Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l'
Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l' Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l'
66Mikael af Malmborgwas to what extent Sweden should make public statements on how to act in a hypotheticalcase of Soviet attacks on Finland. This issue split the government, whichrefused any such public statements on hypothetical situations, and the opposition,which advocated open declarations. The government was on the horns of adilemma. On the one hand they did not want to speculate about hypothetical situationsand bind their policy to developments in Finland. On the other hand they wereanxious to speak in support of Finland’s independence. The Finland argument wasrarely mentioned in public and, therefore, does not appear frequently in publicprinted sources.The Finland argument was rarely as overtly referred to as in 1952 by the SocialDemocratic delegate Rolf Edberg when speaking to the Council of Europe. Whenthe UK Government in 1952 responded to the projected European Defence Communityby launching the Eden Plan for the integration of military tasks in thesphere of authority of the Council of Europe, Sweden had to reconsider her futuremembership of the organisation. In this crisis situation, when Sweden did not evenhave Britain’s ear, Edberg referred to the Finland argument. The firm Swedish attitudeon this issue, he said, was due to...“obvious concerns for another Nordic country, with which Sweden had been unitedin one realm for six hundred years, a fact which led us to follow a separate politicalline. It is our conviction that within the limits of this foreign policy, we pay our tributeto the security and stability of Europe.” 6On the other hand, archive materials reveal a rather frequent use of the Finlandargument in diplomatic contacts with the USA and the UK, in order to convincethese two countries to accept the Swedish policy of neutrality. On at least two occasions,the Finno-Soviet crises of 1958 and 1961, the USA invited Sweden to takethe consequences of her own argumentation and give Finland more open economicand diplomatic support. Once the differences of the Cold War had settled, economicrelations seem to have become a rather important part of the Finland problem.7The Soviet Union had been suspicious for some time that Swedish neutralityonly was a “wait and see” policy, and in the first NATO years Soviet diplomacytowards Sweden can be interpreted as an attempt to have the Swedes steadily confirmand reconfirm their line. The most the Soviets could get from Sweden was astrict application of neutrality, and the concession the Soviets paid for this wasgood behaviour towards Stockholm and Helsinki. As a rule this was the case afterStalin. 8On the Western side the struggle for the recognition of Swedish neutrality was amore open ended process, and as a matter of fact politically more troublesome. TheUSA certainly demanded everything else but a strict application of neutrality and6. Swedish Foreign Office (SFO), HP 49 A, vol. 1871, PM from Per Lind, Stockholm, June 6, 1952,and Europarådet 1952, pp. 31-33. (Translated by the author)7. The Finland problematique in the Swedish security policy, 1948-1962, is presently the subject of aPhD project by Olof Kronvall at the Swedish War College, Stockholm.8. A.O. BRUNDTLAND, “The Nordic Balance”, p. 34.
Swedish Neutrality, the Finland Argument 67Sweden had trouble finding a modus vivendi with the Western block. For the Americansit was of vital interest to ensure the quite substantial Swedish defenceresources being used to increase the Western capability of waging war.From summer 1947 the USA had been vehemently criticizing the Swedish policyof neutrality and had been running a campaign to convince Sweden to joinNATO. 9 With the failure of the Scandinavian defence pact and Denmark’s and Norway’sadhesion to NATO in spring 1949, the Americans changed their attitudetowards Swedish neutrality. In February 1950 the campaign was stopped and thenew Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, accepted the Swedish argument that internationalsecurity in the north was better served by Sweden remaining neutral thanby its joining NATO. Instead of forcing Sweden into the Atlantic Alliance, somevoices within the State Department advocated a “silent partnership”. At this stageSweden had openly declared that her defence plans were based on defence againsta Soviet attack and the government underlined Sweden’s adherence to westerndemocratic values. The struggle against Swedish communism also was intensified.Thus, when the Americans chose to respect Swedish neutrality, it was with the convictionthat they would be in a position to profit from Sweden’s considerabledefence resources in case of war. The new policy also facilitated relations withNorway and Denmark, which, in spite of their NATO membership maintained theirtraditional Nordic orientation. 10During the 1950s US policy towards Sweden developed further along this newline. In the National Security Council Report of 1960 a most remarkable paragraph,Paragraph 28, implied that the US unilaterally committed themselves to includeSweden in the Western defence perimeter. In case of war with the Soviet Union theUSA would “encourage and assist Sweden, without prejudice to US commitmentsto NATO, to resist the Soviet Bloc. In the event of a Soviet Bloc attack againstSweden alone, be prepared to come to the assistance of Sweden as part of a NATOor UN response to the aggression.” 119. G. LUNDESTAD, America, Scandinavia and the Cold War 1945-1949, Oslo 1980, p. 343. For thecontent of the American criticism against neutrality: see the list “Basic fallacies of Swedish thinking”:The Ambassador in Sweden (Matthews) to the Secretary of State, FRUS 1948, Vol. III, pp. 23-24.10. A “silent partnership” was advocated by some people at the Division of Northern European Affairs,see KARLSSON, Handelspolitik eller, pp. 145, 147-148, The change in the US policy is clear fromseveral documents in FRUS, see e.g. 1950, Vol. III, pp. 19-20, and 1952-1954, Vol. VI, part 2,p. 1 759, Memorandum by the Planning Board for the National Security Council to the National SecurityCouncil, Washington, January 8, 1952: “Sweden, (...) while demonstrating the firm intentionto defend her own national independence and integrity, is attached to the concept of ’neutrality’. Asa consequence, although the Swedes are traditionally anti-Russian and ideologically anti-communist,Sweden has not joined in the common defense effort represented by NATO. Although on balance,and primarily because of the advantage to the organization of Scandinavian defense, it wouldbe to our interest to have Sweden in NATO, we must for the predictable future accept as a politicalfact Sweden’s policy of avoiding great power military alliances(...)”.11. National Security Council Report, Statement of US Policy towards Scandinavia (Denmark, Norwayand Sweden), NSC 6006/1, 6 April 1960, in FRUS 1958-1960, Vol. VII, part 2, pp. 672-681. Thisparagraph was approved by the President on November 10, 1960.
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Swedish Neutrality, the Finland Argument 67Swe<strong>de</strong>n had trouble finding a modus vivendi with the Western block. For the Americansit was <strong>of</strong> vital interest to ensure the quite substantial Swedish <strong>de</strong>fenceresources being used to increase the Western capability <strong>of</strong> waging war.From summer 1947 the USA had been vehemently criticizing the Swedish policy<strong>of</strong> neutrality and had been running a campaign to convince Swe<strong>de</strong>n to joinNATO. 9 With the failure <strong>of</strong> the Scandinavian <strong>de</strong>fence pact and Denmark’s and Norway’sadhesion to NATO in spring 1949, the Americans changed their attitu<strong>de</strong>towards Swedish neutrality. In February 1950 the campaign was stopped and thenew Secretary <strong>of</strong> State, Dean Acheson, accepted the Swedish argument that internationalsecurity in the north was better served by Swe<strong>de</strong>n remaining neutral thanby its joining NATO. Instead <strong>of</strong> forcing Swe<strong>de</strong>n into the Atlantic Alliance, somevoices within the State Department advocated a “silent partnership”. At this stageSwe<strong>de</strong>n had openly <strong>de</strong>clared that her <strong>de</strong>fence plans were based on <strong>de</strong>fence againsta Soviet attack and the government un<strong>de</strong>rlined Swe<strong>de</strong>n’s adherence to western<strong>de</strong>mocratic values. The struggle against Swedish communism also was intensified.Thus, when the Americans chose to respect Swedish neutrality, it was with the convictionthat they would be in a position to pr<strong>of</strong>it from Swe<strong>de</strong>n’s consi<strong>de</strong>rable<strong>de</strong>fence resources in case <strong>of</strong> war. The new policy also facilitated relations withNorway and Denmark, which, in spite <strong>of</strong> their NATO membership maintained theirtraditional Nordic orientation. 10During the 1950s US policy towards Swe<strong>de</strong>n <strong>de</strong>veloped further along this newline. In the National Security Council Report <strong>of</strong> 1960 a most remarkable paragraph,Paragraph 28, implied that the US unilaterally committed themselves to inclu<strong>de</strong>Swe<strong>de</strong>n in the Western <strong>de</strong>fence perimeter. In case <strong>of</strong> war with the Soviet Union theUSA would “encourage and assist Swe<strong>de</strong>n, without prejudice to US commitmentsto NATO, to resist the Soviet Bloc. In the event <strong>of</strong> a Soviet Bloc attack againstSwe<strong>de</strong>n alone, be prepared to come to the assistance <strong>of</strong> Swe<strong>de</strong>n as part <strong>of</strong> a NATOor UN response to the aggression.” 119. G. LUNDESTAD, America, Scandinavia and the Cold War 1945-1949, Oslo 1980, p. 343. For thecontent <strong>of</strong> the American criticism against neutrality: see the list “Basic fallacies <strong>of</strong> Swedish thinking”:The Ambassador in Swe<strong>de</strong>n (Matthews) to the Secretary <strong>of</strong> State, FRUS 1948, Vol. III, pp. 23-24.10. A “silent partnership” was advocated by some people at the Division <strong>of</strong> Northern <strong>European</strong> Affairs,see KARLSSON, Han<strong>de</strong>lspolitik eller, pp. 145, 147-148, The change in the US policy is clear fromseveral documents in FRUS, see e.g. 1950, Vol. III, pp. 19-20, and 1952-1954, Vol. VI, part 2,p. 1 759, Memorandum by the Planning Board for the National Security Council to the National SecurityCouncil, Washington, January 8, 1952: “Swe<strong>de</strong>n, (...) while <strong>de</strong>monstrating the firm intentionto <strong>de</strong>fend her own national in<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nce and integrity, is attached to the concept <strong>of</strong> ’neutrality’. Asa consequence, although the Swe<strong>de</strong>s are traditionally anti-Russian and i<strong>de</strong>ologically anti-communist,Swe<strong>de</strong>n has not joined in the common <strong>de</strong>fense effort represented by NATO. Although on balance,and primarily because <strong>of</strong> the advantage to the organization <strong>of</strong> Scandinavian <strong>de</strong>fense, it wouldbe to our interest to have Swe<strong>de</strong>n in NATO, we must for the predictable future accept as a politicalfact Swe<strong>de</strong>n’s policy <strong>of</strong> avoiding great power military alliances(...)”.11. National Security Council Report, Statement <strong>of</strong> US Policy towards Scandinavia (Denmark, Norwayand Swe<strong>de</strong>n), NSC 6006/1, 6 April 1960, in FRUS 1958-1960, Vol. VII, part 2, pp. 672-681. Thisparagraph was approved by the Presi<strong>de</strong>nt on November 10, 1960.