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Development of Parties and Party Systems in ... - lah@sam.sdu.dk

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politics <strong>and</strong> antipolitics, all signify<strong>in</strong>g at the late stage <strong>of</strong> real socialism <strong>and</strong> the first stage <strong>of</strong> postcommunist,have to be overcome as quickly as possible. Therefore a de-freez<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> old cleavages,e.g. the old “we versus them” dist<strong>in</strong>ction, must occur, but probably unevenly from country tocountry 11 .Negative type consolidation was achieved shortly after the collapse <strong>of</strong> the Soviet Union <strong>in</strong> late 1991as a return to the old system has been considered as impossible after the break down <strong>of</strong> communism<strong>and</strong> Soviet Union. In other words, consolidation <strong>of</strong> democracy has been closely connected withregime survival, i.e. prevention <strong>of</strong> regress to the old state socialist system. However, as argued byO’Donell <strong>and</strong> Schmitter (O’Donnell & Schmitter (1986:3), transition away from the oldauthoritarian system might well be a transition to “someth<strong>in</strong>g else”, not necessarily a democraticsystem.The transformations <strong>in</strong> the CEEC’s were anti-communist, but not necessarily democratic(Przeworski, 1991). Evidence has shown that democracy may be secure aga<strong>in</strong>st erosion <strong>and</strong> breakdowneven if party system is not fully developed, <strong>and</strong> democracy may erode <strong>and</strong> break down also <strong>in</strong>case parties <strong>and</strong> party systems are well <strong>in</strong>stitutionalised. Basically the transition to the new systempromoted to types <strong>of</strong> conflicts, one between those resist<strong>in</strong>g the old system <strong>and</strong> those defend<strong>in</strong>g it,<strong>and</strong> second conflicts between the different “proto-democratic actors”, ma<strong>in</strong>ly former dissidentsaim<strong>in</strong>g to secure for themselves the best possible opportunities <strong>in</strong> the new post-communist system(Przeworski, 1991). In other words, from the outset many options were open, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g alsotransition to non-democratic regimes, e.g. autocratic, electoral, procedural or other forms <strong>of</strong> nonconsolidateddemocracies.From the experience from the first post-1989 years Attila Ágh concludes that new democracies <strong>in</strong>most cases constitute semi-democracies or even pseudodemocracies. Later he became moreoptimistic (Ágh, 1998:17), when describ<strong>in</strong>g democratic transition as “the mixture <strong>of</strong> two systems <strong>in</strong>a creative chaos, with complicated <strong>and</strong> pa<strong>in</strong>ful process <strong>of</strong> democratic <strong>in</strong>stitutionalisation <strong>and</strong> socioeconomictransformation” <strong>and</strong> democratic consolidation as “the coherent emergence <strong>of</strong> the newsystem <strong>in</strong> all social sub-systems, with the establishment <strong>of</strong> a democratic political culture- the<strong>in</strong>vention <strong>of</strong> democratic traditions”. Transition <strong>and</strong> consolidation constitute a complex sociationalprocesses <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>stitutionalisation, social <strong>in</strong>tegration, participation <strong>and</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> a newpolitical culture after 40 year under stal<strong>in</strong>ism, neostal<strong>in</strong>ism <strong>and</strong> different forms <strong>of</strong> post-totalitarianreal socialism. Furthermore, Ágh, dist<strong>in</strong>guish between external <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternal consolidation, whereexternal consolidation constitute the social l<strong>in</strong>ks <strong>of</strong> the parties <strong>and</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> l<strong>in</strong>es <strong>of</strong>communication <strong>in</strong> society. The <strong>in</strong>ternal dimension deals with <strong>in</strong>stitutionalisation <strong>in</strong>side the partiesthemselves, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g l<strong>in</strong>es <strong>of</strong> communication between the differenct centres <strong>of</strong> decision mak<strong>in</strong>g,e.g. the party leadership, the parliamentary group <strong>and</strong> the party member local organisations (Ágh,1998:110).In some cases democracy may be consolidated when a democratic regional hegemon, e.g.. the EUby us<strong>in</strong>g mean<strong>in</strong>gful <strong>in</strong>centives <strong>and</strong> dis<strong>in</strong>centives promotes <strong>and</strong> implants democracy. The EU factor11 As mentioned by Gábor Toka, there can be talk about cleavages <strong>in</strong> a party context ”if an endur<strong>in</strong>g organizational formis given to a politically mobilized opposition between such members <strong>of</strong> relatively closed groups who have dist<strong>in</strong>ctvalues, beliefs <strong>and</strong> identity”, see Gábor Tóka, ”<strong>Party</strong> Appeals <strong>and</strong> Voter Loyalty <strong>in</strong> New Democracies”, PoliticalStudies (1998), XLVI: 596, Tóka refers to Bartol<strong>in</strong>i <strong>and</strong> Mair, Identity, Competition, <strong>and</strong> Electoral Availability, O.Knutsen <strong>and</strong> E. Scarbrough, ”Cleavage Politics”, <strong>in</strong> J. van Deth <strong>and</strong> E. Scarbrough (eds.) (1995), The Impact <strong>of</strong> Values,Oxford:Oxford University Press: 492-523.20

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