinan increasing number of works concerned with regional "schools" of painting at thattime, such as Richard Vinograd's study (1977-78) of Tao-chi in the context of theAnhui, Nanking, and Peking-Orthodox schools, which have helped to define moreclearly these regional styles at the same time as they have tended more than traditionalChinese art histories to emphasize fluidity in the interregional sharing of these styles(see also Cahill 1971; W. Wu 1979). (For a general introduction to the regionalstudy of Chinese painting, see Fu and Fu 1973:2- 13; for a study of interregionalinfluences between the Southern Sung and Chin, see M. Fu 1985.)Women in ArtA first collection of studies has now been compiled in an area that offers manysurprises: Women in the Arts of China andJapan, edited by Marsha Weidner (in manuscript),which includes an overview of the status of traditional Chinese women painters(Ellen Laing), with essays on women painters (Weidner and James Cahill), on womenas subjects (the Queen Mother of the West, by Suzanne Cahill; the Ladies Classic ofFilial Piety, by Julia Murray; a ~ "languishing dladies" portrayed in late Ming-earlyCh'ing painting, by Daphne Rosenzweig), and on female patronage (the Mongolprincess Sengge, by Shen Fu). These essays, together with the first major exhibitionon this topic, now being organized, will surely raise anew the issues accompanyingthe treatment of artists in groups rather than individually and the question of paintingstyle as influenced by social status and external expectations.

European Artistic lnfuenceAn increasingly important contextual consideration for the study of painting fromthe early seventeenth century onward is the impact- of Western art, transmittedthrough paintings and book illustrations brought to China by Jesuits. Such influencewas long thought of as beginning in the K'ang-hsi period and limited to minor courtpainters, but the assertion that Western influence can be detected shortly after thearrival of Matteo Ricci in 1579 was first advanced in 1930 by Hsiang Ta (cf. Hsiang1976). However, it was not until Michael Sullivan (1970) and James Cahill (1970b)read papers on the topic at the International Symposium on Chinese Painting inTaipei that this possibility began to be taken seriously. Sullivan documented survivingbook illustrations of the type that first made European painting and engraving availableto Chinese artists in the early seventeenth century; Cahill demonstrated theinfluence of such works in paintings by Wu Pin from the first decade of that century,visible in the reflections of buildings in water, in striking schema for achieving spatialrecession, and in unusual landscape configurations apparently derived-even if indirectlyor unconsciously-from Western sources. In a more recent work, The CompellingImage: Nature and Style in Seventeenth-Century Chinese Painting (1982a), Cahillexamines in greater detail the possible impact of specific Western landscape types onpaintings by Chang Hung, Wu Pin, Kung Hsien, and others. He further pursuesthe significance of this influence and, just as important, its ultimate rejection byChinese artists and their patrons.Central to Cahill's study is his belief that the question of European influence isa "key to understanding the development of Chinese painting in the seventeenthcentury," as it "forced the Chinese. . . to confront fundamental issues in the nativetradition, and particularly to become aware of the highly conventionalized characterof traditional Chinese painting, of the qualities in which it excelled but also thoseit lacked or devalued" (p. 70). Cahill's analysis of the popular success of Tung Ch'ich'ang'straditionalism and the failure of Chang Hung's experimental naturalism togain a popular following is as intellectually stimulating as any writing to emergethus far in the study of Chinese painting. A similar dichotomy is drawn betweenTung Ch'i-ch'ang's follower Wang Yiian-ch'i, and Tao-chi, pitting Wang's traditionalismagainst Tao-chi's individualism. As Cahill shows, identifying Europeaninfluence is made more difficult in many cases-for example, in the work of KungHsien-by the fact that Western influence first became available to landscape paintersat the same time as a revival occurred in some quarters of the more naturalisticstandards of Sung painting. Of course, the very existence of this Sung revival mayhave been intertwined with the influence of Western art. Similarly, in Chinese figurepainting, which was also reawakened at that time after a long period of dormancy,identifying Western influence is complicated by alternative sources of influence, includingboth the T'ang-Sung tradition and the more ubiquitous tradition of realisticancestral portrait painting.In the preface to this book, Cahill writes that he is "less concerned here withwhat Ming-Ch'ing history tells us about the paintings than with the reverse: whatMing-Ch'ing painting, seen in its full dynamic complexity tells us about the age"(p. i)-a provocative approach in light of the contextual issues dealt with in thisessay. Chinese historians will most likely appreciate the parallels with later Chineseculture as a whole, with its increasingly conservative entrenchment, its rejection ofindividualism and fresh modes of observation, and its pathetic decline. Whether thestylistic polarity depicted here between Tung Ch'i-ch'ang arid Chang Hung, between

CHINESE PAINTING STUDIES IN THE WEST883Wang Yuan-ch'i and Tao-chi, with the broad cultural implications just outlined, isa valid one has already been challenged in a review by Wen Fong (1986), whosechronological framework for the history of later Chinese painting (already mentionedabove, p. 853) treats the period from Tung Ch'i-ch'ang on in positive terms as anage of "great synthesis." According to Fong, Tung Ch'i-ch'ang, Chang Hung, WangYuan-ch'i and Tao-chi are variant manifestations of that synthesizing stylistic trend,not antithetical figures. Cahill's analysis seems to him based on "false expectationsof what should have happened in Chinese painting" and on failing to appreciate lateMing-early Ch'ing traditionalism as a valid and vital source of stylistic inspirationand thus reinforcing "a cultural relativism-Chinese against foreign-at the expenseof a universal understanding that transcends cultural boundaries" (p. 507).Regardless of the outcome of this disagreement, the recently renewed interest inEuropean influence has stimulated initial inquiries into a variety of related areas,including topographic illustrations, printing, and their relationship to Chinese landscapepainting (DeBevoise and Jang, in Cahill 198 la; Cahill 1982a: 146-83; Cahill1982b:206-10; Cahill 1982~; Kobayashi and Sabin in Cahill 1981a), and furtherstudies of later Chinese figure painting (Cahill 1982a: 106-45; Cahill 1982b:213-17). One other aspect of possible European influence, the striking and innovative useof color by many seventeenth-century artists, remains unstudied. Michael Sullivan(1973) has provided the broadest general consideration of mutual influences betweenEast Asian and European art.The modes of art history that have been discussed here represent a unique blendof two sophisticated intellectual traditions, Chinese and Eurocentric. One of theseart-historical traditions is ancient, the other not even a century old. But despite thebasic differences that define thern as Oriental and Western, neither of these traditionscan be called uniform or unchanging, and the blend of the two is the heir to theinstabilities of both. In China, although the belief in individual creativity was strong,so too was the inclination to view art in the context of its culture, and the interplayof these two traits took different forms at different times. In the West, in the studyof Western art, the role of context in the history of the arts has been debated fordecades and art-historical study has been dual in nature: visual styles, individualexpression, and their history have been studied as a purely artistic matter, on theone hand, and on the other in terms of the cultural environments and social activitiesthat helped to shape them and which they in turn helped to shape.Max Loehr has carefully articulated the view that art history defines a history ofstyles that derives primarily from itself and not from the history of other things.Although more exclusive a view than that of most historians of Chinese art, Loehr'semphasis on "style first" suited the needs of Western historians of Chinese art at atime when a new consciousness of the unreliability of traditional dating and attributionscreated deep uncertainty about basic aspects of stylistic history. Some of thisuncertainty has now been dispelled by the development of more rigorous standardsof connoisseurship, combining Chinese with Western techniques. This kind of connoisseurshipcontinues to play a central role and always will, but it has been joinedby intellectual and social studies, Western in method, of the art of Chinese painting.Historians of Chinese art have hherited the debate of their colleagues in the historyof European art over the nature of art-historical inquiry, and after a healthy intellectualdialogue most scholars seem now to have found something of an acceptable middleground. Wen Fong's assertion that "we art historians must learn to make an artist'sliterary culture and intellectual milieu part of our study" (1985:2 1) and James Cahill's

admonition that "we should in fact mistrust any formulation that states or impliessimple causality in seeking to link the style of a work of art with factors outside it"(1976b: 150) represent both the acceptance of an "open system" of art-historical concernsand a recognition of its risks and limitations.The logical union of these two concepts appears in Cahill's assertion that arthistorians have a special imperative to conduct an interdisciplinary study of art history,since they alone are able to do this. Warning of what he calls "artless studies of art,"Cahill asks the question, "Why. . . cannot the social historian, the intellectual historian,or anyone else deal directly with the works of art, without this interventionof the art historian? Art is after all a universal language" (1976b:195 1-52). Hisanswer is that "art enters history through the history of art" and therefore the socialhistory of art can be studied only by those who are thoroughly versed in the historyof style, the unique language of art. As the study of Chinese art history enters a morecontextual phase, the need for art historians to learn from and help teach their fellowscholars in related areas has become all the more imperative.Addendam: A Note on Refereen MaterialsWith regard to recently published reference materials, several publications thatscholars in all fields might find especially useful are Harrie Vanderstappen, TheT. L. Yian Bibliography of Western Writings on Chinese Art and Archaeology (197 5),providing thorough bibliographic indexing through 1965; James Cahill, incorporatingthe work of Osvald Siren and Ellen Laing, An Index of Early Chinese Paintingsand Painters: T'ang, Sang, Yiidn (1980), with a volume on later art still projected,listing known extant paintings according to periods, painters, and paintings, andincluding limited bibliographic references; Suzuki Kei et al., Comprehensive IllzlstratedCatalogue of Chinese Paintings, 5 volumes (1982-83), a visual index of all availableworks in most major collections outside China; Hin-cheung Lovell, An AnnotatedBibliography of Chinese Painting Catalogues and Related Texts (1973); Ellen Laing, AnIndex to Reprodzlctions of Painti?zgs by Twentieth-Century Chinese Artists (1984).There is as yet no comprehensive bibliography of materials from after 1965, andno adequate index of recently published works. Useful recent bibliographies may befound for the T'ang period in Michael Sullivan, Chinese Landscape Painting in the Suiand T'ang Dynasties (1980); for the Yiian and Ming periods, see James Cahill, HillsBeyond a River (1976a), Parting at the Shore (1978), and The Distant Mountains (1982b);for Chinese painting as a whole, see Wai-kam Ho et al., Eight Dynasties of ChinesePainting (1980). For two essays on the state of painting studies of the Ming period,see Richard Edwards (1976b) and Ellen Laing (1977).A Newsletter of East Asian Art and Archaeology, with a schedule of exhibitions,symposia, and museum lecture series, noting available exhibition catalogs and listingrecently completed dissertations, is available three times annually from the East AsianProgram, University of Michigan.List of ReferencesAcker, William. 1954, 1974. Some Tang and Pre-Tang Texts on Chinese Painting. 2vols. Leyden: E. J. Brill.Barnhart, Richard. 1967. "Li Kung-lin's 'Hsiao-ching t'u."' Ph.D. diss. PrincetonUniversity.

. 1969. Marriage of the Lord of the River: A Lost Landscape Painting by TungYiian. Ascona, Switzerland: Artibus Asiae.. 1972a. "Li T'ang (c. 1050-c. 1 130) and the K6t6-in Landscapes. " The BurlingtonMagazine 1 14: 304- 14.. 1972b. Wintry Forests, Old Trees: Some Landscape Themes in Chinese Painting.New York: China Institute in America.. 1976. "Li Kung-lin's Use of Past Styles." In Artists and Traditions: Uses ofthe Past in Chinese Culture, ed. Christian Murck, 5 1-7 1. Princeton: The ArtMuseum.. 1977. "Yao Yen-ch'ing, T'ing-mei, of Wu-hsing." Artibus Asiae 29: 105-23.. 198 1. "Review of James Cahill, Parting at the Shore." Art Bulletin 63:344-45.. 1983a. Peach Blossom Spring: Gardens and Flowers in Chinese Painting. NewYork: Metropolitan Museum of Art.. 1983b. "The 'Wild and Heterodox' School of Ming Painting." In Theoriesof the Arts in China, ed. Susan Bush and Christian Murck, 365-96. Princeton:Princeton University Press.. 1985. " 'Streams and Hills Under Fresh Snow' Attributed to Kao K'oming."Paper presented at Metropolitan Museum symposium Words and Images;publication forthcoming (see Fong and Murck forthcoming).Barnhart, Richard, James Cahill, and Howard Rogers. 1982. The Barnhart-Cahill-Rogers Correspondence. Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies.Berger, Patricia. 1983. "Purity and Pollution in Han Art." Archives of Asian Art36:40-58.Bickford, Maggie, et al. 1985. Bones of Jade, Soul of Ice: The Flowering Plum in ChineseArt. New Haven: Yale University Art Gallery.Brinker, Helmut. 1973. "Shussan Shaka in Sung and Yuan Painting." Ars Orientalis9:2 1-40.. 1973-74. "Ch'an Portraits in a Landscape. " Archives of Asian Art 27:8-29.Bulling, A. Gutkind. 1974. "The Guide of the Souls Picture in the Western HanTomb in Ma-wang-tui near Ch'ang-sha." Oriental Art, n.s. 20: 158-73.Bush, Susan. 1962. "Lung-mo, K'ai-ho, and Ch'i-fa: Some Implications of Wang Yuanch'i'sCompositional Terms." Oriental Art, n.s. 7: 120-27.. 1969. "Literati Culture Under the Chin." Oriental Art, n.s. 15:103-12.. 1970. The Chinese Literati on Painting: Su Shih (1037-1 101) to Tung Ch'ich'ang(1555-1636). Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.. 1983. "Tsung Ping's Essay on Painting Landscape and the 'LandscapeBuddhism' of Mount Lu." In Theories of the Arts in China, ed. Susan Bush andChristian Murck, 132-64. Princeton: Princeton University Press.. 1986. "Landscape as Subject Matter: Different Sung Approaches." Paperpresented at the College Art Association annual meeting, New York.. 1987. "Different Perspectives on the Organization of Painters in Huitsung'sReign." Paper presented at the College Art Association annual meeting,Boston.Bush, Susan, and Victor Main. 1977-78. "Some Buddhist Portraits and Images ofthe Lu and Ch'an Sects in Twelfth- and Thirteenth-Century China." Archives ofAsian Art 3 1:32-5 1.Bush, Susan, and Christian Murck, eds. 1983. Theories ofthe Arts in China. Princeton:Princeton University Press.

Bush, Susan, and Hsio-yen Shih. 1985. Early Chinese Texts on Painting. Cambridge,Mass.: Harvard University Press.Byrd, Jennifer uoan Stanley-Baker). 1974. "Review Article, Studies in Connoisseurship."Oriental Art, n.s. 22, no. 4:436-48. See also work listed under Stanley-Baker.Cahill, James. 1958. "Ch'ien Hsuan and His Figure Paintings." Archives ofthe AsianArt Society of America 12: 10-29.. 1960. "Confucian Elements in the Theory of Painting." In The ConfucianPersuasion, ed. Arthur Wright 114-40. Stanford: Stanford University Press.. 196 1. "The Six Laws and How to Read Them. " Ars Orientalis 4:37 2-8 1.. 1963-68. "Yuan Chiang and His School." Ars Orientalis 5:259-72, 6: 191-212, 7:179.. 1967. Fantastics and Eccentrics in Chinese Painting. New York: The AsiaSociety.. 1970a. "The Early Styles of Kung Hsien." Oriental Art, n.s. 16:5 1-71.. 1970b. "Wu Pin and His Landscape Paintings." In Proceedings of the InternationalSymposium on Chinese Painting, 637-722. Taipei: National Palace Museum., ed. 197 1. The Restless Landscape: Chinese Painting of the Late Ming Period.Berkeley: University Art Museum.. 1976a. Hills Beyond a River: Chinese Painting of the Yiian Dynasty, 1279-1368. New York: John Weatherhill.. 1976b. "Style as Idea in Ming-Ch'ing Painting." In The Mozartian Historian:Essays on the Works ofJoseph R. Levenson, ed. Maurice Meisner and RhoadsMurphy, 137-56. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.. 1978. Parting at the Shore: Chinese Painting of the Early and Middle MingDynasty, 1368-1 580. New York: John Weatherhill., incorporating the work of Osvald Siren and Ellen Laing. 1980. An Index ofEarly Chinese Paintings and Painters: Tang, Sung, Yiian. Berkeley and Los Angeles:University of California Press., ed. 198 la. Shadows of Mt. Huang: Chinese Painting and Printing ofthe AnhzliSchool. Berkeley: University Art Museum.. 198 lb. "Tung Ch'i-ch'ang's 'Southern and Northern Schools' in the Historyand Theory of Painting: A Reconsideration." Paper presented at the conferenceThe SuddenIGradual Polarity: A Recurrent Theme in Chinese Thought, held atthe Institute of Transcultural Studies; publication forthcoming.. 1982a. The Compelling Image: Nature and Style in Seventeenth-Century ChinesePainting. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.. 1982b. The Distant Mountains: Chinese Painting of the Late Ming Dynasty,15 70-1 644. New York: John Weatherhill.. 1982c. "Late Ming Landscape Albums and European Printed Books." InThe Early Illustrated Book: Essays in Honor of Lessing J. Rosenwald, ed. SandraHindman, 150-7 1. Washington, D.C. : Library of Congress.. 1985. "Levels of Meaning in a Tenth-Century Chinese Landscape Painting. "Paper presented at the College Art Association annual conference, New York.. 1987. "The 'Madness' in Pa-ta Shan-jen's Paintings." Paper presented atthe College Art Association annual meeting, Boston.Carter, Malcolm, 1976. "The Perils of Chinese Art Scholarship." ARTnews 75, no.6:61-66.

CHINESE PAINTING STUDIES IN THE WEST887Chang, Arnold. 1980. Painting in the People's Republic of China: The Politics of Style.Boulder, Colo. : Westview Press.Chang, Cornelius. 1971. "A Study of the Paintings of the Water-Moon Kuan-yin."Ph.D. diss., Columbia University.Chapin, Helen. 1970-71. "A Long Roll of Buddhist Images." Artibw Asiae 32:5-4 1, 157-99, 259-306; 33:7 5- 140. Also published complete (1972), Ascona,Switzerland: Artibus Asiae.Chaves, Jonathan. 1968. "A Han Painted Tomb at Loyang." Artibus Asiae 30:5-27.. 1985. " 'Meaning Beyond the Painting': The Chinese Painter as Poet."Paper presented at Metropolitan Museum symposium Words and Images; publicationforthcoming (see Fong and Murck forthcoming).Ch'en-Courtin, Dorothy. 1979. "The Literary Theme of 'The Peach-Blossom Spring'in Pre-Ming and Ming Painting." Ph.D. diss. Columbia University.Chiang I-han. 1979-80. "Yuan Court Collections of Painting and Calligraphy." NationalPalace Museum Quarterly 14, no. 2:25-54, no. 3: 1-36.Chou, Ju-hsi. 1970. "In Quest of the Primordial Line: The Genesis and Content ofTao-chi's Hua-yii Lu." Ph.D. diss., Princeton University.. 1978-79. "Are We Ready for Shih-t'ao?" Phoebus 2:75-87.Chou, Ju-hsi, et al. 1985. The Elegant Brush: Chinese Painting Under the Qianlong{Ch'ien-lung) Emperor, 1735-1 795. Phoenix: Phoenix Art Museum.Chung-kuo k'o-hsueh yuan k'ao-ku yen-chiu suo An-yang fa-chueh tui {Anyang excavationteam of the Archaeological Institute of the Chinese Academy of Sciences].1976. "1975-nien An-yang Yin-hsu ti fa-hsien" {Discoveries in 1975 at Yinhsunear An-yang]. Kao-ku {Archaeology] April:264-72.Clapp, Anne. 1975. Wen Cheng-ming: The Ming Artist and Antiquity. Ascona, Switzerland:Artibus Asiae.Cohen, Joan Lebold. 1987. The New Chinese Painting, 1949-1 986. New York:Abrams.Coleman, Earle. 1978. Philosophy of Painting by Shih-t'ao; A Translation and Expositionof his Hua-P'u. The Hague: Mouton.Croizier, Ralph. Forthcoming. Region and Revolution in Modern Chinese Art: The LingnanSchool of Painting, 1906-1 951. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of CaliforniaPress.Delbanco, Dawn Ho. 1982. "Nanking and the Mustard Seed Garden Manual ofPainting." Ph.D. diss., Harvard University.Ecke, Betty. 1972. "Emperor Hui-tsung, the Artist: 1082-1 136." Ph.D. diss., NewYork University.Edwards, Richard. 1958a. "The Art of Li T'ang." Archives of the Asian Art Society ofAmerica 12:48-60.. 1958b. "Ch'ien Hsuan and 'Early Spring.' "Archives of the Chinese Art Societyof America 7:7 1-83.. 1962. The Field of Stones: A Study ofthe Art of Shen Chou. Washington, D.C. :Freer Gallery of Art.. 1965. "Review of Chu-tsing Li, Autumn Colors on the Ch'iao and Hua Mountains."Journal of the ~meri&n Oriental Society 85:44 1-45.. 1976a. "The Orthodoxy of the Unorthodox." In Artists and Traditions: Usesof the Past in Chinese Culture, ed. Christian Murck, 185-99. Princeton: The ArtMuseum.. 1976b. "The State of Ming Studies: The Arts." Ming Studies 2:31-37.

. 1985. "Poetry and Painting in the Late Sung." Paper presented at MetropolitanMuseum symposium Words and Images; publication forthcoming (seeFong and Murck forthcoming).Edwards, Richard, and Anne Clapp. 1976. The Art of Wen Cheng-ming (1470-1559).Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Museum of Art.Edwards, Richard, et al. 1967. The Painting of Tao-chi. Ann Arbor: University ofMichigan Museum of Art.Ellsworth, Robert. Forthcoming. Later Chinese Painting and Calligraphy, 1800-1 950.3 vols. New York: Random House.Fenollosa, Ernest. 1963. Epochs of Chinese and Japanese Art. New York: Dover.Fong, Mary. 1976. "The Technique of 'Chiaroscuro' in Chinese Painting from Hanthrough T'ang." Artibus Asiae 38:91-127.. 1983. "The Iconography of the Popular Gods of Happiness, Emolument,and Longevity (Fu Lu Shou)." Artibus Asiae 44: 159-84.. 1984. "Tang Tomb Murals Reviewed in the Light of Tang Texts on Painting."Artibus Asiae 45:35-72.Fong, Wen. 1959. "A Letter from Shih-t'ao to Pa-ta-shan-jen and the Problem ofShih-t'ao's Chronology ." Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America 13:22-53.. 1960. "The Problem of Ch'ien Hsiian." Art Bulletin 42: 173-89.. 1962. "The Problem of Forgeries in Chinese Painting." Artibus Asiae25:95-141.. 1963. "Chinese Painting: A Statement of Method." Oriental Art, n.s. 9:73-78.. 1968. "Tung Ch'i-ch'ang and the Orthodox Theory of Painting." NationalPalace Museum Quarterly 2: 1-2 6.. 1969. "Toward a Structural Analysis of Chinese Landscape Painting." ArtJournal 28:388-97.. 1975. Summer Mountains; The Timeless Landscape. New York: MetropolitanMuseum of Art.. 1976. Returning Home; Tao-chi's Album of Landscapes and Flowers. New York:Braziller.. 1985. "Painting, Poetry, and Calligraphy: The Three Perfections." Paperpresented at Metropolitan Museum symposium Words and Images; publicationforthcoming (see Fong and Murck forthcoming).. 1986. "Review of James Cahill, The Compelling Image: Nature and Style inSeventeenth-Century Chinese Painting." Art Bulletin 68:504-8.Fong, Wen, et al. 1984. Images of the Mind: Selections from the Edward L. Elliott FamilyandJohn B. Elliott Collections of Chinese Calligraphy and Painting at The Art Museum,Princeton University. Princeton: The Art Museum.Fong, Wen, and Marilyn Fu {Wong-Gleysteen). 1973. Sung and Yiian Paintings.New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art.Fong, Wen, and Alfreda Murck, eds. Forthcoming. Words and Images: Chinese Poetry,Calligraphy, and Painting. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art.Fontein, Jan, and Money Hickman. 1970. Zen Painting and Calligraphy. Boston:Museum of Fine Arts.Fontein, Jan, and Tung Wu. 1973. Unearthing China's Past. Boston: Museum of FineArts.Frankel, Hans. 1957. "Poetry and Painting: Chinese and Western Views of TheirConvertibility. " Comparative Literature 9:289-307.

CHINESE PAINTING STUDIES IN THE WEST889Fu, Marilyn [Wong-Gleysteen]. 1985. "Calligraphy and Painting: Some Sung andPost-Sung Parallels in North and South-A Reassessment of the Southern Tradition."Paper presented at Metropolitan Museum symposium Words and Images;publication forthcoming (see Fong and Murck forthcoming).Fu, Marilyn {Wong-Gleysteenl, and Wen Fong. 1973. The Wilderness Colors of Taochi.New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art.Fu, Marilyn [Wong-Gleysteen), and Shen Fu. 1973. Studies in Connoisseurship: ChinesePaintings from the Arthur M. Sackler Collection in New York and Princeton. Princeton:The Art Museum.Fu, Shen. 1970. "A Study of the Authorship of the Hua-shuo." In Proceedings oftheInternational Symposium of Chinese Painting, 85- 140. Taipei: National Palace Museum.. 1976. "An Aspect of Mid-Seventeenth Century Chinese Painting: The 'DryLinear' Style and the Early Work of Tao-chi." Journal of the Institute of ChineseStudies 8, no. 2:575-616.. 1978-79. "A History of the Yiian Imperial Art Collections." National PalaceMuseum Quarterly 13, no. 1:25-51, no. 2:l-24, no. 3:l-12, no. 4:l-24.Fuller, Germaine. 1984. " 'Spring in Chiang-nan': Pi.ctoria1 Imagery and Other Aspectsof Expression in Eight Wu School Paintings of a Traditional Literary Subject."Ph.D. diss. University of Chicago.Glum, Peter. 1975. "Meditations on a Black Sun: Speculations on Illusionist Tendenciesin T'ang Painting Based on Chemical Changes in Pigments." Artibus Asiae37:53-60.. 1981-82. "Light Without Shade: The Divine Radiance, Moonlight, Sunsets,Translucence, Lustre, and Other Light Effects in Chinese and Japanese Painting."Oriental Art, n.s. 27:398-412, n.s. 28:46-63.Han, Sungmi. 1983. "Wu Chen's 'Mo-chu P'u': Literati Painter's Manual on InkBamboo." Ph.D. diss., Princeton University.Harrist, Robert. 1987. "Li Kung-lin and his Shan-chuang t'u: A Scholar's Landscape."Ph. D. diss., Princeton University.Hay, John. 1972. "Along the River During Winter's First Snow." The BurlingtonMagazine 114:294-303.. 1978. "Huang Kung-wang's 'Dwelling in the Fu-ch'un Mountains': Dimensionsof a Landscape. " Ph.D. diss., Princeton University.. 1983. "The Human Body as a Microcosmic Source of Macrocosmic Valuesin Calligraphy." In Theories of the Arts in China, ed. Susan Bush and ChristianMurck, 74-102. Princeton: Princeton University Press.. 1985a. Kernels of Energy, Bones of Earth: The Rock in Chinese Art. New York:China Institute in America.. 1985b. "Poetic Space: Ch'ien Hsiian and the Association of Painting andPoetry." Paper presented at Metropolitan Museum symposium Words and Images;publication forthcoming (see Fong and Murck forthcoming).Hightower, James. 1961. "Individualism in Chinese Literature." Journal of the Historyof Ideas, 22: 159-68.Ho, Wai-kam. 1976. "Tung dh'i-ch'ang9s New Orthodoxy and the Southern SchoolTheory." In Artists and Traditions: Uses of the Past in Chinese Culture, ed. ChristianMurck, 113-29. Princeton: The Art Museum.Ho, Wai-kam, Sherman Lee, Laurence Sickman, Marc Wilson, et al. 1980. EightDynasties of Chinese Painting: The Collections of the Nelson Gallery-Atkins Museum,

Kansas City, and the Cleveland Museum of Art. Cleveland: Cleveland Museum ofArt.Hoar, William. 1983. "Wang Mien and the Confucian Factor in Chinese Plum Painting."Ph.D. diss., University of Iowa.Hsiang Ta. 1976. "European Influences on Chinese Art in the Later Ming and EarlyCh'ing Period." Trans. Wang Teh-chao. In The Translation ofArt: Essays on ChinesePainting and Poetry, ed. James Watt 152-78. Hong Kong: Chinese Universityof Hong Kong.Hsii Pang-ta. 1972. " 'Sung-jen hua jen-wu ku-shih' ying-chi 'Ying-luan t'u' k'ao"[A study of the 'Anonymous Sung Figural Narrative Painting' and the 'AuspiciousOmens Painting'). Wen-wu {Cultural Relics] November:61-62.{Xu Bangda]. 1985a. "A Study of the Mao Shih Scrolls of Calligraphy Attributedto Emperors Sung Kao-tsung or Hsiao-tsung and Painting Attributedto Ma Ho-chih." Paper presented at Metropolitan Museum symposium on Wordsand Images; publication forthcoming (see Fong and Murck forthcoming).. 1985b. "Ch'uan Sung Kao-tsung Chao Kou Hsiao-tsung Chao Shen shuMa Ho-chih hua Mao Shih chuan k'ao-pien" {A Study of the Classic of Poetryscroll with calligraphy attributed to Sung Kao-tsung, Chao Kou, and Hsiaotsung,Chao Shen, and paintings by Ma Ho-chih). Ku-kungpo-wu-yiian yiian-k'an3:69-87.Jacobson, Esther. 1985. "Mountains and Nomads: A Reconsideration of the Originsof Chinese Landscape Representation. " Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities57: 133-80. See also works listed under Jacobson-Leong and Leong .Jacobson-Leong, Esther. 1976. "Place and Passage in the Chinese Arts: Visual Imagesand Poetic Analogues. " Critical lnquiy 3:345-68. See also works listed underJacobson and Leong.James, Jean. 1979. "A Provisional Iconology of Western Han Funerary Art." OrientalArt 25:347-57.Jao Tsung-i. 1974. "Tz'u Poetry and Painting: Transpositions in Art." National PalaceMuseum Quarterly 8, no. 3 :9-2 0.Johnson, Linda. 1983. "The Wedding Ceremony for an Imperial Liao Princess: WallPaintings from a Liao Tomb in Jilin." Artibus Asiae 44: 107-36.Kao, Arthur Mu-sen. 1979. "The Life and Art of Li K'an." Ph.D. diss., Universityof Kansas.Kao, Mayching. 1972. "China's Response to the West in Art, 1898-1937." Ph.D.diss., Stanford University.Keswick, Maggie. 1978. The Chinese Garden: History, Art, and Architecture. New York:Rizzoli.Kim, Hongnam. 1980. "Chou Liang-kung (1612-1672) and His Artistic Circle:Social and Economic Aspects." Paper presented at Nelson Gallery symposiumArtists and Patrons; publication forthcoming (see Li forthcoming).Klein, Bettina, adapted and expanded by Carolyn Wheelwright. 1984. "JapaneseKinbycbu: The Gold-leafed Folding Screens of the Muromachi Period (1333-1573). Artibus Asiae 45:5-33, 101-73.Kubler, George. 1962. The Shape ofTime: Remarks on the History ofThings. New Haven:Yale University Press.Kuo, Chi-sheng. 1980a. "Hui-chou Merchants as Art Patrons in the Late Sixteenthand Early Seventeenth Centuries." Paper presented at Nelson Gallery symposiumArtists and Patrons; publication forthcoming (see Li forthcoming).. 1980b. "The Paintings of Hung-jen." Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan.

CHINESEPAINTING STUDIES IN THE WEST 891Laing, Ellen. 1967. "Scholars and Sages: A Study in Chinese Figure Painting. " Ph. D.diss., University of Michigan.. 1968. "Real or Ideal: The Problem of the 'Elegant Gathering in the WesternGarden' in Chinese Historical and Art Historical Records." Journal of the AmericanOriental Society 88:4 19-35.. 1974. "Neo-Taoism and the 'Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove' inPainting. " Artibw Asiae 36:5-54.. 1977. "The State of Ming Painting Studies." Ming Studies 3:9-25.. 1984. An Index to Reproductions of Paintings by Twentieth-Century Chinese Artists.Eugene: University of Oregon Asian Studies Program.. 1986. "Taoist Caves in Late Ming Early Ch'ing Painting." Paper presentedat the Colloquium on Nature and Spirituality, University of Washington, Seattle.. Forthcoming-a. "Chin Dynasty (1 115-1234) Material Culture." ArtibusAsiae.. Forthcoming-b. "Chou Ying's Depiction of Sima Guang's Duluo Yuan andthe View from the Chinese Garden." Oriental Art.. Manuscript. The Winking Owl: Art in the People's Republic of China.Lawton, Thomas. 1970. "Notes on Five Paintings from a Ch'ing Dynasty Collection."Ars Orientalis 8: 19 1-2 15.Ledderose, Lothar. 1973. "Subject Matter in Early Chinese Painting Criticism." OrientalArt, n.s 9:69-83.. 1978-79. "Some Observations on the Imperial Art Collection in China."Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society 43:33-46.. 1983. "The Earthly Paradise: Religious Elements in Chinese LandscapeArt." In Theories of the Arts in China, ed. Susan Bush and Christian Murck, 165-83. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Ledderose, Lothar, et al. 1985. Palastmuseum Peking: Schatze aus der Verbotenen Stadt[The Peking Palace Museum: Treasures from the Forbidden City]. Frankfurt:Insel Verlag.Lee, Sherman. 1948. "The Story of Chinese Painting. " Art Quarterly 2:9-3 1.Lee, Sherman, and Wen Fong. 1955. Streams and Mountains Without End: A NorthernSung Handscroll and Its Signijicance in the History of Early Chinese Painting. Ascona,Switzerland: Artibus Asiae.Lee, Sherman, and Wai-kam Ho. 1968. Chinese Art Under the Mongols: The YiianDynasty (1 279-1 368). Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art.Lee, Thomas. 1985. Government Education and Examinations in Sung China. Hong Kongand New York: Chinese University Press and St. Martins Press.Leong, Esther uacobson). 1970. "Space and Time in Chinese Landscape Painting ofthe Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries." Ph. D. diss., University of Chicago. Seealso works listed under Jacobson and Jacobson-Leong.. 1972. "Transition and Transformation in a Chinese Painting and a RelatedPoem." Art Journal 3 1:262-67.Levenson, Joseph. 1957. "The Amateur Ideal in Ming and Early Ch'ing Society:Evidence from Painting." In Chinese Thought and Institutions, ed. John Fairbank320-41. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Lew, William. 1976. "The Fisherman in Yuan Painting as Reflected in Wu Chen's'Yu-Fu T'u' {'Fisherman Handscroll') in the Shanghai Museum." Ph.D. diss.,Ohio University.Li, Chu-tsing. 1965. The Autumn Colors on the Ch'iao and Hua Mountains: A Landscapeby Chao Meng-fu. Ascona, Switzerland: Artibus Asiae.

. 1968. "The Freer 'Sheep and Goat' and Chao Meng-fu's Horse Paintings."Artibus Asiae 30:279-347.. 1976a. "Hsiang Sheng-mo's Poetry and Painting on Eremitism." Journalof the Institute of Chinese Studies 8, no. 2 :5 3 1- 5 5.. 1976b. "Problems Concerning the Life of Wang Mien, Painter of PlumBlossoms." In The Translation of Art: Essays on Chinese Painting and Poetry, ed.James Watt, 1 1 1-23. Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong .. 1979. Trends in Modern Chinese Painting: The C .A. Drenowatz Collection.Ascona, Switzerland: Artibus Asiae.,ed. Forthcoming. Artists and Patrons: Some Economic andsocial Aspects of ChinesePainting. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.Ling Hu-piao. 1982. "Sung-tai hua yiian hua-chia k'ao-lueh" [Studies on artists inthe Sung dynasty painting academy}. Mei-shu yen-chiu [Fine Arts Research} 4:39-61.Liscomb, Kathlyn. 1987. "Fifteenth-Century Ming Painting: The Plurality ThatPreceded Orthodoxy. " Paper presented at the Association for Asian Studies annualmeeting, Boston.Liu, James J. Y. 197 5. "The Study of Chinese Literature in the West: Recent Developments,Current Trends, Future Prospects. "Journal of Asian Studies 3 5: 2 1-30.Loehr, Max. 1961. "The Question of Individualism in Chinese Art." Journal oftheHistory of Ideas 22: 147-58.. 1964. "Some Fundamental Issues in the History of Chinese Painting." Journalof Asian Studies 23: 18 5-93.. 1966. "Review of Chu-tsing Li, Autumn Colors on the Ch'iao and Hzla Mountains."Harvard Journal of Asiatic Stgdies 27: 269-76.. 1980. The Great Painters of China. New York: Harper and Row.Loewe, Michael. 1979. Ways to Paradise: The Chinese Quest for Immortality. London:George Allen and Unwin.Lovell, Hin-cheung. 1970. "Wang Hui's 'Dwelling in the Fu-ch'un Mountains': AClassical Theme, Its Origins and Variations." Ars Orientalis 8:217-42.. 1973. An Annotated Bibliography of Chinese Painting Catalogues and RelatedTexts. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Center for Chinese Studies.Maeda, Robert. 1971. "The 'Water' Theme in Chinese Painting." Artibus Asiae33:247-90.Matsumoto, Moritaka. 1976. "Chang Sheng-wen's Long Roll of Buddhist Images:A Reconstruction and Iconology." Ph.D. diss., Princeton University.Muller, Deborah. 198 1. "Li Kung-lin's 'Chiu-ko-t'u': A Study of the 'Nine Songs'Handscrolls in the Sung and Yuan Dynasties." Ph.D. diss., Yale University.. 1986. "Chang Wu: Study of a Fourteenth-Century Figure Painter." ArtibusAsiae 47:5-50.Munakata, Kiyohiko. 1965. "The Rise of Ink-Wash Landscape Painting in the T'angDynasty." Ph.D. diss., Princeton University.. 1975. Ching Hao's Pi-fa-chi: A Note on the Art of the Brush. Ascona, Switzerland:Artibus Asiae.. 1976. "Some Methodological Considerations: A Review of Susan Bush, TheChinese Literati on Painting. " Artibus Asiae 38:308- 18.. 1983. "Concepts of Lei and Kan-lei in Early Chinese Art Theory. " In Theoriesof the Arts in China, ed. Susan Bush and Christian Murck, 105-3 1. Princeton:Princeton University Press.

. 1986. "Chinese Literati and Taoist Fantasy: Cases of Shen Chou and WuSchool Artists." Paper presented at the College Art Association annual meeting,New York.Murck, Alfreda. 1984. "Eight Views of the Hsiao and Hsiang Rivers by WangHung." In Wen Fong et al., lmages of the Mind; Selections from the Edward L.Elliott Family and John B. Elliott Collections of Chinese Calligraphy and Painting atThe Art Museum, Princeton University, 213-35. Princeton: The Art Museum.Murck, Alfreda, and Wen Fong. 1980-81. "A Chinese Garden Court: The AstorCourt at the Metropolitan Museum of Art." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin38, no. 3:l-64.Murck, Christian, ed. 1976. Artists and Traditions: Uses of the Past in Chinese Culture.Princeton: The Art Museum.Murray, Julia. 198 1. "Sung Kao-tsung, Ma Ho-chih, and the Mao Shih Scrolls:Illustrations of the Classic of Poetry." Ph.D. diss., Princeton University.. 1985. "Sung Kao-tsung as Artist and Patron: The Theme of Dynastic Revival."Paper presented at Nelson Gallery symposium Artists and Patrons; publicationforthcoming (see Li forthcoming).Nagin, Carl. Forthcoming. Painter from the Grut Wind Hall [a biography of ChangTa-ch'ien]. New York: Atheneum.Neill, Mary Gardner. 198 1. "Mountains of the Immortals: The Life and Painting ofFang Ts'ung-i." Ph.D. diss., Princeton University.Nelson, Susan. 1983. "I-P'in in Later Painting Criticism." In Theories of the Arts inChina, ed. Susan Bush and Christian Murck, 397-424. Princeton: PrincetonUniversity Press.. 1986. "On Through to the Beyond: The Peach Blossom Spring as Paradise."Archives of Asian Art 39:23-47.Oertling, Sewell. 1980a. "The Painting of Ting Yiin-p'eng." Ph.D. diss., Universityof Michigan.. 1980b. "Patronage of Anhui Artists in the Wan-li Era." Paper presentedat Nelson Gallery symposium Artists and Patrons; publication forthcoming (seeLi forthcoming).Powers, Martin. 1981. "An Archaic Bas-Relief and the Chinese Moral Cosmos inthe First Century A.D." Ars Orientalis 12:25-40.. 1983. "Hybrid Prodigies and Public Issues in Early Imperial China." Bulletinof the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 5 5: 17-48.. 1984. "Pictorial Art and Its Public in Early Imperial China." Art History7: 135-63.Riely, C. C. 1974-75. "Tung Ch'i-ch'ang's Ownership of Huang Kung-wang's'Dwelling in the Fu-ch'un Mountains,' with a Revised Dating for Chang-ch'ou'sCh'ing-ho shu-hua fang." Archives of Asian Art 28:57-76.Rogers, Howard. 1983. "The Reluctant Messiah: 'Sakyamuni Emerging from theMountains.' " Sophia International Review 5:16-33.Rorex, Robert. 1973. "Eighteen Songs of a Nomad Flute: The Story of Ts'ai Wenchi."Ph.D. diss., Princeton University.. 1974. Eighteen Songs of a Nomad Flute; The Story of Lady Wen-chi. New York:Metropolitan Museum of,Art.. 1984. "Some Liao Tomb Murals and Images of Nomads in Chinese Paintingsof the Wen-chi Story." Artibus Asiae 45: 174-98.Rosenzweig, Daphne. 1980. "Categories of Painters at the Early Ch'ing Court: Refinementand Reassessment." Paper presented at Nelson Gallery symposium Artistsand Patrons; publication forthcoming (see Li forthcoming).

Rowland, Benjamin. 195 1. "The Problem of Hui-tsung." Archives of the Chinese ArtSociety of America 5:5-22.Ryckmans, Pierre. 1966. "Les propos sur la Peinture de Shi Tao" [On Shih-ta'o's"Discussions of Painting"]. Arts Asiatiques 14:792150.Schafer, Edward. 1963. "Mineral Imagery in the Paradise Poems of Kuan Hsiu."Asia Major 10:73- 102.Schapiro, Meyer. 1953. "Style." In Anthropology Today, ed. A. L. Kroeber, 287-312.Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Seckel, Dietrich. 1965. "Shakyamunis Ruckkehr aus den Bergen" [Shakyamuni'sreturn from the mountains}. Asiatische Stzldien / Etudes Asiatiques 18-19:35-72.She Ch'eng. 1983. "Pei Sung hua yuan chih-tu yu tsu-chih ti t'an-t'ao" [Discussionof the regulations and organization of the Northern Sung painting academy]. Kukzlnghsiieh-shu chi-k'an [Palace Museum Research Quarterly} 1:69-95.Shih, Shou-chien. 1984a. "Eremitism in Landscape Paintings by Ch'ien Hsuan (ca.1235-before 1307)." Ph.D. diss., Princeton University.. 1984b. "The Mind Landscape of Hsieh Yu-yu." In Wen Fong et al., Imagesofthe Mind: Selections from the Edward L. Elliott Family andJohn B. Elliott Collectionof Chinese Calligraphy and Painting at the Art Museum, Princeton University, 237-54. Princeton: The Art Museum.Shimada Hidemasa. 198 1. "Kis6 ch6 no Gagaku ni tsuite" [Regarding the NorthernSung dynasty painting academy]. In Chzigoku kaiga shi ronshzi: Szlzzlki Kei Senseikanreki kinenkai [Articles on Chinese painting history: In commemoration of ProfessorSuzuki Kei's sixtieth birthday], 109-50. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan.Shimizu, Yoshiaki. 1980. "Six Narrative Paintings by Yin T'o-lo: Their SymbolicContent." Archives ofAsian Art 33:6-37.Silbergeld, Jerome. 1976. "The Political Landscapes of Kung Hsien, in Painting andPoetry." Journal of the Institute of Chinese Studies 8, no. 2:561-74.. 1980a. Chinese Painting Style: Media, Methods, and Principles of Form. Seattle:University of Washington Press.. 1980b. "Kung Hsien's Self-Portrait in Willows, with Notes on the Willowin Chinese Painting and Literature." Artibw Asiae 41:5-38.. 1980c. "A New Look at Traditionalism in Yuan Dynasty Landscape Painting."National Palace Museum Quarterly 14: 1-29.. 1981. "Kung Hsien: A Professional Chinese Artist and His Patronage."The Burlington Magazine 123 :400-4 10.. 1982-83. "Mawangdui, Excavated Materials, and Transmitted Texts: ACautionary Note." Early China 8:79-92.. 1985. "In Praise of Government: Chao Yung's Noble Steeds Painting andLate Yuan Politics." Artibzls Asiae 46: 159-202.. 1987a. "Chinese Concepts of Old Age and Their Role in Chinese Painting,Painting Theory, and Criticism." Art Jozlrnal 46: 103- 114.. 1987b. Mind Landscapes: The Paintings of C. C. Wang. Seattle: Universityof Washington Press and Henry Art Gallery.Siren, Osvald. 1936. The Chinese on the Art of Painting. New York: Schocken.. 1956-58. Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and Principles. 7 volumes. London:Lund, Humphries.Soong, James Han-hsi. 1978. "A Visual Experience in Nineteenth-Century China:Jen Po-nien (1840-1895) and the Shanghai School of Painting." Ph.D. diss.,Stanford University.

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CHINESE PAINTING STUDIES IN THE WEST897Yuhas, Louise. 1979. "The Landscape Art of Lu Chih (1496- 1576)." Ph.D. diss.,University of Michigan.Ziircher, Erik. 1955. "Imitation and Forgery in Ancient Chinese Painting Calligraphy."Oriental Art, n.s. 1: 14 1-46.

http://www.jstor.orgLINKED CITATIONS- Page 1 of 9 -You have printed the following article:Chinese Painting Studies in the West: A State-of-the-Field ArticleJerome SilbergeldThe Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 46, No. 4. (Nov., 1987), pp. 849-897.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-9118%28198711%2946%3A4%3C849%3ACPSITW%3E2.0.CO%3B2-NThis article references the following linked citations. If you are trying to access articles from anoff-campus location, you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR. Pleasevisit your library's website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR.List of ReferencesLi T'ang (c.1050-c.1130) and the K#t#-In LandscapesRichard BarnhartThe Burlington Magazine, Vol. 114, No. 830, Special Issue Devoted to Chinese Landscape Painting.(May, 1972), pp. 304-311+313-314.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0007-6287%28197205%29114%3A830%3C304%3ALT%28ATK%3E2.0.CO%3B2-IYao Yen-ch'ing, T'ing-mei, of Wu-hsingRichard BarnhartArtibus Asiae, Vol. 39, No. 2. (1977), pp. 105-123.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281977%2939%3A2%3C105%3AYYTOW%3E2.0.CO%3B2-GReview: [Untitled]Reviewed Work(s):Parting at the Shore. Chinese Painting of the Early and Middle Ming Dynasty, 1368-1580 byJames CahillRichard BarnhartThe Art Bulletin, Vol. 63, No. 2. (Jun., 1981), pp. 344-345.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3079%28198106%2963%3A2%3C344%3APATSCP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-V

http://www.jstor.orgLINKED CITATIONS- Page 2 of 9 -A Han Painted Tomb at LoyangJonathan ChavesArtibus Asiae, Vol. 30, No. 1. (1968), pp. 5-27.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281968%2930%3A1%3C5%3AAHPTAL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-XReview: [Untitled]Reviewed Work(s):The Autumn Colors on the Ch'iao and Hua Mountains, a Landscape by Chao Meng-fu byChu-tsing LiRichard EdwardsJournal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 85, No. 3. (Jul. - Sep., 1965), pp. 441-445.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0003-0279%28196507%2F09%2985%3A3%3C441%3ATACOTC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-XThe Technique of 'Chiaroscuro' in Chinese Painting from Han through T'angMary H. FongArtibus Asiae, Vol. 38, No. 2/3. (1976), pp. 91-127.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281976%2938%3A2%2F3%3C91%3ATTO%27IC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-8The Iconography of the Popular Gods of Happiness, Emolument, and Longevity (Fu Lu Shou)Mary H. FongArtibus Asiae, Vol. 44, No. 2/3. (1983), pp. 159-199.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281983%2944%3A2%2F3%3C159%3ATIOTPG%3E2.0.CO%3B2-YTang Tomb Murals Reviewed in the Light of Tang Texts on PaintingMary H. FongArtibus Asiae, Vol. 45, No. 1. (1984), pp. 35-72.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281984%2945%3A1%3C35%3ATTMRIT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-I

http://www.jstor.orgLINKED CITATIONS- Page 3 of 9 -The Problem of Ch'ien HsuanWen FongThe Art Bulletin, Vol. 42, No. 3. (Sep., 1960), pp. 173-189.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3079%28196009%2942%3A3%3C173%3ATPOCH%3E2.0.CO%3B2-UThe Problem of Forgeries in Chinese Painting. Part OneWen FongArtibus Asiae, Vol. 25, No. 2/3. (1962), pp. 95-119+121-140.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281962%2925%3A2%2F3%3C95%3ATPOFIC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-MToward a Structural Analysis of Chinese Landscape PaintingWen C. FongArt Journal, Vol. 28, No. 4. (Summer, 1969), pp. 388-397.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3249%28196922%2928%3A4%3C388%3ATASAOC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-JReview: [Untitled]Reviewed Work(s):The Compelling Image: Nature and Style in Seventeenth-Century Chinese Painting (The CharlesEliot Norton Lectures, 1979) by James CahillWen FongThe Art Bulletin, Vol. 68, No. 3. (Sep., 1986), pp. 504-508.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3079%28198609%2968%3A3%3C504%3ATCINAS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-KPoetry and Painting: Chinese and Western Views of Their ConvertibilityHans H. FrankelComparative Literature, Vol. 9, No. 4. (Autumn, 1957), pp. 289-307.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0010-4124%28195723%299%3A4%3C289%3APAPCAW%3E2.0.CO%3B2-R

http://www.jstor.orgLINKED CITATIONS- Page 4 of 9 -Meditations on a Black Sun. Speculations on Illusionist Tendencies in T'ang Painting Based onChemical Changes in PigmentsPeter GlumArtibus Asiae, Vol. 37, No. 1/2. (1975), pp. 53-60.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281975%2937%3A1%2F2%3C53%3AMOABSS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-7'Along the River during Winter's First Snow': A Tenth-Century Handscroll and EarlyChinese NarrativeJohn HayThe Burlington Magazine, Vol. 114, No. 830, Special Issue Devoted to Chinese Landscape Painting.(May, 1972), pp. 294-303.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0007-6287%28197205%29114%3A830%3C294%3A%27TRDWF%3E2.0.CO%3B2-QIndividualism in Chinese LiteratureJames R. HightowerJournal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 22, No. 2. (Apr. - Jun., 1961), pp. 159-168.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-5037%28196104%2F06%2922%3A2%3C159%3AIICL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-JPlace and Passage in the Chinese Arts: Visual Images and Poetic AnaloguesEsther Jacobson-LeongCritical Inquiry, Vol. 3, No. 2. (Winter, 1976), pp. 345-368.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0093-1896%28197624%293%3A2%3C345%3APAPITC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-9The Wedding Ceremony for an Imperial Liao Princess. Wall Paintings from a Liao DynastyTomb in JilinLinda Cooke JohnsonArtibus Asiae, Vol. 44, No. 2/3. (1983), pp. 107-136.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281983%2944%3A2%2F3%3C107%3ATWCFAI%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Z

http://www.jstor.orgLINKED CITATIONS- Page 5 of 9 -Japanese Kinby#bu: The Gold-Leafed Folding Screens of the Muromachi Period (1333-1573).Part IBettina Klein; Carolyn WheelwrightArtibus Asiae, Vol. 45, No. 1. (1984), pp. 5-13+15-33.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281984%2945%3A1%3C5%3AJKTGFS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-QReal or Ideal: The Problem of the "Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden" in ChineseHistorical and Art Historical RecordsEllen Johnston LaingJournal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 88, No. 3. (Jul. - Sep., 1968), pp. 419-435.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0003-0279%28196807%2F09%2988%3A3%3C419%3AROITPO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-9Neo-Taoism and the "Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove" in Chinese PaintingEllen Johnston LaingArtibus Asiae, Vol. 36, No. 1/2. (1974), pp. 5-54.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281974%2936%3A1%2F2%3C5%3ANAT%22SO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-WTransition and Transformation in a Chinese Painting and a Related PoemEsther J. LeongArt Journal, Vol. 31, No. 3. (Spring, 1972), pp. 262-267.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3249%28197221%2931%3A3%3C262%3ATATIAC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-CThe Freer "Sheep and Goat" and Chao Meng-fu's Horse PaintingsChu-Tsing LiArtibus Asiae, Vol. 30, No. 4. (1968), pp. 279-332+337-346.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281968%2930%3A4%3C279%3ATF%22AGA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-QThe Study of Chinese Literature in the West: Recent Developments, Current Trends, FutureProspectsJames J. Y. LiuThe Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 35, No. 1. (Nov., 1975), pp. 21-30.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-9118%28197511%2935%3A1%3C21%3ATSOCLI%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Z

http://www.jstor.orgLINKED CITATIONS- Page 6 of 9 -The Question of Individualism in Chinese ArtMax LoehrJournal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 22, No. 2. (Apr. - Jun., 1961), pp. 147-158.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-5037%28196104%2F06%2922%3A2%3C147%3ATQOIIC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-6Some Fundamental Issues in the History of Chinese PaintingMax LoehrThe Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 23, No. 2. (Feb., 1964), pp. 185-193.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-9118%28196402%2923%3A2%3C185%3ASFIITH%3E2.0.CO%3B2-0Review: [Untitled]Reviewed Work(s):The Autumn Colors on The Ch'iao and Hua Mountains: A Landscape by Chao Meng-fu byChu-tsing LiMax LoehrHarvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 26. (1966), pp. 269-276.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0073-0548%281966%2926%3C269%3ATACOTC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-HThe "Water" Theme in Chinese PaintingRobert J. MaedaArtibus Asiae, Vol. 33, No. 4. (1971), pp. 247-290.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281971%2933%3A4%3C247%3AT%22TICP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-7Chang Wu: Study of a Fourteenth-Century Figure PainterDeborah Del Gais MullerArtibus Asiae, Vol. 47, No. 1. (1986), pp. 5-50.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281986%2947%3A1%3C5%3ACWSOAF%3E2.0.CO%3B2-A

http://www.jstor.orgLINKED CITATIONS- Page 7 of 9 -Review: Some Methodological Considerations: A Review ArticleReviewed Work(s):The Chinese Literati on Painting by Susan BushKiyohiko MunakataArtibus Asiae, Vol. 38, No. 4. (1976), pp. 308-318.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281976%2938%3A4%3C308%3ASMCARA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-0A Chinese Garden Court: The Astor Court at the Metropolitan Museum of ArtAlfreda Murck; Wen FongThe Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, New Series, Vol. 38, No. 3, A Chinese Garden Court:The Astor Court at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. (Winter, 1980-1981), pp. 2-64.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0026-1521%28198024%2F198124%292%3A38%3A3%3C2%3AACGCTA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-CSome Liao Tomb Murals and Images of Nomads in Chinese Paintings of the Wen-Chi StoryRobert Albright RorexArtibus Asiae, Vol. 45, No. 2/3. (1984), pp. 174-198.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281984%2945%3A2%2F3%3C174%3ASLTMAI%3E2.0.CO%3B2-9Kung Hsien's Self-Portrait in Willows, with Notes on the Willow in Chinese Painting andLiteratureJerome SilbergeldArtibus Asiae, Vol. 42, No. 1. (1980), pp. 5-38.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281980%2942%3A1%3C5%3AKHSIWW%3E2.0.CO%3B2-FKung Hsien: A Professional Chinese Artist and His PatronageJerome SilbergeldThe Burlington Magazine, Vol. 123, No. 940. (Jul., 1981), pp. 400+402-410.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0007-6287%28198107%29123%3A940%3C400%3AKHAPCA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-2

http://www.jstor.orgLINKED CITATIONS- Page 8 of 9 -In Praise of Government: Chao Yung's Painting, "Noble Steeds", and Late Yüan PoliticsJerome SilbergeldArtibus Asiae, Vol. 46, No. 3. (1985), pp. 159-202.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281985%2946%3A3%3C159%3AIPOGCY%3E2.0.CO%3B2-DChinese Concepts of Old Age and Their Role in Chinese Painting, Painting Theory, andCriticismJerome SilbergeldArt Journal, Vol. 46, No. 2, Old-Age Style. (Summer, 1987), pp. 103-114.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3249%28198722%2946%3A2%3C103%3ACCOOAA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-8King Wu Ting's Victory over the "Realm of Demons"Alexander C. SoperArtibus Asiae, Vol. 17, No. 1. (1954), pp. 55-60.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281954%2917%3A1%3C55%3AKWTVOT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-UA New Chinese Tomb Discovery: The Earliest Representation of a Famous Literary ThemeAlexander Coburn SoperArtibus Asiae, Vol. 24, No. 2. (1961), pp. 79-86.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281961%2924%3A2%3C79%3AANCTDT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-MThe Purpose and Date of the Hsiao-T'ang Shan Offering Shrines: A Modest ProposalAlexander Coburn SoperArtibus Asiae, Vol. 36, No. 4. (1974), pp. 249-266.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281974%2936%3A4%3C249%3ATPADOT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-%23The Development of Brush-Modes in Sung and YüanJoan Stanley-BakerArtibus Asiae, Vol. 39, No. 1. (1977), pp. 13-59.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281977%2939%3A1%3C13%3ATDOBIS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1

http://www.jstor.orgLINKED CITATIONS- Page 9 of 9 -"River Village: The Pleasures of Fishing" and Chao Meng-fu's Li-Kuo Style LandscapesRichard VinogradArtibus Asiae, Vol. 40, No. 2/3. (1978), pp. 124-142.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281978%2940%3A2%2F3%3C124%3A%22VTPOF%3E2.0.CO%3B2-3A Note on The So-Called Sung Academy of PaintingA. G. WenleyHarvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2. (Jun., 1941), pp. 269-272.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0073-0548%28194106%296%3A2%3C269%3AANOTSS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1Buddhist Elements in Early Chinese Art (2nd and 3rd Centuries A.D.)Wu HungArtibus Asiae, Vol. 47, No. 3/4. (1986), pp. 263-303+305-352.Stable URL:http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-3648%281986%2947%3A3%2F4%3C263%3ABEIECA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-N