Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l'

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120Fernando Guirao«Mr President,»I have the honour to request on behalf of my Government the opening of negotiationsaimed at studying the possible connection of my country with the EuropeanEconomic Community in the manner which may be more convenient for ourmutual interests.»Spain's European vocation, unceasingly confirmed all along her history, findsyet another opportunity to make itself apparent at the moment when the progresstowards integration is making a reality of the ideal of European solidarity.»The territorial continuity of my country with the Community and the contributionthat its geographical situation can make in favour of European cohesion are thereasons that lead my Government to request an association which may in due timebe transformed into full integration. This would take place after having gonethrough the necessary stages so as to adapt the Spanish economy to the stipulationsof the Common Market.»As my Government is concerned with the task of accelerating the economicdevelopment of the nation, it is convinced that the requirements of such a policywill be duly taken into account by the Community so that, as it is to be expected,Spain's connection, far from representing an obstacle, will be on the contrary anincentive towards the achievement of that goal. The success of the Spanish stabilisationprogramme, attained with the cooperation of international organisations signifiesan encouraging experience.»Moreover and bearing in mind that agricultural exports to the members of theCommunity represent a fundamental sector of Spanish foreign trade, whose maintenanceand even increase is of the utmost importance so as to have the necessarymeans of payment without which our development would be hampered, my Governmenthas no doubt that this issue will be duly taken into account in the hope thatsatisfactory solutions will be found for all concerned.»I consider it most interesting to point out that my Government is convincedthat the ties that bind Spain to the countries of the American continent will not beweakened by our integration in the Community. On the contrary, such ties can representa positive contribution to the resolution of the existing problems of complementaryeconomies between those countries and the Community.»For all these reasons I hope, Mr President, that the Authorities of the Communitywill consider favourably the petition to open negotiations which I am presenting.In the meantime, please accept the assurances of my high esteem.Fernando M.ª Castiella»
Dieses Dokument wurde erstellt mit FrameMaker 4.0.4.Book reviews – Comptes rendus – Buchbesprechungen 121Book reviews – Comptes rendus – BuchbesprechungenClifford P. HACKETT (ed.). – Monnet and the Americans. The father of a unitedEurope and his US supporters. Washington D.C., Jean Monnet Council, 1995, 268 p. –ISBN 09642541-0-7. – 1464,00 FBThe purpose of this collection of essays, according to its editor and well-known scholar ofJean Monnet, Clifford Hackett, is a modest one; Monnet and the Americans concentrates onsome of Jean Monnet's links with American individuals throughout his long and remarkablecareer and the significance of these relationships for US and European affairs, the keymoments of which included the Schuman Plan, the European Defence Community episodeand the Euratom project. As Hackett acknowledges in the introduction, this aspect formsonly part of a larger story but “one that needed to be told by itself”. Unsurprisingly, therefore,the eight contributions cover little new ground beyond that which has been extensivelytilled by the two recent Monnet biographies, François Duchêne's Jean Monnet, the firstStatesman of Interdependence (London, 1994) and Eric Roussel's Jean Monnet, 1888-1979(Paris, 1996) and appear to be directed primarily toward a US readership. The merit of thecollection is that it draws together in one volume accounts of the principal relationshipsbetween Monnet and key American individuals which have been sketched either in memoirs(as in the case of David DiLeo's subject George Ball) or in comprehensive biographicalstudies (such as Thomas Schwartz’s America’s Germany: John J. McCloy and the FederalRepublic of Germany (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1991) and Douglas Brinkley's, After theCreation: Dean Acheson and American Foreign Policy, 1953-71 (New Haven, CT, 1991).Inevitably, this results in a degree of repetition and overlap from chapter to chapter but thereader can build a comprehensive picture of the nature of Monnet's network of US relationshipsand the degree to which he employed these individuals in pursuit of his objectives.Richard Mayne provides an introductory biographical essay which leads on to moredetailed studies of particular relationships. Don Cook's contribution “Monnet and the AmericanPress” is essentially a testimony of the contacts Monnet assiduously cultivated with theprincipal US correspondents in Europe, among them Walter Lippmann, James Reston andTheodore H. White. A rough chronological order is maintained tracing Monnet's mostimportant relationships through successive US administrations. This approach illustrates thetenacity with which Monnet pursued contacts that would permit access to the highestsources of decision-making in government. Hackett's own essay points to the relationshipsMonnet developed in his pre-war visits to Washington with Felix Frankfurter, Hans Morgenthauand Harry Hopkins while trying to convince the Roosevelt administration to sellAmerican aircraft to France. This account records the suspicion with which many in the USgovernment (not least in the Treasury and State Departments) initially viewed l’Inspirateur:it was only in 1949, with the appointment of Dean Acheson as Secretary of State, that Monnet'sinfluence in US State Department policy-making really began to take root. It was toreach its apogee in the next administration, where he could number President Eisenhoweramong his contacts and had Secretary of State John Foster Dulles as one of his oldest andclosest confidants and lasted into the Kennedy administration. The gradual widening anddeepening of Monnet's US network (to use a suitably European phrase) goes some way toexplaining the extraordinary resilience of his influence among “pragmatic” (a descriptionfavoured by all the authors) US policy-makers.The authors are reluctant to cast a critical eye on either Monnet or his US contacts – Brinkleymerely acknowledges that Monnet's dogged pursuit of Euratom and his scepticismabout the EEC in 1956-57 led him down the path of the “secondary cause”. Similarly, PascaleWinand exonerates Monnet from responsibility for encouraging increased US pressure
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Journal of European Integration History – Revue d'histoire de l'

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