Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l'

Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l' Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l'

cere.public.lu
from cere.public.lu More from this publisher
13.07.2015 Views

14Wolfram Kaisermeeting of the Swedish federation that the outer Seven could not remain passiveand should create a small FTA among themselves. Beaver, Kipping and Swedishindustrialists met again in Stockholm on 15-18 January 1959 and on the followingday with representatives of the Norwegian and Danish federations in Copenhagen.29 The FBI leadership subsequently held talks with Maudling and the PermanentSecretary in the Board of Trade, Frank Lee, who both supported the EFTAoption within the British government. 30At the same time, intergovernmental contacts at the official level also increased,with the initiative to consider the EFTA option clearly coming from Swedish officials.The Under-Secretary in the British Treasury, Frank Figgures, who laterbecame the first Secretary General of EFTA in 1960, recollected in May 1958, forexample, that the Secretary General in the Swedish Ministry of Finance, GustavCederwall, had wanted to discuss the Uniscan FTA option as early as January1958. 31 Diplomats from the Swedish Embassy in London intimated to British officialsin February 1958 that Britain, Sweden, Norway and Denmark could form anindustrial FTA among themselves to create pressure on the EEC in the FTA negotiations,and that to advocate such a solution might soon become Swedish governmentpolicy. 32 At that stage, most Whitehall officials strongly believed that it wastoo early “to take the eye off the ball”: the aim of a wider FTA in Western Europe.In January 1958, in a meeting of the European Free Trade Area Steering Group,which was responsible for overseeing the FTA negotiations, Russell Bretherton,Under-Secretary in the Board of Trade, had been alone in arguing that Whitehallshould develop an alternative scheme in preparation for the possible failure of theFTA negotiations. 33 By the time of the breakdown of the FTA negotiations, however,Treasury and Board of Trade officials had become very keen on the EFTAoption. By arguing in their assessment of the likely effects of a Uniscan FTA that it“would be economically viable in its own right”, Treasury and Board of Trade officialsstrongly influenced the evolving attitude of a hesitant cabinet which was initiallyunconvinced of the economic viability of a small FTA and of the diplomaticprospects of concluding possible negotiations successfully, particularly in view ofthe anticipated difficulties over agriculture and fish.By the time British officials submitted their report in December 1958, transnationalcontacts among officials from the outer Seven had greatly intensified.Shortly after the breakdown of the FTA negotiations leading officials, on the invitationof the Director of the Swiss Trade Department, Hans Schaffner, met for talks29. Barclay (Copenhagen) to Foreign Office: PRO PREM 11/2826 (22 January 1959).30. PAUES, p.16. The FBI contacts were primarily with the Treasury and the Board of Trade. The ForeignOffice, which was deeply sceptical about the diplomatic usefulness of the EFTA option, waskept in the dark about the informal consultation between leading industrialists, Treasury and Boardof Trade officials and some ministers. Note Robinson: PRO FO 371/142488/61 (28 January 1959).31. Figgures to Clarke: PRO FO 371/134417/19 (15 May 1958).32. Note Figgures: PRO BT 11/5648 (27 February 1958).33. PRO PREM 11/2532 (3 December 1958).

Challenge to the Community 15about possible alternatives in Geneva at the beginning of December 1958. 34 Theofficials now also liaised much more closely with industrialists and with individualpoliticians, who supported the EFTA option, such as Maudling. In a meeting withFBI representatives, for example, Board of Trade officials made it clear “that we[do] not want to make the FBI toe any official line and that we might find it just asuseful to be under embarrassing industrial pressures [to create a small FTA]”. Intalking to leading industrialists Maudling “expressed this doctrine more specificallyand suggested that industrial pressure for a rival FTA. would do no harm andmight do good”. 35 In cooperation with industrialists, officials from the outer Seven particularly the British, Swedish and Norwegians carried the preparatory talksforward in early 1959 36 , raising the expectations about the economic benefits ofEFTA and its medium-term usefulness in bringing about a wider trade settlement inWestern Europe. After the Norwegian and Swedish diplomats Søren Sommerfeltand Hubert de Besche had explored the basis for an accord in late April and earlyMay 1959, officials from the outer Seven agreed on much of the EFTA Treaty duringtalks at Saltsjöbaden from 1-13 June 1959, leaving only the politically sensitiveissue of bilateral concessions in agriculture and fish to ministers and to the concludingministerial talks at Stockholm in July and November.It has been suggested, not least by some of the officials involved in the deliberationsduring 1958-9, that the creation of EFTA was essentially the result of a conspiracyof civil servants. 37 The final decision in favour of the EFTA option was,however, clearly taken at the political level, although officials and industrialistsfilled the political vacuum which had developed because the issue was still hardlypoliticized. At the same time, however, the quick progress the outer Seven madeunder official guidance after the disappointment of the failure of the FTA negotiationsresulted in a lack of strategic political analysis at the governmental level ofthe long-term prospects and aims of EFTA. The widely varying motives of theouter Seven for joining EFTA remained largely implicit, and there was little publicdebate and certainly no consensus about the key question of the future relationshipwith the EEC. As a result, Macmillan rather helplessly wrote to Lloyd shortly afterthe initialling of the EFTA Treaty in Stockholm:“I think we may drift into rather a confused presentation of the economic position inEurope. (...) Are we to represent the Seven as a thing in itself, or merely as a bridge?Is this country to take the lead? I have read the weekend press carefully and it isobvious that there is a good deal of confusion.” 3834. On this Swiss initiative as well as for an overview of Swiss European policy after 1945 see M.ZBINDEN, “Die schweizerische Integrationspolitik von der Gründung der OECE 1948 bis zumFreihandelsabkommen 1972”, in: M. GEHLER and R. STEININGER (eds.), Die Neutralen und dieEuropäische Integration 1945-1995, Vienna 1997 (forthcoming). See also P. du BOIS, La Suisse etle défi européen 1945-1992, Lausanne 1992.35. Golt to Cohen: PRO BT 11/5649 (5/6 January 1959).36. See in greater detail M. af MALMBORG, Den Ståndaktiga Nationalstaten. Sverige och den VästeuropeiskaIntegrationen 1945-1959, Lund 1994, pp.353-60.37. K. STAMM, “Hans Schaffner”, in: U. ALDERMATT (ed.), Die Schweizer Bundesräte. Ein biographischesLexikon, Zurich 1991, pp.505-11 (507).38. Macmillan to Lloyd: PRO FO 371/142498/272 (22 November 1959).

14Wolfram Kaisermeeting <strong>of</strong> the Swedish fe<strong>de</strong>ration that the outer Seven could not remain passiveand should create a small FTA among themselves. Beaver, Kipping and Swedishindustrialists met again in Stockholm on 15-18 January 1959 and on the followingday with representatives <strong>of</strong> the Norwegian and Danish fe<strong>de</strong>rations in Copenhagen.29 The FBI lea<strong>de</strong>rship subsequently held talks with Maudling and the PermanentSecretary in the Board <strong>of</strong> Tra<strong>de</strong>, Frank Lee, who both supported the EFTAoption within the British government. 30At the same time, intergovernmental contacts at the <strong>of</strong>ficial level also increased,with the initiative to consi<strong>de</strong>r the EFTA option clearly coming from Swedish <strong>of</strong>ficials.The Un<strong>de</strong>r-Secretary in the British Treasury, Frank Figgures, who laterbecame the first Secretary General <strong>of</strong> EFTA in 1960, recollected in May 1958, forexample, that the Secretary General in the Swedish Ministry <strong>of</strong> Finance, GustavCe<strong>de</strong>rwall, had wanted to discuss the Uniscan FTA option as early as January1958. 31 Diplomats from the Swedish Embassy in London intimated to British <strong>of</strong>ficialsin February 1958 that Britain, Swe<strong>de</strong>n, Norway and Denmark could form anindustrial FTA among themselves to create pressure on the EEC in the FTA negotiations,and that to advocate such a solution might soon become Swedish governmentpolicy. 32 At that stage, most Whitehall <strong>of</strong>ficials strongly believed that it wastoo early “to take the eye <strong>of</strong>f the ball”: the aim <strong>of</strong> a wi<strong>de</strong>r FTA in Western Europe.In January 1958, in a meeting <strong>of</strong> the <strong>European</strong> Free Tra<strong>de</strong> Area Steering Group,which was responsible for overseeing the FTA negotiations, Russell Bretherton,Un<strong>de</strong>r-Secretary in the Board <strong>of</strong> Tra<strong>de</strong>, had been alone in arguing that Whitehallshould <strong>de</strong>velop an alternative scheme in preparation for the possible failure <strong>of</strong> theFTA negotiations. 33 By the time <strong>of</strong> the breakdown <strong>of</strong> the FTA negotiations, however,Treasury and Board <strong>of</strong> Tra<strong>de</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficials had become very keen on the EFTAoption. By arguing in their assessment <strong>of</strong> the likely effects <strong>of</strong> a Uniscan FTA that it“would be economically viable in its own right”, Treasury and Board <strong>of</strong> Tra<strong>de</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficialsstrongly influenced the evolving attitu<strong>de</strong> <strong>of</strong> a hesitant cabinet which was initiallyunconvinced <strong>of</strong> the economic viability <strong>of</strong> a small FTA and <strong>of</strong> the diplomaticprospects <strong>of</strong> concluding possible negotiations successfully, particularly in view <strong>of</strong>the anticipated difficulties over agriculture and fish.By the time British <strong>of</strong>ficials submitted their report in December 1958, transnationalcontacts among <strong>of</strong>ficials from the outer Seven had greatly intensified.Shortly after the breakdown <strong>of</strong> the FTA negotiations leading <strong>of</strong>ficials, on the invitation<strong>of</strong> the Director <strong>of</strong> the Swiss Tra<strong>de</strong> Department, Hans Schaffner, met for talks29. Barclay (Copenhagen) to Foreign Office: PRO PREM 11/2826 (22 January 1959).30. PAUES, p.16. The FBI contacts were primarily with the Treasury and the Board <strong>of</strong> Tra<strong>de</strong>. The ForeignOffice, which was <strong>de</strong>eply sceptical about the diplomatic usefulness <strong>of</strong> the EFTA option, waskept in the dark about the informal consultation between leading industrialists, Treasury and Board<strong>of</strong> Tra<strong>de</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficials and some ministers. Note Robinson: PRO FO 371/142488/61 (28 January 1959).31. Figgures to Clarke: PRO FO 371/134417/19 (15 May 1958).32. Note Figgures: PRO BT 11/5648 (27 February 1958).33. PRO PREM 11/2532 (3 December 1958).

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!