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Development of Parties and Party Systems in ... - lah@sam.sdu.dk

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played an important role e.g. <strong>in</strong> the case <strong>of</strong> Spa<strong>in</strong>’s <strong>and</strong> Portugal’s transition to democracy, <strong>and</strong> thiseexperiences have played a certa<strong>in</strong> role also <strong>in</strong> the case <strong>of</strong> craft<strong>in</strong>g democracy <strong>in</strong> the CEEC’s.However, some differences between the South European <strong>and</strong> the East European ways <strong>of</strong>consolidation have been strik<strong>in</strong>g. For example the economic consolidation <strong>and</strong> market economy <strong>in</strong>Spa<strong>in</strong> <strong>and</strong> Portugal was more advanced at the time for democratic break through <strong>and</strong> the subsequentconsolidation. Therefore the way down <strong>in</strong> the “valley <strong>of</strong> tears” was more short term <strong>and</strong> less pa<strong>in</strong>fulthan <strong>in</strong> the CEEC’s.Nonetheless, <strong>in</strong> the end democracy became “the only game <strong>in</strong> town” <strong>in</strong> most CEECs. The “two-turnover test” has been passed, as presidential power as well as governmental power have peacefullytranferered to the opposition <strong>in</strong> case <strong>of</strong> election defeat for the parties <strong>in</strong> power. However, withoutgreater civic participation <strong>and</strong> further <strong>in</strong>stitutionalisation the transition to more advanced democracywill not take place <strong>and</strong> “democratic government” will not constitute a “democratic regime 12 . Also“authoritarian situations” are well known <strong>in</strong> the CEEC’s, e.g. <strong>in</strong> Hungary under Viktor Orban, <strong>in</strong>which case the dom<strong>in</strong>ant political agents exclude other agents from the political process therebysecur<strong>in</strong>g for themselves direct or <strong>in</strong>direct control over the political life <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g mass media 13 . Insuch casesthe democratic <strong>in</strong>stitutions are <strong>in</strong> place, but democratic rules are “hollowed out” due tothe w<strong>in</strong>ner parties’ strong focus on keep<strong>in</strong>g political power accord<strong>in</strong>g to the classical pr<strong>in</strong>cipleabout the w<strong>in</strong>ners, “that takes it all”. In other words, consolidation <strong>of</strong> democracy dem<strong>and</strong>s aconsiderable “self-limitation” on behalf <strong>of</strong> the parties <strong>in</strong> governments as well the parties theopposition.To conclude, concern<strong>in</strong>g consolidation <strong>of</strong> democracy <strong>in</strong> the CEEC’s we still can use ZoltanBarany’s formulation:“What we currently have <strong>in</strong> Eastern Europe are imperfect, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> some places (e.g. Albania,Romania, Slovakia) fragile but, most importantly, function<strong>in</strong>g, work<strong>in</strong>g, democratic polities”(Braun <strong>and</strong> Barany, 1999:107).1.6. The left-right divide <strong>and</strong> post-communist cleavagesMany notions have been used when characteriz<strong>in</strong>g political parties. In the operat<strong>in</strong>g style, mostparties shared the competitive logic <strong>of</strong> western catch-all parties, but lacked their ideological <strong>and</strong>organisational anchors. The left-right divide known from already established political party systemscannot be used. However, <strong>in</strong>stead <strong>of</strong> disappear<strong>in</strong>g, the left <strong>and</strong> right divide exist <strong>in</strong> peoples m<strong>in</strong>d,but differently <strong>in</strong> each East Central European country. The different patterns <strong>of</strong> ideologicalstructur<strong>in</strong>g shall be seen <strong>in</strong> the context <strong>of</strong> the ma<strong>in</strong> cleavages <strong>and</strong> each country's experiences at thetime <strong>of</strong> leav<strong>in</strong>g socialism 14 . Thus the party systems emerg<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the Czech Republic after 1989,already <strong>in</strong> the first stages came close to the left-right division <strong>in</strong> the more classic sense, accord<strong>in</strong>g to12 Wlodzimierz Weselowski dist<strong>in</strong>guishes referr<strong>in</strong>g to O´Donnald (1994) between “democratic government” <strong>and</strong>“democratic regime” <strong>in</strong> “Political Actors <strong>and</strong> Democracy: Pol<strong>and</strong> 1990-1997”, Polish Sociological Review, 3 (119),Warsaw, 1997:227.13 A term used e.g. by Juan L<strong>in</strong>z, “The Future <strong>of</strong> the Authoritarian Situation or Institutionalization <strong>of</strong> an AuthoritarianRegime: The Case <strong>of</strong> Brazil”, <strong>in</strong> Alfred Stepan (ed.) (1973), Authoritarian Brazil. Orig<strong>in</strong>s, Policies <strong>and</strong> Future, NewHaven, CT, <strong>and</strong> London, Yale University Press:233-254.14 Attila Ágh, ”<strong>Party</strong> Formation Process <strong>and</strong> the 1998 Elections <strong>in</strong> Hungary”, East European Politics <strong>and</strong> Societies, Vol.14, No.2, Spr<strong>in</strong>g 2000:292, <strong>and</strong> Radoslaw Markowski, ”Political <strong>Parties</strong> <strong>and</strong> Ideological Spaces <strong>in</strong> East CentralEurope”, Communist <strong>and</strong> Post-Communist Studies 30:3 (1997):122.21

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