<strong>and</strong> workers voted ZChN. At the 1993-election, ZChN constituted the strongest party <strong>in</strong> the newparty-coalition (”Ojczyzna”), but that coalition did not have the sufficient strength to pass thetreshold requirements. At that election ZChN lost many votes from pensioners, self-employed <strong>and</strong>workers.Many voters distanced themselves from <strong>in</strong>terference <strong>of</strong> the Catholic Church <strong>in</strong> election campaigns<strong>and</strong> the dem<strong>and</strong>s for harsher decomunization (”dekomunizacja”) laws, the uncritical support to thechurch leadership <strong>and</strong> the resistance aga<strong>in</strong>st abortion frightened many voters. After the electiondefeat <strong>in</strong> 1993 ZChN aimed to rega<strong>in</strong> lost representation <strong>in</strong> parliament as quickly as possible. Thefact that ZChN jo<strong>in</strong>ed Election Action Solidarity (AWS) from the beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g has to be seen <strong>in</strong> thatlight.After the 1997-election the ZChN acquired a rather strong representation <strong>in</strong> parliament <strong>and</strong> for thatreason a key position <strong>in</strong>side the AWS faction <strong>in</strong> parliament (Knuzewski 1998:153). In JerzyBuzek’s government ZChN had to contend itself with two m<strong>in</strong>isterial posts <strong>and</strong> no posts at all atvoivod level, but as a compensation important adm<strong>in</strong>istrative posts. In Buzek’s government ZChNconstituted the anti-pole <strong>of</strong> the Freedom Union (UW) 59 . The Freedom Union (UW) rejected almostall ZChNs policy dem<strong>and</strong>s, e.g. about stricter religious celebration <strong>of</strong> Sundays, extension <strong>of</strong>maternity leave, changes <strong>in</strong> the tax system benefit<strong>in</strong>g the families, tighten<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> sentences for sale<strong>of</strong> narcotic, limits on the number <strong>of</strong> new supermarkets <strong>and</strong> a tougher l<strong>in</strong>e <strong>in</strong> negotiations with theEU.Several personal divisions came up. Thus Jerzy Kropiwnicki from ZChN, the leader <strong>of</strong> the Centrefor Strategic Studies, had several clashes <strong>and</strong> conflicts with f<strong>in</strong>ance m<strong>in</strong>ister Leszek Balcerowiczconcern<strong>in</strong>g the economic policy. The Freedom Union (UW) was also beh<strong>in</strong>d the dismissal <strong>of</strong> theeurosceptical Ryszard Czarnecki from ZChN. In some cases division between UW <strong>and</strong> ZChN evenparalysed the government. Compromises were only entered after lengthy negotiations. That thegovernment did not resign was primarily due to fear <strong>of</strong> a new election. In case <strong>of</strong> a new electionZChN <strong>in</strong> all probability would loose its representation <strong>in</strong> parliament like at the previous 1993-election.ZChN did, however, not obta<strong>in</strong> a monopoly <strong>of</strong> Christian political representation. In the late 1999rumours about a merger <strong>of</strong> the Centre alliance (PC) <strong>and</strong> the Christian Democratic <strong>Party</strong> (PCD) werecirculat<strong>in</strong>g. After the <strong>in</strong>clusion <strong>of</strong> the Christian association PPChD <strong>in</strong> the AWS a new Christian”leg” emerged. Also former president Lech Walesa formed his own new Christian party, TheRepublic <strong>of</strong> Pol<strong>and</strong>’s Christian <strong>Party</strong> (ChD III RP), however, without ga<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the sufficientelectoral support.In spite <strong>of</strong> the disagreements with Freedom Union (UW) ZChN followed a pragmatic <strong>and</strong>compromise-seek<strong>in</strong>g policy-l<strong>in</strong>e. For fundamentalist political groups like ”Poruzumienie Polski”(PP) politics was a question about “life <strong>and</strong> dead” <strong>and</strong> “truth <strong>and</strong> lie”. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to ZChN politics isprimarily a question about ”give <strong>and</strong> take”, i.e. about negotiations, barga<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> compromises.Opposite, PP followed a harder l<strong>in</strong>e <strong>in</strong> particular when deal<strong>in</strong>g with questions related to the periodbefore 1989, i.e. the III Republic. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to PP ”traitors” were not only the ”post-communists”,but all neoliberal <strong>and</strong> secular currents <strong>and</strong> not least the liberal F<strong>in</strong>ance M<strong>in</strong>ister LeszekBalcerowicz.59 The conflict between ZChN <strong>and</strong> UW is analysed <strong>in</strong> e.g. Filip Gawrys, Mart<strong>in</strong> Dom<strong>in</strong>ik Zdort, ”Straznicy isprzedawcy swietego ognia”, Rzeczpospolita 4.2., 2000:A4.68
PP expected that the election alliance AWS sooner or later would break down because <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternaldisagreements <strong>and</strong> after that had happened a new <strong>and</strong> more authentic <strong>and</strong> ”real” political right <strong>in</strong>Pol<strong>and</strong> would come forward on the ru<strong>in</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the old AWS. That <strong>in</strong> fact took place at the 2001election <strong>in</strong> the shape <strong>of</strong> The Liga <strong>of</strong> Polish Families (LPR). Furthermore, PP argued fiercely aga<strong>in</strong>stPolish membership <strong>of</strong> the European Union <strong>and</strong> aga<strong>in</strong>st jo<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g a federal Europe. In more“pragmatic” ways than PP the ZChN talked about a Europe consist<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> nation states underl<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>gPolish <strong>in</strong>terests <strong>in</strong> the negotiations with the EU. PP defected from AWS, while ma<strong>in</strong>ly for tacticalreasons ZChN rema<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> the alliance, also after the defeat <strong>of</strong> Marian Krzaklewski at the 2000presidential election. The election <strong>in</strong> 1993 made clear that parliamentary representation could not beobta<strong>in</strong>ed by go<strong>in</strong>g alone.Confront<strong>in</strong>g other important policy issues PP followed a uncompromis<strong>in</strong>g l<strong>in</strong>e <strong>and</strong> several timesbroke the party discipl<strong>in</strong>e at vot<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the parliament, while ZChN aimed to ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> the partydiscipl<strong>in</strong>e <strong>and</strong> the <strong>in</strong>fluence on the law-mak<strong>in</strong>g process. While PP primarily focused on the fightaga<strong>in</strong>st the liberal Freedom Union (UW), ZChN “bombarded” the parliament with policy proposalslike a ban on pornography <strong>and</strong> sale <strong>of</strong> narcotics, tax release for families with more children <strong>and</strong> alonger maternity leave. Thus, <strong>in</strong>side AWS PP acted like a veto-group, ZChN like a policy-creat<strong>in</strong>gfaction. In addition, ZChN behaved like a relevant party <strong>and</strong> a party able to take governmentalpositions. Nonetheless ZChN clearly generated more polarization <strong>in</strong> Polish politics by (re)activat<strong>in</strong>gstate versus church cleavages. At the 2001 election ZChN lost representation <strong>in</strong> Sejm. At thenational congress <strong>in</strong> March 2002 unemployment, the bad implementation <strong>of</strong> the four big reforms,<strong>in</strong>ternal disagreements <strong>and</strong> splits was brought forward when expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the election defeat to thepublic.After the electio defeat the eurosceptical l<strong>in</strong>e was sharpened. Thus, the new SLD-UP-PSLgovernment was crititized for “servility” aga<strong>in</strong>st Bruxelles, the fast grow<strong>in</strong>g unemploymentespecially among young people <strong>and</strong> the liquidation <strong>of</strong> the pro-family policy <strong>of</strong> the formergovernment. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to the chairman Jerzy Kropiwnicki the party had left “pessimism” <strong>and</strong>“frustrations” beh<strong>in</strong>d. At the 2002 local elections ZChN was ready to enter party coalitions po<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>gto the fact that the election law mostly benefited the bigger political parties <strong>and</strong> also party alliances.The League <strong>of</strong> Polish Families (LPR) obta<strong>in</strong>ed 38 seats <strong>in</strong> Sejm at the 2001 national election. Thehistory <strong>of</strong> LPR goes back the years lead<strong>in</strong>g up to the “break-through” back <strong>in</strong> 1989 <strong>and</strong> has takenpart <strong>in</strong> the elections under different names. Those who formed the League expected that AWSbefore long would compromise itself polically because <strong>of</strong> the responsibilities <strong>in</strong> government <strong>and</strong> thecooperation with the liberal Freedom Union (UW). Back <strong>in</strong> 1997 several among the laterparlamentarians from LPR were elected on the lists <strong>of</strong> AWS due to the fact that those people beforethe election had been supported by Radio Maryja <strong>and</strong> the director Tadeusz Rydzyk who beh<strong>in</strong>d thescene was the “real” leader <strong>of</strong> the Leage <strong>of</strong> Polish Families (LPR). From the outset Tadeusz Rydzykplayed a outmost controversiel <strong>and</strong> contradictory role. Some months before the 2001 election noop<strong>in</strong>ion polls gave the party any chance <strong>of</strong> representation <strong>in</strong> the new Sejm at the forthcom<strong>in</strong>gelection. In order to avoid to go to the election <strong>in</strong> the shape <strong>of</strong> an election alliance <strong>and</strong> forced to passthe treshold <strong>of</strong> 8 pct. <strong>of</strong> the votes, the new party chose the party name from one <strong>of</strong> the 10 politicalgroup<strong>in</strong>gs that were represented <strong>in</strong> the coalition <strong>and</strong> thus formally appeared as a “st<strong>and</strong>ard politicalparty”.69
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marketisation and privatisationshor
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In the late 1990’s elections most
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