Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l'

Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l' Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l'

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90Dermot KeoghCremin, of External Affairs, tabled a recent report from the Irish ambassador inParis; McDonald had spoken to the director of the Economic Division, OlivierWormser at the Quai d'Orsay and “according to the impression he formed”, saidCremin, “Mr Wormser's attitude to our application was negative”. That must haveworried Cremin in particular. Cremin, who knew Wormser from the early 1950swhen he had served as Irish Ambassador in France, would have agreed with AlainPeyrefitte's view of that distinguished official: “Ce gaulliste de toujours et de premierrang n'a cessé de rendre les plus grands service à de Gaulle”. 46 [His powers ofcartesian analysis would become well known to the British negotiators]. Creminstressed to the meeting the ultimate uncertainty of the political implications ofmembership. Britain, he said, might enter the EEC without being‘allowed’ to jointhe political union. 47 Cremin continued:“If one looked at the Bonn Declaration from that standpoint, it would be seen that,whereas it was interpreted to mean that if a country were to join the EEC it must beready to join in the political union, it was not quite explicit on this point. Theseobservations were, however, highly conjectural, arising out of press comment aboutthe ‘exclusiveness’ of the second French draft [Fouchet plan], and it would beimprudent to assume that willingness to participate in political union was not a prerequisitefor membership of the Community.”Whitaker, who worked closely with Cremin, sought the immediate preparationof a paper on the political implications of Irish membership of the EEC, not only inrelation to NATO but it would also include matters such as the surrender of sovereigntyto Community institutions. Cremin undertook to have a comprehensive documentdrafted on the political implications of membership. 48As senior officials in Dublin sought to interpret the politics of the EEC, the Irishgovernment continued to receive bad news from the ambassador in Brussels duringthe last two weeks in February. Biggar met the Secretary General of the Council ofMinisters, M. Calmes, concerning the probable handling of the Irish application atthe Council meeting on 5 March. Biggar, when told that the application was notformally on the agenda, spoke about the inconvenience of delay. Calmes undertookto speak to Couve de Murville, as France held the presidency of the Council. 49Biggar's report together with one from the Paris embassy created a flurry ofuncertainty in Dublin. Dr Whitaker, in contrast, felt it was very important for theIrish to hold their nerve as he told Cremin on 1 March:“It is impolitic to rush them when they have other and more pressing preoccupations.If rushed, they may take up the position suggested by the most negatively-mindedmember, this being the line of least resistance.”Dr Whitaker suggested that it was better in the circumstances to maintain a“dignified calm” and to take action through the Irish ambassadors in Brussels andParis. He suggested that Couve de Murville be made aware that the Irish noted with46. A. PEYREFITTE, C'etait de Gaulle, Paris 1994, pp. 434-435.47. Minutes of meeting of departmental secretaries, 14 February 1962, D/T, S17246A/62, NAI.48. Minutes of meeting of departmental secretaries, 14 February 1962, D/T, S17246A/62, NAI.49. Cremin note on Biggar report, 28 February 1962, D/T, S17246D, NAI.

The Diplomacy of ‘dignified calm’ 91disappointment that the question of her application had not been placed on theagenda for the Council meeting on 5 March, and it was to be hoped that that wouldnot exclude the possibility of the Council dealing with it. 50A meeting of departmental secretaries on the same day 1 March agreed withDr Whitaker:“a tactful and moderately-worded approach should be made as soon as possible bythe ambassador in Paris to Couve de Murville in his capacity as chairman of the EECCouncil of Ministers, the approach to take the form of a personal message from theTaoiseach to the effect that he had learned from our mission in Brussels that Irelandwas not included in the formal agenda for the meeting of the Council, that he wassomewhat disappointed by this development as he had understood from the meetingof 18th January that our approach would be before the March meeting of the Council.”Cremin was to so inform McDonald in Paris. Ambassador Biggar in Brusselswas to approach Calmes to advise him of Dublin's overture to Couve de Murville.At the same meeting, Whitaker worried by the divisions within Dáil Éireannon membership of NATO told his fellow secretaries that they had to keep clear intheir minds“(...) that, while membership of NATO may not be a sine qua non for entry into theEEC, we would be committed to participate in the common defence arrangementsand foreign policy of the Community. While European Ministers would, no doubt,understand political difficulties presented by a name or by certain formalities, hethought there was considerable danger that our present attitude would be understoodin Community circles to mean that we could not join in any defence system withBritain.”Whitaker's emphasis clearly revealed his grasp of the EEC as a community inthe process of evolution; Ireland was not joining a static organisation. Therefore, inretrospect, it is important to point out the secretary of Finance's ability to contextualisethe NATO question which was not on the table. But even if only made semiexplicit,it was not an abstract consideration. 51As the session concluded, Dr Whitaker returned to the suggestion that he hadmade at an earlier meeting; he felt that it was time to “straighten these matters outby means of an objective, logical statement on the political implications of membershipof the EEC.” 52That logical statement may have partially come in the form of an interview on15 March with Dr Garret FitzGerald on Telefis Éireann, “Topic at Ten” programme.Lemass first stressed the need for full membership. He then went on togive full reassurance regarding the Irish position“Personally, I regard this coming together of western European countries as thegreatest, most hopeful event of this century, and enormous in its potential for good,not merely for the peoples of Europe but for the whole world.”50. Whitaker to Cremin, 1 March 1962, D/T, S17246D, NAI.51. The above lines is my interpretation of Whitaker's position.52. Minutes of departmental secretaries' meeting, 1 March 1962, D/T, S17246D, NAI.

The Diplomacy <strong>of</strong> ‘dignified calm’ 91disappointment that the question <strong>of</strong> her application had not been placed on theagenda for the Council meeting on 5 March, and it was to be hoped that that wouldnot exclu<strong>de</strong> the possibility <strong>of</strong> the Council <strong>de</strong>aling with it. 50A meeting <strong>of</strong> <strong>de</strong>partmental secretaries on the same day <strong>–</strong> 1 March <strong>–</strong> agreed withDr Whitaker:“a tactful and mo<strong>de</strong>rately-wor<strong>de</strong>d approach should be ma<strong>de</strong> as soon as possible bythe ambassador in Paris to Couve <strong>de</strong> Murville in his capacity as chairman <strong>of</strong> the EECCouncil <strong>of</strong> Ministers, the approach to take the form <strong>of</strong> a personal message from theTaoiseach to the effect that he had learned from our mission in Brussels that Irelandwas not inclu<strong>de</strong>d in the formal agenda for the meeting <strong>of</strong> the Council, that he wassomewhat disappointed by this <strong>de</strong>velopment as he had un<strong>de</strong>rstood from the meeting<strong>of</strong> 18th January that our approach would be before the March meeting <strong>of</strong> the Council.”Cremin was to so inform McDonald in Paris. Ambassador Biggar in Brusselswas to approach Calmes to advise him <strong>of</strong> Dublin's overture to Couve <strong>de</strong> Murville.At the same meeting, Whitaker <strong>–</strong> worried by the divisions within Dáil Éireannon membership <strong>of</strong> NATO <strong>–</strong> told his fellow secretaries that they had to keep clear intheir minds“(...) that, while membership <strong>of</strong> NATO may not be a sine qua non for entry into theEEC, we would be committed to participate in the common <strong>de</strong>fence arrangementsand foreign policy <strong>of</strong> the Community. While <strong>European</strong> Ministers would, no doubt,un<strong>de</strong>rstand political difficulties presented by a name or by certain formalities, hethought there was consi<strong>de</strong>rable danger that our present attitu<strong>de</strong> would be un<strong>de</strong>rstoodin Community circles to mean that we could not join in any <strong>de</strong>fence system withBritain.”Whitaker's emphasis clearly revealed his grasp <strong>of</strong> the EEC as a community inthe process <strong>of</strong> evolution; Ireland was not joining a static organisation. Therefore, inretrospect, it is important to point out the secretary <strong>of</strong> Finance's ability to contextualisethe NATO question which was not on the table. But even if only ma<strong>de</strong> semiexplicit,it was not an abstract consi<strong>de</strong>ration. 51As the session conclu<strong>de</strong>d, Dr Whitaker returned to the suggestion that he hadma<strong>de</strong> at an earlier meeting; he felt that it was time to “straighten these matters outby means <strong>of</strong> an objective, logical statement on the political implications <strong>of</strong> membership<strong>of</strong> the EEC.” 52That logical statement may have partially come in the form <strong>of</strong> an interview on15 March with Dr Garret FitzGerald on Telefis Éireann, “Topic at Ten” programme.Lemass first stressed the need for full membership. He then went on togive full reassurance regarding the Irish position“Personally, I regard this coming together <strong>of</strong> western <strong>European</strong> countries as thegreatest, most hopeful event <strong>of</strong> this century, and enormous in its potential for good,not merely for the peoples <strong>of</strong> Europe but for the whole world.”50. Whitaker to Cremin, 1 March 1962, D/T, S17246D, NAI.51. The above lines is my interpretation <strong>of</strong> Whitaker's position.52. Minutes <strong>of</strong> <strong>de</strong>partmental secretaries' meeting, 1 March 1962, D/T, S17246D, NAI.

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