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Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l'

Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l'

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80Mikael af MalmborgGermany might turn its political attention to the east and thus convulse the integrity<strong>of</strong> the Western World in general and <strong>of</strong> <strong>European</strong> unity in particular.That is how the Americans and the <strong>European</strong>ists perceived reality. Their Communitythinking was utterly incompatible with the balance thinking <strong>of</strong> the Nordicstates, and, therefore, in the heyday <strong>of</strong> the cold war Swedish <strong>of</strong>ficials and politicianswere incapable <strong>of</strong> convincing Paris, Bonn and Washington to accept associationon Swedish terms.What about the Finland argument in this context? To refer to concerns foranother state when justifying ones own policy is hardly convincing in a world <strong>of</strong>sovereign states, and might cause problems for the future. The Finland argumentwas, therefore, employed with mo<strong>de</strong>ration in public, and in diplomatic contactsmainly at a later stage <strong>of</strong> <strong>de</strong>liberations or in overt crisis situations.Would it have been possible for Swe<strong>de</strong>n to forget about Finland and the NordicBalance and seek security in NATO and market access by full EEC membership?The Americans seem to have thought so, and the Six, it seems, were simply tooanxious about their own stability to consi<strong>de</strong>r any nuances <strong>of</strong> the Nordic securitypattern. At least in some cases, the employment <strong>of</strong> the Finland argument seems tohave reinforced an already strong impression that neutrality was mainly a <strong>de</strong>vice tocatch a free ri<strong>de</strong>.Even if this criticism was partly legitimate, there can be no doubt that therepeated concern for Finland was a serious element in the construction <strong>of</strong> Swe<strong>de</strong>n’sforeign policy. The consolidation <strong>of</strong> Finland’s in<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nce vis-à-vis the SovietUnion was perceived as an integral part <strong>of</strong> Swe<strong>de</strong>n’s national interest. This concernwas mainly a matter <strong>of</strong> military security, but eventually also exten<strong>de</strong>d to marketformations.With some distance it becomes clear to what <strong>de</strong>gree Nordic cooperation was aproject contingent on the Cold War. Nordism could certainly draw on much morefavourable cultural, linguistic and historical conditions than <strong>European</strong> integration.Culture, however, rarely is a sufficient explanation. Even though the EFTA experienceshowed that there were consi<strong>de</strong>rable gains to be ma<strong>de</strong> from increased intra-Nordic tra<strong>de</strong>, economic consi<strong>de</strong>rations cannot fully explain the quest for a separateNordic market. What placed the Nordic project high on the political agenda was thebipolar structure <strong>of</strong> the postwar world.Mikael af Malmborg

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