Development of Parties and Party Systems in ... - lah@sam.sdu.dk

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window of opportunity in spite of some constitutional and institutional limitations, all confirmed atthe first free elections. However, the political capital was more short-term than first expected, andfor many citisins the new political leaders riminded about the former communist, at least as far aspolitical style and communication was concerned. The new power structures were signified by closepersonal contacts, i.e. several interlinked elite networks. Also the lack of political experience amongthe new leaders was striking. At the same time the majority of the electorate preferred disciplinedand professional politicians, even people with a background in the reform-minded part of the oldnomenklatura.Thus the cohesion among former dissidents did not last long. In stead of elite consensus andcohesion power struggles and “wars in the top” emerged, bringing democratisation as well asstability in danger. The split and fragmentation took place at an unfortunate point of time, for underthe prevailing transition anomie and and economic recession political truce and concensus wasbadly needed.Many new parties were lead by a narrow circle of mainly intolerant elites. In other words,censensually united elites soon became dysunified. Overideologization and unconstructive politicalinfighting were aimed at accumulation of political power. Differences of opinion and politicaldebate were not considered as a political ressource, but rather as an attack on the nation and theunity of the party and on the party leader himself. Communication failed not only inside the partiesand the political elites fail, but also between the political elites and the citizens. 27 Lack of contactsand responsiveness to the civil societies appeared to be one main obstacles for further consolidationof democracy.Even countries which were considered as the “forerunners”, e.g. the Czech Republic experiencedseveral setbacks. The new elites remained too long away from the civil societies, lived too closedand mainly focusing on the work in parliament (“overparliamentarization”). The first stage wasmarked by the growing economic and social problems and the too big need of reforms, and thecapture of the state apparatus and the reckoning with the pas took too many ressources. As aconsequence of that the policy and programme development and the quality of the law makingprocess itself was neglected.The weak linkages to the civil societies had as a consequence a striking fall in politicalparticipation. Because of the low institutionalisation the political parties’ contacts to the electorateand party members were modest, mostly mediated through the media. Thus, a party press andjournal for party members was badly needed. The party life remained strongly downgraded in themind of the elites. Neither between the elections nor during the election campaigns the parties werecapable to bring the political messages sufficiently to the voters and the party members. In addition,the party candidates and even the leaders themselves had not been sufficiently subject to thepolitical training and learning 28 .Under those circumstances, to improve the quality of governance, not only qualified leaders, butalso more competent, politically neutral and uncorrupt civil servants was needed. The problems ofgovernance were increasing because of the low wages in the public sector and the delay ofadministrative reforms. The high elite-circulation was followed by a enhanced politisation and close27 See e.g. Jiri Pehe, “Ceske demokraticky system postrada nekretere dimenze”, Hospodarske Noviny 20 January,1998:6.28 See e.g. Martin Potucek, “Ze Sredni Europy na Balkán?”, Ekonom, 1997, Praha:84.36
links between the civil servants and the new political elites. Several times parties in governmentwere accused of politication and clientelism. In Hungary there was even talk about “italianization”of the transformation, due to fragmented party system, corruption, black economy and widespreadclientelism and well organised mafia-like clientura, i.e. “politcal machines” reminding us about theoligarchic system that we find in Russia and other CIS countries. Slovakia under the rule ofVladimir Meciar has been considered as an illustrative case of a clientura based political economicsystem.From 1993-1994, new opportunities emerged for the “modern”, pragmatic and accomodating part ofthe old nomenklatura. Many from that group were recruited from reform-minded socialist parties,which won the elections in countries as Lithuania, Poland and Hungary. Many were technocratswho wanted to finish the modernization project, which they had been able to start but not finish inthe 1980’s. Some had been rather young without strong links to the top echelons of the old statesocialist systems. The political socialization they had obtained in socialist systems in decay,working in the “second echelon” until the opportunities for political career arised. Often therelations between those groups were based on elite settlements going back to the procedures anddiscoursive practices in the years leading to the break through in 1988-89. The main problem for thethe new “post-communist” leaders was the low freedom of maneuvre in the economic and socialpolicy.1.12. Party institutionalizationBy distinguishing between between mass parties and cadre parties and underling the impact of thecircumstances leading to the formation of parties Maurice Duverger (Duverger, 1954) belonges tothose, who emphasized the significance of party institutionalisation and party organisation.Normally it is assumed that changes in the relative strength of the parties are minor in case theparties are in possion of a relatively strong organisation and close bonds exist between the party andits voters. Opposite, in case the parties are weakly institutionalised, they may be taken over fromoutside by relatively small elite groups. Due to institutionalisation the parties are better able tomobilize their corel voters. Close links between parties and voters foster more party loyalty andbring better election results for the parties involved. In some cases the voters even identified theparties by party institutions. In case the institutions are strong, the voters are in possession ofstructures, to which they are able to make references and orient themselvs “ (Mair (ed), 1990-72).From the outset, the historical parties with roots in the old system were in possession of a relativelystrong organisation and closer bonds to the voters. However, we must not foreget that many newnon-communist parties achieved a higher party institutionalisering and better political training ofthe leaders because of a consideral financial support from funds and sister parties in West-Europeand US.The subject has been included in several analysis of political parties. The Polish Ewa Nalawejkobelonges to those who at an early point of time underlined those processes that make an impact onthe party institutionalisation (Nalewejko, 1997). Special emphasis is laid on the internal dynamics.Institutionalisation, she argues, roughly speaking involves those processes which that is reflected inwell known practised and recognisable patterns of behaviour. Furthermore, institutionalizationcontrols behavioural patterns supported by formal and unformal rules and norms. After some timethe patterns of behaviour become more internalised due to increasing bureaucratization androutinisation of behaviour. Institutionalization gives better opportunities to “produce” and reinforceand not only reflect social cleavages. Aleks Szczerbiak (Szczerbiak, 2001) has presented concrete37
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such as KSCM and KSS in The Czech R
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The SLD leaders were mainly recruit
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the falling popular support for pri
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innovation was formation of the pol
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place after talks with each applica
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Has the Left any freedom of manoeuv
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medicine, changes in the labour cod
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The Labour Union (UP), Democratic U
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Nevertheless, before that had taken
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