36Markus SchulteThe literature has <strong>de</strong>scribed the formulation <strong>of</strong> West Germany’s <strong>European</strong> policyin the years 1957 to 1963 mainly in terms <strong>of</strong> the conflict between A<strong>de</strong>nauer andErhard and attributed A<strong>de</strong>nauer’s success essentially to his personal authority andthe constitutional powers invested in the <strong>of</strong>fice <strong>of</strong> chancellor 4 . While Erhardclaimed to represent West Germany’s economic interest, A<strong>de</strong>nauer mainly pursuedobjectives <strong>of</strong> security policy and the long-term goal <strong>of</strong> German unification. Therole <strong>of</strong> German industry in this <strong>de</strong>bate has mostly been i<strong>de</strong>ntified with the BDI,seen as acting as a powerful force behind Erhard in favour <strong>of</strong> the free tra<strong>de</strong> area(FTA) plan, <strong>of</strong> British accession to the EEC, and in the end <strong>of</strong> even something likean Atlantic free tra<strong>de</strong> area 5 . If this view is correct, it was A<strong>de</strong>nauer and practicallyA<strong>de</strong>nauer alone who pushed through his policy objectives against a firmly unitedfront <strong>of</strong> politicians from all parties, including his own CDU, against the cabinet andthe Bun<strong>de</strong>stag and against German industry.Yet, as is argued in the author’s recent PhD thesis, the reasons for West Germany's<strong>de</strong>cision to si<strong>de</strong> with the French, to opt for the “small <strong>European</strong>” solution <strong>of</strong>the common market <strong>of</strong> the Six and to keep Britain out for the time being cannotsimply be found in A<strong>de</strong>nauer's constitutional power and personal authority in matters<strong>of</strong> foreign policy. This article presents some evi<strong>de</strong>nce that the fe<strong>de</strong>ral chancellorcould also capitalise on the internal divisions <strong>of</strong> German industrial interest andon the fact that German industry came to appreciate the blessings <strong>of</strong> the EEC bothin terms <strong>of</strong> increased protection against other <strong>European</strong> competitors and in terms <strong>of</strong>3. Der Bun<strong>de</strong>skanzler an <strong>de</strong>n Herrn Präsi<strong>de</strong>nten <strong>de</strong>s Deutschen Bun<strong>de</strong>stages, 26. März 1963,(Drucksache IV/1157) und Anlagen; Verhandlungen <strong>de</strong>s Deutschen Bun<strong>de</strong>stages. 4. Wahlperio<strong>de</strong>.Anlagen zu <strong>de</strong>n stenographischen Jahresberichten. Vol. 84, Drucksachen IV/1081 bis IV/1280.Bonn 1963: Schriftlicher Bericht <strong>de</strong>s Ausschusses für auswärtige Angelegenheiten (3. Ausschuß)über <strong>de</strong>n von <strong>de</strong>r Bun<strong>de</strong>sregierung eingebrachten Entwurf eines Gesetzes zu <strong>de</strong>r gemeinsamenErklärung und zu <strong>de</strong>m Vertrag vom 22. Januar 1963 zwischen <strong>de</strong>r Bun<strong>de</strong>srepublik Deutschland und<strong>de</strong>r Französischen Republik über die <strong>de</strong>utsch-französische Zusammenarbeit. (Drucksache IV/1252),see in particular p. 10.4. See D. KOERFER, Kampf ums Kanzleramt. Erhard und A<strong>de</strong>nauer, Stuttgart 1987, p. 145; D. KO-ERFER, Wirtschaftspolitische Kontroversen zwischen Konrad A<strong>de</strong>nauer und Ludwig Erhard (1956-1963). In: H. Pohl [ed.], A<strong>de</strong>nauers Verhältnis zu Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, (Rhöndorfer Gespräche,12), Bonn 1992, pp. 33-45; H. J. KÜSTERS, Der Streit um Kompetenzen und Konzeptionen<strong>de</strong>utscher Europapolitik 1949-1958. In: W. BÜHRER [et al.] [eds.], Vom Marshallplan zur EWG.Die Einglie<strong>de</strong>rung <strong>de</strong>r Bun<strong>de</strong>srepublik Deutschland in die westliche Welt, (Quellen und Darstellungenzur Zeitgeschichte, 30), München 1990, pp. 335-370; H. VON DER GROEBEN, Aufbaujahre<strong>de</strong>r Europäischen Gemeinschaft. Das Ringen um <strong>de</strong>n Gemeinsamen Markt und die Politische Union(1958-1966), Ba<strong>de</strong>n-Ba<strong>de</strong>n 1982, p. 75; Karl Dietrich Bracher has discussed the term 'Kanzler<strong>de</strong>mokratie'as encompassing the constitutional and personal aspects <strong>of</strong> the Fe<strong>de</strong>ral Republic duringA<strong>de</strong>nauer's tenure. See BRACHER, K. D.: Die Kanzler<strong>de</strong>mokratie. In: R. LOEWENTHAL/ H.-P.SCHWARZ [eds.], Die Zweite Republik. 25 Jahre Bun<strong>de</strong>srepublik Deutschland <strong>–</strong> eine Bilanz, Stuttgart1974, pp. 179-202.5. See W. BÜHRER, Der BDI und die Außenpolitik <strong>de</strong>r Bun<strong>de</strong>srepublik in <strong>de</strong>n fünfziger Jahren. In:“VfZG” 40(1992), p. 260; T. RHENISCH, Die <strong>de</strong>utsche Industrie und die Gründung <strong>de</strong>r EuropäischenWirtschaftsgemeinschaft, Florenz 1994, pp. 172-185, 294; G. BRAUNTHAL, The Fe<strong>de</strong>ration<strong>of</strong> German Industry in Politics, Ithaca, New York 1965, pp. 320-322; E. E. MAHANT,French and German Attitu<strong>de</strong>s to the Negotiations about the <strong>European</strong> Economic Community, 1955-1957, London 1969, pp. 285-286.
Industrial Interest in West Germany´s Decision 37increased export opportunities to France and Italy. While the BDI's positionremained practically unchanged throughout, sectoral industrial interests, whichwere far from being uniform anyway, shifted in such a way as to weaken supportfor the free tra<strong>de</strong> area solution and to strengthen consi<strong>de</strong>rably the inclination t<strong>of</strong>irmly hold on to the EEC <strong>of</strong> the Six and <strong>of</strong> the Six only. That this change <strong>of</strong> heart <strong>of</strong>a number <strong>of</strong> sectors <strong>of</strong> German industry is not reflected in the statements ma<strong>de</strong> bythe BDI might be partly explained by the fact that the BDI did not systematicallygather and aggregate particular industrial interests but rather had to establish andrepresent what it saw as the general interest <strong>of</strong> German industry and in particular <strong>of</strong>the strong and expanding sectors. While the archival documents to this effect arepresented in the author’s PhD thesis, this article assembles some <strong>of</strong> the statisticalevi<strong>de</strong>nce which corroborates the divisions <strong>of</strong> interest within German industry.These divisions <strong>of</strong> interest which are expressed here quantitatively match veryclosely with the qualitative evi<strong>de</strong>nce presented elsewhere 6 .One important finding <strong>of</strong> this article is that the FTA, British accession to theEEC and the prospect <strong>of</strong> an Atlantic free tra<strong>de</strong> area certainly did not have the strongsupport from sectoral associations <strong>of</strong> German industry which these projects arealleged to have enjoyed and which was expressed in most <strong>of</strong> the BDI’s own publicstatements on these questions. The balance <strong>of</strong> sectoral interests and the potential <strong>of</strong>these interests for being successfully represented at the political level ma<strong>de</strong> theEEC <strong>of</strong> the Six and <strong>of</strong> the Six only the clear preference <strong>of</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> sectors,while in others this option came to be seen as much more acceptable than it hadbeen regar<strong>de</strong>d at the beginning.This article <strong>of</strong>fers thus an additional explanation as to why and how A<strong>de</strong>nauerwas able to get away with his collusion with <strong>de</strong> Gaulle against the express will <strong>of</strong>the fe<strong>de</strong>ral parliament, his cabinet and the majority <strong>of</strong> his own parliamentary party.It presents tra<strong>de</strong> statistics relating to a number <strong>of</strong> sectors <strong>of</strong> German industry, inparticular to those whose tra<strong>de</strong> associations ma<strong>de</strong> their voices heard in the <strong>de</strong>batesover the Europe-wi<strong>de</strong> free tra<strong>de</strong> area, the split between EEC and EFTA and theBritish application for membership in the EEC. The sectors which feared the competitionfrom the OEEC/OECD members outsi<strong>de</strong> the Community will be looked atwith particular interest here, since it was they who were able to exert pressures ongovernmental actors most successfully and who obtained more attention than any<strong>of</strong> those who were likely to be the winners in the free tra<strong>de</strong> area and from Britishaccession. In or<strong>de</strong>r to <strong>de</strong>liver a more complete picture the statistical evi<strong>de</strong>nce concerningthese potential winners from any such arrangement will also be looked at.The statistical exercise un<strong>de</strong>rtaken in or<strong>de</strong>r to assess the impact which the tra<strong>de</strong>discrimination between EEC and EFTA ma<strong>de</strong> on German foreign tra<strong>de</strong> in industrialgoods according to sectors is fairly simple. What has been done to estimate the“EEC-effect” or the “EFTA-effect” on German foreign tra<strong>de</strong> was to calculate thetrend <strong>of</strong> German foreign tra<strong>de</strong> with the other EEC partners and with the EFTAmembers (Portugal was not inclu<strong>de</strong>d) for the period <strong>of</strong> 1953 to 1958 7 , to extrapo-6. See M. SCHULTE, Industry, Politics and Tra<strong>de</strong> Discrimination.