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Development of Parties and Party Systems in ... - lah@sam.sdu.dk

Development of Parties and Party Systems in ... - lah@sam.sdu.dk

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To conclude, the Freedom Union (UW) was mostly concerned about the macroeconomic reforms<strong>and</strong> simplication <strong>of</strong> the tax system, adaption to the EU <strong>and</strong> promotion <strong>of</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ancial discipl<strong>in</strong>e. Theaim was the fast as possible transition to market economy <strong>and</strong> liberal democracy <strong>of</strong> the westerntype. The SLD led governments were mostly critisized for alleged mistakes <strong>in</strong> the economic policywithout lay<strong>in</strong>g much emphasis on the SLD’s <strong>and</strong> PSL’s common background <strong>in</strong> the old statesocialist system.Thus the Democratic Union (UD) ma<strong>in</strong>ly appealed to the moderate groups <strong>in</strong>dside the opposition tothe communist former regime. Several leaders had taken part <strong>in</strong> the round table negotiations <strong>and</strong>defended the agreements, that were entered dur<strong>in</strong>g those negotiations. One <strong>of</strong> the spokesmen thechief redactor <strong>of</strong> “Gazeta Wyborcza” Adam Michnik argued that the round table negotations was themost clever political decision ever taken <strong>in</strong> the 20 century’s Pol<strong>and</strong> 71 . Identity <strong>and</strong> moral politicswere at a discount <strong>and</strong> the attitudes to communisation <strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> the role <strong>of</strong> church was clearlydeviat<strong>in</strong>g. The Democractic Union (UD) <strong>and</strong> the Freedom Union (UW) spoke <strong>in</strong> favour <strong>of</strong> astructural, not a personal reckon<strong>in</strong>g with the communist past <strong>and</strong> rejected the pr<strong>in</strong>ciple aboutcollective guilt. The lack <strong>of</strong> legal garantees <strong>in</strong> the proposals put forward about decommunisation bythe right-tradionalist parties was heavily critisized <strong>and</strong> several among the law proposals put forward<strong>in</strong> the parliament were voted down by votes from non only “post-communists”, but also theFreedom Union (UW), even <strong>in</strong> times when the UW was <strong>in</strong> the government together with the AWS.The Freedom Union (UW) suffered from the low developed middle class. Thus, the liberal slogansappealed to rather few people, mostly “w<strong>in</strong>ners” <strong>of</strong> the transformation. The UW ga<strong>in</strong>ed 14 pct. <strong>of</strong>the votes at the 1997 election, but the fight <strong>of</strong> ga<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the middle class votes rema<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong>tense. Themajority <strong>of</strong> the new entrepreneurs did not vote the Freedom Union (UW), rather the left w<strong>in</strong>g SLD,because new entrepreneurs were dependent on the state. The Freedom Union (UW) appealed to theupper strata <strong>of</strong> the middle class, but that group rema<strong>in</strong>ed rather small. Furthermore, it became aproblem that UW was not able to present its own c<strong>and</strong>idate at the 2000 presidential election. Thebreak with the AWS <strong>and</strong> the withdrawal from government did not mean an improvement <strong>in</strong> thevoter appeal. In fact, the decl<strong>in</strong>e <strong>in</strong> the share <strong>of</strong> the votes cont<strong>in</strong>ued accord<strong>in</strong>g to most op<strong>in</strong>ionpolls 72 .The pressure aga<strong>in</strong>st Balcerowicz <strong>in</strong>creased after the presidential election autumn 2000, where the<strong>in</strong>dependent liberal president c<strong>and</strong>idate Andrzej Olechowski obta<strong>in</strong>ed about two third <strong>of</strong> thetraditionally UW votes. The f<strong>in</strong>al result was the resignation <strong>of</strong> Balcerowicz as party chairman. Theformer foreign m<strong>in</strong>ister <strong>and</strong> more social liberal <strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>ed Bronislaw Gemerek was put forward as thenew chairman. In the end, Gemerek was elected as the new chairman, but first after contestedelection with the more neoliberal Donald Tusk. Donald Tusk spoke <strong>in</strong> favour <strong>of</strong> establish<strong>in</strong>g amodern right w<strong>in</strong>g party, democratic, pro-market <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>dependent <strong>of</strong> the church. With the election<strong>of</strong> Bronislaw Gemerek a more social liberal <strong>and</strong> centristic policy l<strong>in</strong>e was followed, but the election<strong>of</strong> a new chairman (Gemerek) did not secure the renewal, that many voters <strong>and</strong> party membersdem<strong>and</strong>ed.The change <strong>of</strong> party leader re<strong>in</strong>forced the competition about ga<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g support from the middle classvoters. The liberal president c<strong>and</strong>idate Andrzej Olechowski put forward plans about closer71 Adam Michnik, “Independence Reborn <strong>and</strong> the Demons <strong>of</strong> the Velvet Revolution”, <strong>in</strong> Antohi <strong>and</strong> Tismaneauni,1999:83.72 Base on the analyse presented by Doreta Macieja, “Zakladnicy etosu”, Wprost, 3, September, 2000.82

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