Development of Parties and Party Systems in ... - lah@sam.sdu.dk

critique of the SLD-UP government became sharper regardless the agreement with SLD about theEU policy. The aim was after next election to form a government with Jaroslaw Kaczynsky’s PiSdespite personal and policy disagreements, e.g. different attitudes to tax policies and the fortcomingEU constitution treaty. However, moving closer to next ordinary election in 2005 the policydifferences between PO and PiS became more striking. Maybe therefore, Civic Platform (PO)changed strategy toward constructive programmatic opposition (Fiala etc, 2003:15), in crucialpolicy questions even supporting Marek Belka’s transitory government in return for obtainingimportant appointments in the government. The EU policy gave rise to some debates in the CivicPlatform (PO). Jan Rokita preferred a tough line according to the slogan about “Nice or die” andformer forminister Andrzej Olechowski preferred a compromise with France and Germany on theEU consitution treaty. At the 2004 EP elections PO gained 24 pct. of the votes. Also FreedomUnion (UW) passed the treshold requirement, may be due to the candidacy of still popular formerparty chairman Bronislaw Gemerek.After some setbacks in electoral support, in autumn 2003 the prospects of electoral success seemedbrighter, in the opinion polls the Civic Platform (PO) passed the left wing SLD by gaining about 30pct. of the votes, moving close to a majority of seats in parliament. That positive trend wasconformed at the European Parliament election in June 2004, gaining 24 pct. of the votes. Thus, thefinal outcome of the next national election seemed be a new PO led minority government, maybewith the tacit support (a “secret power sharing agreement”) with at least one of the two socialdemocratic parties, i.e. SLD and SDPL. As noted above, an indication of that trend was the partialsupport of PO to the government of Marek Belka. Thus, in summer 2004 PO supported proposalsfrom this “transition government” when voting on changes in the health sector and public transferincome regulations, maybe in that way reprocitating the oppointment of people close to PO, e.g.minister of finance Miroslaw Gronicki and Andrzej Ananicz to leader of the intelligence service, toimportant posts in society. In other words, a a political “power triangle consisting of ” “Wiejska(parliament)- Rozbrat (SLD) and the presidential institution (Alexander Kwasniewski)” seemed toemerge.2.13. SLDAfter the demise of the old system and the defeat at the first semi-free election the Polish Left badlyneeded a new political vision, a new discource. SDL was founded in July 1990 as an electionalliance consisting of more than 20 different left wing groups. Wlodzimierz Cimoszewicz, the laterpremier and foreign minister, and Aleksander Kwasniewski, the later president, were among theinitiators. Thus SdRP and later SLD were established after a split inside the old communist party(PZPR) that took place after the round table negotiations in 1988-1989. The decision about thefoundation of SLD shall be seen in the context of preparations to the first free election in 1991. Inspite of the election defeat many Poles had a share in the old system. Therefore the rejection of realsocialism was not unconditional. In other words, SLD was established in an “exogen” wayconnected to those social groups with a share in the old system. The formation of SLD took place inthe “endogen” way as the foundation of SLD was caused by the split inside the then communistparty (PZPR).As noted in presious sections, the left wing parties in the CEEC’s can be divided into three parts,first authentic historical social democratic parties such as the Czech CSSD, second reformed postcommunist“successor” parties and, thirdly, non-reformed or partly reformed communist parties85