Original - North Central Michigan College Library

Alexander Henry'sTravels and Adventures

Alexander Henry'sTravels and Adventures;6waar&.WITH FROMAPR. P iJ-EY & SONS COMIJH

ClassicsAlexander Henry'sTravels and Adventuresin the Years 1760-1776EDITED WITHHISTORICAL INTRODUCTION AND NOTESBYMILO MILTON QUAIFEWITH FRONTISPIECE AND MAP2afefjibepress, Cfcica0oR. R. DONNELLEY & SONS COMPANYCHRISTMAS, MCMXXI

'prefaceTT^VROM time to time the preface to theseH volumes has taken on the form of anintimate talk between the publishersand the reader about the ideals and the organizationof The Lakeside Press. Aproposof the extended strike for shortening analready short work week which has recentlydisrupted the printing industry throughout thecountry, a statement of its labor policy maynot be amiss at this time.It is the ambition of the publishers thatThe Lakeside Press shallbecome a peculiarinstitution in the printing industry; one inwhich its work shall be carried on in the spiritof the highest traditions of the art and, bya contented and permanent organization ofexecutives and workmen.The Lakeside Press is neither a union noran open shop; it is honestly non-union. Themanagement of a great industry occupies theposition of a trustee both to the public andto its employees. The public should receiveits commodities uninterruptedly and at aprice as low as is consistent with fair wages,good working conditions, and reasonable profit.The employees should be guaranteed as continuousemployment as possible, an opportu-

'prefacenity to earn high wages in return for increasedproduction, and protection in their rights asAmerican citizens. The officers of The LakesidePress believe that this trusteeship canonly be fulfilled when the relations betweenthe management and the employees areunhampered by the arbitrary dictation ofunion officials who have no direct interest inthe welfare either of the establishment or itsemployees.Whatever may have been the necessities inthe past for labor unions as a protection againstabuse, today the demand of modern industryfor contented, smooth-working organizations,and the revelation through factory accountingthat high skill at high wages means lowerunit costs, are labor's greatest protection.Labor unions to a great extent have becomethe tools of ambitious leaders in labor unionpolitics and are kept in existence only fortheir personal aggrandizement and profit,and by the apathy and weakness of the employers.Most unions lay an unfair burdenon the public, stifle advancement in the artof increasing production and lowering costs,and are a millstone around the necks of theworkmen themselves.Of the two thousand odd employees ofThe Lakeside Press, not one is a member ofany labor organization, and in spite of therepeated attempts of the labor unions to enticeaway its employees, the organization has

een successfully maintained on this basis forsixteen years, through the application of theprinciple of fair play, and the fact that, untrammeledwith union restrictions, the menhave been able to earn more money thanelsewhere. During the war, when labor wasscarce, the employees did not leave for otherjobs; of the 205 men and boys who went towar, four were killed and 196 came back tothe plant as "home," and during the manystrikes that have disturbed the printing industryin Chicago during the last sixteen years,not one man has gone out on strike. Thesefacts seem satisfactory evidence that TheLakeside Press is "a good place to work."The Apprenticeship School, the Taylorsystem of scientific management and weeklybonuses for increased efficiency, and the quicksettlement of all differences and grievancesby frank discussion between the officers andthe employees are all contrary to union rules,but are the very foundations upon which theorganization has been built up.Should the national unions in the printingindustry accept the principle of the open shopand recognize the right of every man to workregardless of his union affiliations, comfortablyand without molestation, an open shopwould be practical and the only one thatwould be fair. But the national unions do notrecognize the open shop except under compulsionand accept it only as a temporaryvii

'prefacetruce in a perpetual warfare. The experienceof the last year has proven that the open shopsof the country had been secretly organizedand their production interrupted by the generalstrike, while the shops that had been maintainedon the non-union basis were undisturbed.Only- fair dealing can successfullymaintain a non-union shop, and the managementof The Lakeside Press, realizing theirtrusteeship to the public and to their employees,have deliberately assumed the burdenof so treating their employees that theyneither need nor desire the interference oflabor unions;This year we have taken for the subjectmatter of the volume an early narrative oftravel centering around Mackinaw. Henry wasthe first Englishman to venture out into thewilderness after the French had been deposedfrom its sovereignty. Outside of its interestas a narrative of pure exploration, its chiefinterest lies in the fact that the early historyof Chicago is so intimately connected withthat of Mackinaw. Mackinaw for a centurywas the center of the fur trade of the GreatNorthwest, and until the beginning of thenineteenth century, all approach to Chicagowas through that trading center.Mr. Quaife has again consented to act aseditor and to prepare the historical introduction.Christmas, 1921.THE PUBLISHERS.viii

Content*HISTORICAL INTRODUCTIONPART ONE: ADVENTURES IN MICHIGAN, 1760-64xiiii1 .Embarking upon the Fur Trade ... 32. The Voyage to Mackinac 153. Arrival at Mackinac 294. Reception at Mackinac ..... 395. The Winter at Mackinac 546. A Visit to SaultSte. Marie 597. Destruction of the Fort and Return toMackinac 638. The Gathering Storm 729. A Ball Game and a Massacre ... 7810. First Days of Captivity 8611. The Journey to Beaver Island ... 9512. Rescued by Wawatam 10113. The Adventure of the Bones . . ..10714. The Arts of the Medicine Men . . .11315. Removal to the Au Sable 1231 6. Lost in the Wilderness 13017. A Bear Hunt . . . . . . . .13718. Death of a Child . ...ix.. ."143

Content^PAGE19. Return to Mackinac 14720. Flight to the Sault 15321. Invokingthe Great Turtle ....... 16122. Voyage to Fort Niagara 16723. The Return to Mackinac 174PART Two: LAKE SUPERIOR AND THE CANADIANNORTHWEST, 1765-76. . . .1811. Journey to Chequamegon 1832. The Winter at Chequamegon. ..1893. Famine at the Sault 1984. Legends of Nanibojou 2035. A Tempestuous Voyage 2096. The Island of Yellow Sands .... 2157. Operations of the . .Copper Company 2198. Journey to Lake Winnipeg. . . .2279. From Lake Winnipeg to Beaver Lake . 24310. From Beaver Lake to the Prairies . .25711. A Journey on the Plains 26812. Hospitality of the Assiniboin .... 27513. Customs of the Red Men 28414. The Return to Fort des Prairies . . .29815. Journey to Montreal 305INDEX 321

HistoricalIntroductionXI

SJnttotiurtfottis the year of our Lord, 1760. Under themasterfulITleadership of William Pitt, theBritish Empire is just bringing to a triumphantconclusion the terrible Seven Years'War which for long has deluged a world withblood. From a somewhat narrower point ofview this war has been but another round inEngland's second Hundred-Year Duel withFrance for the political dominance of the earth.For almost two hundred years the rival mothernations have been fostering in America a NewFrance and a New England. Stretched alongthe Atlantic coastal plain from Maine toGeorgia is the thin line of colonies which go tocompose the latter. Encircling these, with onecenter of settlement on the lower St. Lawrenceand the other at the mouth of the Mississippi,two thousand miles away, are the imperialpossessions of New France. Although herpopulation is but a handful, and that of theEnglish colonies but a few hundred thousand,around and between which stretches the interminablewilderness sparsely inhabited byscattered tribes of savages, long and repeatedlyhave the two countries quarreled over theissue as to which shall control and develop thatwilderness.xiii

^PntrotwctionThe Seven Years' War was the decisiveround in this long struggle for the dominationof the continent. It began in the backwoods ofAmerica with a contest for the possession ofthe Ohio Valley. It was ended when in theautumn of 1759 a combined land and sea force oftwenty-seven thousand Englishmen conqueredthe citadel of Quebec. The capture of Quebecis one of the decisive struggles of militaryhistory. It won for General Wolfe an earlygrave and an immortal fame; it ended for alltime the dream of a greater France, while itgave the future of North America into thekeeping of the Anglo-Saxon; it foreshadowedthe development of the British Empire on itsmodern basis, and the birth of the UnitedStates as an independent nation.In the province of New Jersey in 1739 wasborn a youth since known to fame by the nameof Alexander Henry. Of the firsttwenty yearsof his life practically nothingis known. Of thesucceeding sixteen years, we have his ownrecord in the narrative which follows. Theslogan of recent years "Trade follows theFlag" finds ready exemplification in the careerof Henry. When, in the summer of 1760,General Amherst's army invaded Canada forthe purpose of reducing Montreal and thusending the war, Henry attached himself to theexpedition in a commercial capacity, and atthis point begins his narration of "travels andadventures." Disaster promptly overtook him,xiv

J^i^toricalhis boats being wrecked and all his merchandiselost in the rapids of the St. Lawrence.Not long after, he encountered by chance aFrenchman who had spent long years in theIndian country as a trader; and the storieshe told of the wealth to be won in the furtrade fired Henry with the determination toproceed to Mackinac and from this centerbegin the prosecution of this hazardous calling.Doubly hazardous was it at the time Henryproposed going into the Northwest. AlthoughNew France had fallen, the Indian tribes hadnot been conquered, and they viewed withsullen hostility the approach of the representativesof the nation which had vanquishedtheir French "Father." Under the inspirationand leadership of Pontiac, one of the greatestfigures in the history of the Indian race, theyrose against the English, and all along thefar-flung western frontier the scalping-knifegleamed and the tomahawk descended. ThusHenry, at Mackinac, found himself in the midstof the conflict, and his story of what befell himhas been incorporated almost word for word bythe master historian, Parkman, in his narrativeof the Great Conspiracy.The war ruined Henry but it did not breakhis dauntless spirit or satiate his appetite foradventure. Upon its conclusion, therefore, wefind him embarking upon the fur trade anew;pioneering for copper in the Lake Superiorregion, whence in a later century almost untoldXV

lijigtoricalwealth in mineral was to be drawn; resumingagain the fur trade, in pursuit of which he wasdrawn to the utmost verge of the regionknown to white men. The recital of these yearson Lake Superior and in the far Northwestoccupies the second part of our volume; itconstitutes a distinct narrative from that containedin Part One, and the two might wellhave appeared as separate volumes. But asHenry himself put them together in his lifetime,so we reproduce them here, in a singlebook of travel and adventure.At the period when his narrative concludes,Henry was a man of but thirty-seven. Duringhis years in the wilderness the quarrel betweenthe English colonies and the Mother Countryhad arisen and progressed to its culmination atPhiladelphia, on the very day that Henryin theset out upon his return to civilization,Declaration of Independence and the birthof the United States. From this successionhad been as far removed asof events Henrythough upon another planet. Reaching Montrealin the summer of 1776, he set out thatsame year for England; crossing to France, hewas presented at court, and to the day of hisdeath almost half a century later he retaineda vivid recollection of the attention bestowedupon him by the beautiful and unfortunatequeen, Marie Antoinette.Thenceforth Montreal was Henry's home,although he made two more voyages to Europe

^ntrotwctionand paid one or more visits to the Indiancountry. From Montreal he prosecuted forsome years the fur trade, conducting, meanwhile,the business of a local merchant. Heremained one of the substantial citizens of theplace until his death in April, 1824. Hiseldest son, William, was long prominent in theCanadian fur trade; his second son, Charles,was slain by natives on the Liard River ofnorthwestern Canada, while thus engaged;and a nephew, likewise named AlexanderHenry, perished in the Columbia River, havingleft behind a set of journals, which, unpublishedfor almost a century, are among themost valuable records of the time and place towhich they belong.With this brief view of our author's careertaken, it remains to appraise his book. Forthe record of the massacre at Mackinac andits attendant events, Henry's work is ouronly detailed narration. For the period ofnorthwestern trade and exploration describedin Part Two, Henry is an early and valuable,although not unique, authority. Occupyingsuch a position in our historical literature, itis obviously a matter of importance to determinewhat measure of credence may properlybe accorded his narrative.Henry himself offers perhaps the best methodof approach to this problem. In his prefacehe informs us that " the details [of his furtradecareer] from time to time committed toxvii

pgtoricalpaper, form the subject matter of the presentvolume." It is obvious, -therefore, that theauthor did not keep a day-by-day journal ofevents; and that his narrative as it comes to usis the fruit of his recollections set down atdifferent tunes during the period of his lifesubsequent to the conclusion of the travels andadventures which are so vividly described byhmi. A record thus produced may possessgreat value, but to all lawyers and all historiansit is a commonplace that this value,however great it may be, will be different inquality from that attaching to a day-by-dayrecord of events. The human memoryis atbest a fallible instrument. Men in later yearsfrequently recall events which never took place;as frequently they transform, in memory,the true character and circumstances attendantupon the occurrence of events; and it issometimes even possible for an observer totrace the progressive steps in the transformation.With these considerations in mind, we willnot expect to find in Henry's story that accuracyof detail which characterizes the journalof contemporary events. It will not bestrange to find that distances are sometimesmisstated, 1 that dates given are frequentlyincorrect, and that the story is subject to1 An additional reason for this is, of course, the factthat Henry is commonly giving estimates made by eye,xviii

^ntrotiuctioncorrection in various other respects. But themore important consideration, in appraisingthe narrative, pertains to quite another question;did Henry desire to set down a truthfulrecord; and was he capable, in general, ofdoing so ?On this point two opinions have been advanced.In general, Henry's bona fides hasbeen accepted by scholars without qualification,following the lead of Parkman. Morerecently, however, Henry Bedford- Jones, in abooklet published at Santa Barbara, has delivereda sweeping attack upon Henry. 2Thespirit of the accusation is perhaps sufficientlyindicated in the following lines of verse whichpreface the booklet:fcGarrulous old trader, sitting with a jorumClose beside your elbow, and tobacco biowing free,Easy 'tis to picture you, spinning to a quorumOf pop-eyed New York burghers your tales ofdeviltry!How you must have made them palpitate andshiverAs you warmed up to your narrative of bloodand massacree!How you must have chortled as you saw 'em shakeand quiverrather than the precise determinations which resultfrom scientific surveys.2The myth Wawatam or Alexander Henry Refuted,Being an Exposure of certain Fictions Hitherto Unsuspectedof the Public; with which are also found someremarks upon the famous old* * *Fort Michilimackinac(Santa Barbara, 1917.)xix

jintroductionTo your tales of shocking escapades by trail andlake and riverI'm afraid you were a liar, but you knew how todeliverYour auditors of Gotham from the shackles ofennui!vIn support of this charge of willful mendacityagainst Henry, the writer calls attention tocertain erroneous statements of detail, a formof criticism to which Henry's narrative isclearly vulnerable; but so carelessly have theaccusations been drawn that it would be easyto retort upon the critic the very charge hebrings against Henry. 3 Not to go fartherafield, the sole factual basis for the verse picturingthe "garrulous old trader" engaged inspinning his yarns for the entertainment ofan audience of "pop-eyed New York burghers"is the single circumstance .that his book waspublished by a New York printer. There isno hint in it or elsewhere to the presentwriter's knowledge that Henry ever lived inNew York, or indeed that he ever saw thatcity.3Thus, Henry's account (in Part One, chap. VII)of his trip from Mackinac to the Sopis described as"ludicrously inaccurate; and from Point Detour, findingthe lake open, our hero pushes on and sends backaid but fails to say how he crossed the open straits."But on turning to Henry's account we find that afterthe party reached Point Detour a delay of more than aweek ensued, as to part of which it is expressly statedthat the weather was "exceedingly cold." Only a hypercriticcould require further explanation than this as tohow Henry crossed the "open straits."xx

Details aside, the most important accusationmade by Mr. Jones is that the entire storyof Henry's relations with Wawatam and ChiefMinavavana is a myth, and that these charactersnever in fact existed. If this charge betrue, then indeed all confidence in Henry'snarrative becomes impossible. Looking to theevidence in support of these assertions, however,we find that it practically reduces tothis, that Minavavana is unknown outside thepages of Henry. "A son of Matchekewis,captor of Mackinac," says the critic, "toldSchoolcraft that the name was entirely strangeto him." But when we turn to Schoolcraft forconfirmation, we find that his witness wassuspicious and unwilling to talk, and thatSchoolcraft expressly cites the incident as anillustration of the difficulty of a white man'sgetting the truth from an Indian!Criticism of such character as this revealsitself to be is of the stuff of which dreams aremade, and unworthy of serious consideration; 4and a more candid and capable critic must enterthe lists before the historical repute of Henry'snarrative can be seriously shaken. For myself,I see no sufficient reason for doubtingHenry's honesty, and his narrative itself4 1 have noticed it thus far only because, as far as myknowledge goes, it is the latest publication on the subjectof Henry's book, and as yet has evoked no noticeor answer. In editing a new edition of Henry, therefore,it seems proper to place his critic's attack in itsproper setting.xxi

discloses internal evidence of shrewdness andinsight on the part of its author. Necessarily,since it is a personal narration, his own doingsand point of view receive constant emphasis.For this the intelligent reader will make dueallowance, as he will for such errors of precisedetail as may disclose themselves. That theseshould occur in the recital of sixteen years oftravel and adventure is inevitable. Equallyinevitable is it that the author could not haveabandoned himself to willful mendacity withoutleaving evidences of the habit which wouldbe patent to the scholar who follows on histrail; and when such a scholar as FrancisParkman accords to Henry a certificate of goodfaith we may be sure that his book is somethingother than a collection of yarns spunfor the delectation of a group of "pop-eyedNew York burghers."From quite another point of view Henry'snarrative deserves attention. It is evidentthat Henry must have received some education,but hi his twenty-first year he plungedinto the wilderness, not to emerge therefromfor sixteen long years. Such a career is not inclose accord with the curriculum laid down inthe schools for the training of him who aspiresto become a writer. Yet in some mysteriousmanner Henry had become a master of Englishand this, his sole production, is literaturein the best sense of the term. The shelves ofour libraries are loaded down with books, dryxxii

l^igtoricalas the desert of Sahara, whose authors havedevoted their lives to the professed pursuit oflearning. But here is a man whose formaleducation could scarcely have gone beyond thestage of the modern common school, and whofor a decade and a half lived in an environmentof savagery wherein his life was at notime worth an hour's purchase; yet he haswritten a book instinct with literary charmand artistry. How was the miracle wrought?I do not profess to know, but I rejoice in theopportunity which is afforded me of helping togive Henry's narrative a wider circulationthan it has hitherto had, and of bringing it to afresh circle of readers.at NewHenry's book was first publishedYork in 1809 with the title "Travels and Adventuresin Canada and the Indian TerritoriesBetween the years 1760 and 1776. How large theedition was we have no information. Copiesof it have now become so rare as to be practicallyinaccessible to most readers. In 1901a reprint edition of 700 copies was brought outat Boston and Toronto under the scholarlyediting of James Bain. In this reprint thetypographical and other peculiarities of theoriginal edition were carefully preserved, sothat the text is "almost a facsimile" of theearlier volume. In editing the narrative forthe Lakeside Classics I have thought proper toadopt a different procedure. While faithfullypreserving the author's text and footnotes, noXX111

i|)itorical 3 nttotmcticmeffort has been made to repeat the typographicalpeculiarities of the original edition, forrather than thewhich, presumably, the printer,author, was responsible. On the contrary, thepunctuation, chapter heads, and other typographicaldetails of this edition are the work ofthe present editor; and in a few instances,where propriety clearly dictated this course,obvious errors in the text have been corrected.This procedure will not, of course, commendthe book to professional scholars, but thesehave, or can readily gain, access to the originaledition; the Lakeside Classics are issued forthe delectation of a different class of readers.The footnotes of the original edition are distinguishedfrom those supplied by the editorby the signature "author" or "editor" (as thecase may be) appendedMadison, Wisconsin.to each note.MILO M. QUAIFE.xxiv

TRAVELSAND ADVENTURESINCANADAANDTHE INDIAN TERRITORIESBETWEENTHE YEARS 1760 AND 1776IN Two PARTSBy ALEXANDER HENRY, ESQ.NEW YORKPrinted and Published by I. Riley1809

DISTRICT OF NEW YORK, ss.BE IT REMEMBERED, That on thetwelfth day of October, in the thirtyfourthyear of the Independence of theUnited States of America, ISAAC RILEY, ofthe said district, hath deposited in this officethe title of a book, the right whereof he claimsas proprietor, in the words following, to wit:"Travels and Adventures in Canada and theIndian Territories, between the years 1760 and1776. In two parts. By ALEXANDER HENRY,Esq."IN CONFORMITY to the act of the Congressof the United States, entitled, "An actfor the encouragement of learning, by securingthe copies of maps, charts, and books, to theauthors and proprietors of such copies, duringthe tunes therein mentioned"; and to anact, entitled, "An act, supplementary to an act,entitled, an act for the encouragement oflearning, by securing the copies of maps, chartsand books, to the authors and proprietors ofsuch copies, during the times therein mentioned,and extending the benefits thereof to the artsof designing, engraving and etching historicaland other prints."CHARLES CLINTON,Clerk of the District of New York.xxvii

ToThe Right HonourableSIR JOSEPH BANKS, BARONET;Knight - Companionof the Most Honourable Order of the Bath;one of His Majesty'sMost Honourable Privy Council;President of the Royal Society, F. S. A.Sec. &c. &c.THIS VOLUMEwith great deference,ismost respectfully dedicated,Byhis very devoted,and very humble servant,ALEXANDER HENRYMontreal, October zoth, 1809.

preface\ PREMATURE attempt to share in the/"\ fur trade of Canada, directly on the conquestof the country, led the author of thefollowing pages into situations of some dangerand singularity; and the pursuit, under betterauspices, of the same branch of commerce,occasioned him to visit various parts of theIndian Territories.These transactions occupied a period ofsixteen years, commencing nearly with theauthor's setting out in life. The details, fromtime to time committed to paper, form the subjectmatter of the present volume.The heads, under which, for the most part,they will be found to range themselves, arethree: first, the incidents or adventures inwhich the author was engaged; secondly, theobservations, on the geography and naturalhistory of the countries visited, which he wasable to make, and to preserve; and, thirdly,the views of society and manners, among apart of the Indians of North America, which ithas belonged to the course of his narrative todevelop.Upon the last, the author may be permittedto remark, that he has by no means undertakento write the general history of the Americanmi

prefaceIndians, nor any theory of their morals, ortheir merits. With but few exceptions, it hasbeen the entire scope of his design, simply torelate those particular facts, which are eitheridentified with his own fortunes, or with thetruth of which he is otherwise personally conversant.All comment, therefore, in almost allinstances, is studiously avoided.MONTREAL, October 2oth t 1809.XXXll

PART ONEADVENTURES IN MICHIGAN, 1760-64

EMBARKING UPON THE FUR TRADEwhen the British armsthe year 1760,under General Amherst wereINemployed inthe reduction of Canada, I accompaniedthe expedition which subsequently to the surrenderof Quebec l descended from Oswego onLake Ontario against Fort de Levi, one of theupper posts situate on an island which lies onthe south side of the great river St. Lawrence,at a short distance below the mouth of2the Oswegatchie. Fort de Levi surrenderedon the twenty-first day of August, sevendays after the commencement of the siege;and General Amherst continued his voyage1Quebec surrendered on the eighteenth of September,1759. Author.2Following the capture of Quebec by General Wolfe,the French forces still remaining in the field retired uponMontreal. To complete the conquest of Canada, theBritish directed, in the summer of 1760, three simultaneousconverging expeditions against Montreal.The most formidable of these, led by Amherst, thecommander-in-chief, proceeded 'from Lake Ontariodown the St. Lawrence River an army of about11,000 men embarked in 800 bateaux and whale-boats.Fort LeVis, near modern Ogdensburgh, N.Y., built bythe French in 1759 to guard the western entrance tothe St. Lawrence, and garrisoned by 300 men, wastaken on August 25 after a brief siege. Editor.

Slcraufccrdown the stream, carrying his forces againstMontreal.It happened that in this voyage one of thefew fatal accidents which are remembered tohave occurred in that dangerous part of theriver below Lake St. Francais, called theRapides des Cadres, befell the British army.Several boats loaded with provisions andmilitary stores were lost, together with upwardof a hundred men. I had three boatsloaded with merchandise, all of which werelost; and I saved my life only by gaining thebottom of one of my boats, which lay amongthe rocky shelves, and on which I continuedfor some hours, and until I was kindly takenoff by one of the General's aides-de-camp.The surrender of Montreal, 3 and with it thesurrender of all Canada, followed that of Fortde Levi at only the short interval of threedays, and proposing to avail myself of the newmarket which was thus thrown open to Britishadventure I hastened to Albany, where mycommercial connections were, and where Iprocured a quantity of goods with which I setout, intending to carry them to Montreal.For this, however, the winter was too near approached;I was able only to return to FortdeLevi (to which the conquerors had now giventhe name of Fort William Augustus) and whereI remained until the month of January in thefollowing year.3Montreal surrendered September 8, 1760. Editor.

anti3ltibcnturcAt this time, having disposed of my goodsto the garrison and the season for travelingon the snow and ice being set in, I prepared todown to Montreal. The was to bego journeyperformed through a country inhabited only byIndians and by beasts of the forest, and whichpresented to the eye no other change thanfrom thick woods to the broad surface of afrozen river. It was necessary that I shouldbe accompanied as well by an interpreter as bya guide, to both of which ends I engaged theservices of a Canadian, named Jean BaptisteBodoine.The snow which lay upon the ground was bythis time three feet in depth. The hour of departurearriving, I left the fort on snowshoes,an article of equipment which I had never usedbefore, and which I found it not a little difficultto manage. I did not avoid frequentfalls; and when down I was scarcely able torise.At sunset on the first day we reached anIndian encampment of six lodges and abouttwenty men. As these people had been veryrecently employed offensively against theEnglish, in the French service, I agreed butreluctantly to the proposal of my guide andinterpreter, which was nothing less than thatwe should pass the night with them. My fearswere somewhat lulled by his information thathe was personally acquainted with those whocomposed the camp, and by his assurances

that; no danger was to be apprehended; andbeing greatly fatigued, I entered one of thelodges, where I presently fell asleep.Unfortunately Bodoine had brought uponhis back a small keg of rum, which, while Islept, he opened, not only for himself but forthe general gratification of his friends; a circumstanceof which I was first made aware inbeing awakened by a kick on the breast fromthe foot of one of my hosts, and by a yell orIndian cry which immediately succeeded. Atthe instant of opening my eyes I saw thatmy assailant was struggling with one of hiscompanions, who, in conjunction with severalwomen, was endeavoring to restrain hisferocity. Perceiving, however, in the countenanceof my enemy the most determined mischief,I sprung upon my feet, receiving in sodoing a wound in my hand from a knife whichhad been raised to give a more serious wound.While the rest of my guardians continued theircharitable efforts for my protection,an oldwoman took hold of my arm, and making signsthat I should accompany her, led me out of thelodge, and then gave me to understand thatunless I fled or could conceal myself I shouldcertainly be killed.My guide was absent, and without his directionI was at a loss where to go. In all the surroundinglodges there was the same howlingand violence as in that from which I had escaped.I was without my snowshoes, and had

only so much clothing as I had fortunately leftupon me when I lay down to sleep. It was nowone o'clock in the morning in the month ofJanuary, and in a climate of extreme rigor.I was unable to address a single word in herown language to the old woman who had thusbefriended me; but on repeating the name ofBodoine, I soon found that she comprehendedmy meaning; and having first pointed to alarge tree, behind which she made signs thatuntil she could find my guide I should hidemyself, she left me on this important errand.Meanwhile, I made my way to the tree andseated myself in the snow. From my retreatI beheld several Indians running from onelodge to another, as if to quell the disturbancewhich prevailed.The coldness of the atmosphere congealedthe blood about my wound and prevented furtherbleeding; and the anxious state of mymind rendered me almost insensible to bodilyAt the end of half an hour I heardsuffering.myself called by Bodoine, whom, on going tohim, I found as much intoxicated and as mucha savage as the Indians themselves; but he was,nevertheless, able to fetch my snowshoes fromthe lodge in which I had left them, and topoint out to me a beaten path, which presentlyentered a deep wood, and which he told me Imust follow.After walking about three miles I heard, atlength, the footsteps of my guide, who had now

overtaken me. I thought it most prudent toabstain from all reproof; and we proceeded onour march till sunrise, when we arrived ata solitary Indian hunting-lodge, built withbranches of trees, and of which the only inhabitantswere an Indian and his wife. Herethe warmth of a large fire reconciled me to asecond experiment on Indian hospitality. Theresult was very different from that of the onewhich had preceded it; for after relieving mythirst with melted snow and my hunger with aplentiful meal of venison, of which there was agreat quantity in the lodge, and which wasliberally set before me, I resumed my journey,full of sentiments of gratitude, such as almostobliterated the recollection of what had befallenme among the friends of my benefactors.From the hunting lodge I followed my guidetillevening, when we encamped on the banksof the St. Lawrence, making a fire and suppingon the meat with which our wallets had beenfilled in the morning.While I indulged myself in rest my guidevisited the shore, where he discovered a barkcanoe which had been left there in the beginningof the winter by some Indian wayfarers.We were now at the head of the LongueSault, one of those portions of the river inwhich it passes over a shallow, inclining, androcky bed, and where its motion consequentlyprevents it from freezing, even in the coldestpart of the year; and my guide, as soon as he

anfchad made his discovery, recommended thatwe should go by water down the rapids, asthe means of saving time, of shortening ourjourney, and of avoiding a numerous bodyof Indians then hunting on the banks below.The last of these arguments was with me sopowerful that though* a bark canoe was avehicle to which I was altogether a stranger,though this was a very small one of only sixteenor eighteen feet in length 4 and much outof repair, and though the misfortune which Ihad experienced in the navigation of theserocky parts of the St. Lawrence when descendingwith the army naturally presenteditself to my mind as a still further discouragement,yet I was not long in resolving to undertakethe voyage.Accordingly, after stopping the leaks ascompletely as we were able we embarked andproceeded. My fears were not lessened by perceivingthat the least unskilful motion wassufficient to overset the ticklish craft intowhich I had ventured; by the reflection that ashock comparatively gentle from a mass ofrock or ice was more than its frail materialcould sustain; nor by observing that the ice,which lined the shores of the river, was toostrong to be pushed through and at the sametime too weak to be walked upon, so that inthe event of disaster it would be almost impossibleto reach the land. In fact, we had not4There are still smaller. Author.

lijenrpproceeded more than a mile when our canoebecame full of water, and it was not till after along search that we found a place of safety.Treading once more upon dry ground, Ishould willingly have faced the wilderness andall its Indians rather than embark again; butmy guide informed me that I was upon anisland, and I had therefore no choice beforeme. We stopped the leaks a second time andrecommenced our voyage, which we performedwith success, but sitting all the way in sixinches of water. In this manner we arrivedat the foot of the rapids, where the river wasfrozen all across. Here we disembarked uponthe ice, walked to the bank, made a fire, andencamped; for such is the phrase employed inthe woods of Canada.At daybreak the next morning we put on oursnowshoes and commenced our journey overthe ice; and at ten o'clock arrived in sight ofLake St. Francais, which is from four to sixmiles in breadth. The wind was high and thesnow, drifting over the expanse, prevented usat times from discovering the land, and consequently(for compass we had none) frompursuing with certainty our course.Toward noon the storm became so violentthat we directed our steps to the shore on thenorth side by the shortest route we could; andmaking a fire, dined on the remains of theIndian hunter 'sbounty. At two o'clock in theafternoon, when the wind had subsided and10

Crafcrig antithe atmosphere grown more clear, I discerneda cariole, or sledge, moving our way, and immediatelysent my guide to the driver with arequest that he would come to my encampment.On his arrival I agreed with him tocarry me to Les Cedres, a distance of eightleagues, for a reward of eight dollars. Thedriver was a Canadian who had been to theIndian village of St. Regis, and was now on hisreturn to Les Cedres, then the uppermostwhite settlement on the St. Lawrence.Late in the evening I reached Les Cedres,and was carried to the house of M. Leduc, itsseignior, by whom I was politely and hospitablyreceived. M. Leduc being disposed toconverse with me, it became a subject of regretthat neither party understood the languageof the other; but an interpreter wasfortunately found in the person of a Serjeantof His Majesty's Eighteenth Regiment ofFoot.I now learned that M. Leduc in the earlierpart of his life had been engagedin the furtrade with the Indians of Michilimackinac andLake Superior. He informed me of his acquaintancewith the Indian languages and hisknowledge of furs, and gave me to understandthat Michilimackinac was richer in this commoditythan any other part of the world. Headded that the Indians were a peaceable raceof men, and that an European might travelfrom one side of the continent to the other

without experiencing insult. Further, he mentionedthat a guide who lived at no great distancefrom his house could confirm the truthof all that he had advanced.I, who had previously thought of visitingMichilimackinac with a view to the Indiantrade, gave the strictest attention to all thatfell on this subject from my host; and in orderto possess myself as far as possible of all thatmight be collected in addition, I requested thatthe guide should be sent for. This man arrived,and a short conversation terminated in myengaging him to conduct myself, and thecanoes which I was to procure, to Michilimackinacin the month of June following.There being at this time no goods in Montrealadapted to the Indian trade, my nextbusiness was to proceed to Albany to make mypurchases there.This I did in the beginningof Lakeof the month of May, by the wayChamplain; and on the fifteenth of June arrivedagain in Montreal, bringing with me myoutfits.As I was altogether a stranger to thecommerce in which I was engaging, I confidedin the recommendations given me of one EtienneCampion, 5 as my assistant; a part which5Etienne Campion, a native of Montreal, was forseveral decades a prominent trader in the westerncountry. During the Revolution he was an activeBritish partisan in the Northwest. When, in December,1780, the little raiding party of Cahokians fellupon St. Joseph, Michigan, and plundered the tradersthere, Campion led the party of pursuers that was12

anfrhe uniformly fulfilled with honesty and fidelity.His Excellency, General Gage, who nowcommanded in chief in Canada, very reluctantlygranted me the permission at this timerequisite for going to Michilimackinac. Notreaty of peace had yet been made betweenthe English and the Indians, which latter werein arms under Pontiac, an Indian leader ofmore than common celebrity, and GeneralGage was therefore strongly and (as it becamemanifest) but too justly apprehensive thatboth the property and lives of His Majesty'ssubjects would be very insecure in the Indiancountries. But he had already granted suchpermission to a Mr. Bostwick, 6 and this I wasable to employ as an argument against hisrefusal in respect to myself. General Gagecomplied, and on the third day of August,hastily formed and in the battle which ensued, December5, 1780, somewhere in the vicinity of South Chicago,all but three of the raiders were killed or captured.Campion's name appears in numerous Mackinac documentscoming down to the year 1 794. Editor.6This was Henry Bostwick, the first English traderto go to Mackinac after the surrender of Montreal.Although in August, 1761, he is reported as being atDetroit (Diary of Sir William Johnson), he seems tohave made Mackinac his permanent headquarters.He was captured here by the Chippewa, in June, 17631and carried by the Ottawa to Montreal for ransom.Various documents show his residence at Mackinac inthe following years; among others, he was a signer in1781 of the treaty whereby Governor Patrick Sinclairpurchased Mackinac Island from the natives. Editor.13

1761, after some further delay in obtaining apassport from the town-major, I dispatchedmy canoes to Lachine, there to take in theirlading.

THE VOYAGE TO MACKINACinland navigation from Montrealto Michilimackinac may be performedeither by the way of Lakes Ontario andErie, or by the river Des Outaouais, LakeNipisingue, and the river Des Francais, 7 foras well by one as the other of these routeswe are carried to Lake Huron. The second isthe shortest and that which is usually pursuedby the canoes employed in the Indian trade.The canoes which I provided for my undertakingwere, as is usual, five fathoms and a halfin length and four feet and a half in their extremebreadth, and formed of birch-tree barka quarter of an inch in thickness. The barkis lined with small splints of cedar-wood; andthe vessel is further strengthened with ribsof the same wood, of which the two ends arefastened to the gunwales; several bars, ratherthan seats, are also laid across the canoe, fromgunwale to gunwale. The small roots of thespruce tree afford the wattap, with whichthe bark is sewed; and the gum of the pinetree supplies the place of tar and oakum.Bark, some spare wattap, and gum are always7The Ottawa River, Lake Nipissing and FrenchRiver.Editor.

SllejcantierIjjeturpcarried in each canoe for the repairs whichfrequently become necessary.The canoes are worked, not with oars butwith paddles, and occasionally with a sail.To each canoe there are eight men; and toevery three or four canoes, which constitute abrigade, there is a guide or conductor. Skilfulmen, at double the wages of the rest, are placedin the head and stern. They engage to gofrom Montreal to Michilimackinac and backto Montreal again, the middle-men at onehundred and fifty livres and the end-men atthree hundred livres each. 8 The guide has thecommand of his brigade and is answerable forall pillage and loss; and in return every man'swages is answerable to him. This regulationwas established under the French government.The freight of a canoe of the substance anddimensions which I have detailed consists insixty pieces, or packages of merchandise, ofthe weight of from ninety to a hundred poundseach, and provisions to the amount of onethousand weight. To this i to be added theweight of eight men and of eight bags weighingforty pounds each, one of which every man isprivileged to put on board. The whole weightmust therefore exceed eight thousand pounds,or may perhaps be averaged at four tons.The nature of the navigation which is to be8These particulars may be compared with those of amore modern date, given in the Voyages of Sir AlexanderMackenzie. Author.16

ant!described will sufficiently explain why thecanoe is the only vessel which can be employedalong its course. The necessity, indeed,becomes apparent at the very instant of ourdeparture from Montreal itself.The St. Lawrence for several miles immediatelyabove Montreal descends with a rapidcurrent over a shallow, rocky bed; insomuchthat even canoes themselves, when loaded,cannot resist the stream, and are thereforesent empty to Lachine, where they meet themerchandise which they are to carry, andwhich is transported thither by land. 9 Lachineis about nine miles higher up the riverthan Montreal, and is at the head of theSault de St. Louis, which is the highest ofthe saults, falls, or leaps in this part of theSt. Lawrence.On the third of August I sent my canoes toLachine, and on the following morning embarkedwith them for Michilimackinac. Theriver is here so broad as to be denominated alake, by the title of Lake St. Louis; the prospectis wide and cheerful; and the village hasseveral well-built houses.In a short time we reached the rapids andcarrying-place of St. Anne, two miles below9La Chine, or China, has always been the point ofdeparture for the upper countries. It owes its name tothe expeditions of M. de la Salle which were fitted outat this place for the discovery of a northwest passageto China. Author.17

the upper end of the island of Montreal; and itis not till after passing these that the voyagemay be properly said to be commenced. AtSt. Anne's the men go to confession, and atthe same time offer up their vows; for thesaint from whom this parish derives its nameand to whom its church is dedicated, is thepatroness of the Canadians in all their travels10by water.There is still a further custom to be observedon arriving at St. Anne's, and which is thatof distributing eight gallons of rum to eachcanoe (a gallon for each man) for consumptionduring the voyage; nor is it less according tocustom to drink the whole of this liquor uponthe spot. The saint, therefore, and the priestwere no sooner dismissed than a scene of intoxicationbegan in which my men surpassed,ifpossible, the drunken Indian in singing, righting,and the display of savage gesture and conceit.In the morning we reloaded the canoes10 Peter Pond, a Connecticut Yankee who went outto the western country as a trader in 1773, thus quaintlydescribes this aspect of the journey: "As you Passthe End of the Island of Montreal to Go in a SmallLake Cald the Lake of the [Two] Mountains tharestans a Small Roman Church Aganst a Small Raped.This Church is Dedacated to St. Ann who Protects allVoigers. Heare is a small Box with a Hole in the topfor ye Reseption of a Little Money for the Hole Fatheror to say a small Mass for those Who Put a small Sumin the Box. Scars a Voiger but stops hear and Puts inhis mite and By that Meanes thay Suppose thay areProtected." Wis. Hist. Colls., XVIII, 326. Editor.18

Cratoelg an&and pursued our course across the Lake desDeux Montagnes.This lake, like that of St. Louis, is only apart of the estuary of the Outaouais, whichhere unites itself with the St. Lawrence, orrather, according to some, the Cataraqui;for, with these, the St. Lawrence is formedby the confluence of the Cataraqui and Outaouais.11At noon we reached the Indian Mission ofthe Seminary of St. Sulpice, situate on thenorth bank of the lake, with its two villages,Algonquin and Iroquois, in each of which wasreckoned an hundred souls. Here we receiveda hospitable reception and remained duringtwo hours. I was informed by one of the missionariesthat since the conquest of the countrythe unrestrained introduction of spirituous liquorsat this place, which had not been allowedunder the former government, had occasionedmany outrages.At two o'clock in the afternoon we prosecutedour voyage; and at sunset disembarkedand encamped at the foot of the Longue Sault.There is a Longue Sault both on this river andon the St. Lawrence.At ten leagues above the island of MontrealI passed the limits of the cultivated lands onthe north bank of the Outaouais. On the11This is the Utawas of some writers, the Ottaway ofothers, etc., etc., etc. It is also called the Grand Riverla Grande Riviere. Author.19

south, the farms are very few in number, but12the soil has every appearance of fertility.In ascending the Longue Sault, a distance ofthree miles, my canoes were three times unladen,and together with their freight carried on theshoulders of the voyageurs. The rocky carrying-placesare not crossed without danger ofserious accidents by men bearing heavy burdens.The Longue Sault being passed, the Outaouaispresented on either side only scenes ofprimitive forest, the common range of thedeer, the wolf, the bear, and the Indian. Thecurrent is here gentle. The lands upon thesouth are low, and when I passed them wereoverflowed; but on the northern side the banksare dry and elevated, with much meadow landat their feet. The grass in some places washigh. Several islands are in this part of theof which there areriver. Among the fish,abundance, are catfish of a large size.At fourteen leagues above the LongueSault we reached a French fort, or tradinghouse, surrounded by a stockade. Attachedwas a small garden from which we procuredsome vegetables. The house had no inhabitant.At three leagues farther is the mouth of theHare River, which descends from the north,and here we passed another trading house.At a few leagues still higher on the south bankis the mouth of a river four hundred yards12Numerous and thriving colonists are now enjoyingthat fertility 1809. Author.

anfcwide, and which falls into the Outaouais perpendicularlyfrom the edge of a rock forty feethigh. The appearance of this fall has procuredfor it the name of the rideau, or curtain; andhence the river itself is called the Rideau, orRiviere du Rideau. The fall presented itself tomy view with extraordinary beauty and magnificence,and decorated with a variety of colors.Still ascending the Outaouais, at threeleagues from the fall of the Rideau is that of13La Grande Chaudiere, a phenomenon of adifferent aspect. Here, on the north side of theriver, is a deep chasm running across the channelfor about two hundred yards, from twentyfiveto thirty feet in depth and without apparentoutlet. In this receptacle a large portionof the river falls perpendicularly with a loudnoise, and amid a cloud of spray and vapor,but embellished from time to time with thebright and gorgeous rainbow. The river atthis place is a mile in width. In the rainyseason the depth of the fall is lessened by reasonof the large quantity of water which is receivedinto the chasm, and which for want, as itwould seem, of a sufficient drain, in part, fillsit up. At such times an eddy and an accumulationof foam at a particular chasm have ledme to suspect the existence of an opening beneaththrough which the water finds a subterraneanpassage. The rock which forms the13La Grande Chaudiere, i. e. the Great KettleAuthor.21

ed of the river appears to be split in an obliquedirection from one shore to the other;and the chasm on the north side is only a moreperfect breach.The fall of La Grande Chaudiere is morethan twenty leagues above the Longue Sault.Its name is justified both by its form and bythe vapor, or steam, which ascends from it.Above it there are several islands, of which theland is higher at the upper than at the lowerextremities. The carrying-place is not morethan a quarter of a mile in length, over asmooth rock, and so near the fall that the menin passing are wetted by the spray. Fromthis carrying-place to another of rather morelength, called the Portage de la Chaudiere andsometimes the Second Chaudiere, is only threemiles.In this part of the voyage I narrowly escapeda fatal accident. A thunder-gust havingobliged us to make the shore, the men wentinto the woods for shelter while I remained inmy canoe under a covering of bark. The canoehad been intended to be sufficiently drawnaground; but to my consternation it was notlong before, while thus left alone, I perceivedit to be adrift and going with the current towardLa Grande Chaudiere. Happily I madea timely discovery of my situation, and gettingout: in shallow water was enabled by theassistance of the men, who soon heard mycall, to save my property along with my life.22

anfcAt twelve miles from the second Portage dela Chaudiere there is a third Chaudiere, butalso called the Portage des Chenes. Thename of this carrying-place is derived from theoak trees with which it abounds. It is half amile in length, level, and of an agreeableaspect.The bed of the river is here very broad for aspace of twelve leagues, or thirty-six miles;and in this part of its course it is called Lakedes Chaudieres, a name derived from the fallsbelow. The current in this place is scarcelyperceptible. The lands on either side are highand the soil is good. At the head of Lake desChaudieres is the Portage des Chats. Thecarrying-place is a high, uneven rock of difficultaccess. The ridge of rock crosses thestream and occasions not only one but numerousfalls, separated from each other byislands and affording a scene of very pleasingappearance. At the distance of a mile sevenopenings present themselves to the eye along aline of two miles, which at this point is thebreadth of the river. At each openingis a fallof water of about thirty feet in height, andwhich from the whiteness of its foam might bemistaken for a snowbank. Above, for sixmiles there are many islands, between whichthe current is strong. To overcome the difficultiesof this part of the navigation the canoesfirst carry one-half of their loading, and at asecond trip the remainder.23

Above the islands the river is six miles inwidth, and is called Lake des Chats. The lake,so called, is thirty miles long. The landsabout the lake are like those of Lake desChaudieres; but higher up they are both highand rocky, and covered with no other woodthan spruce and stunted pine.While paddling against the gentle current ofLake des Chats we met several canoes ofIndians returning from their winter's hunt totheir village at the Lake des Deux Montagnes.I purchased some of their maple sugarand beaver skins in exchange for provisions.They wished for rum, which I declined to sellthem; but they behaved civilly, and we partedas we had met, in a friendly manner. Beforethey left us they inquired of my men whetheror not I was an Englishman, and being toldthat I was, they observed that the Englishwere mad in their pursuit of beaver, since theycould thus expose their lives for it; "for," addedthey, "the Upper Indians will certainly killhim," meaning myself. These Indians hadleft their village before the surrender of Montrealand I was the first Englishman they hadseen.In conversation with my men I learned thatthe Algonquins of the Lake des Deux Montagnes,of which description were the partythat I had now met, claim all the lands on theOutaouais as far as Lake Nipisingue; and thatthese lands are subdivided between their24

anfcseveral families upon whom they have devolvedby inheritance. I was also informedthat they are exceedingly strict as to the rightsof property in this regard, accounting an invasionof them an offense sufficiently great towarrant the death of the invader.We now reached the channels of the GrandCalumet, which lie amid numerous islands,and are about twenty miles in length. Inthis distance there are four carrying-places,14besides three or four 15 decharges, or discharges,which are places where the merchandise onlyis carried, and are therefore distinguishablefrom portages, or carrying-places where thecanoe itself is taken out of the water and transportedon men 's shoulders. The four carryingplacesincluded in the channels are short, withthe exception of one, called the Portage de laMontagne, at which, besides its length, thereis an acclivity of a hundred feet.On the tenth of July 16 we reached the Portagedu Grand Calumet, which is at the head ofthe channels of the same name, and which17name is derived from the pierre d Calumet,or pipe-stone, which here interrupts the river,14Portage Dufort, etc.Author.15Decharge des Sables, etc. Author.16The month was now August. Editor.17The pierre a Calumet is a compact limestone,yielding easily to the knife, and therefore employed forthe bowls of tobacco pipes, both by the Indians andCanadians . Author.25

&lejcanfceroccasioning a fall of water. This carrying-placeislong and arduous, consisting in a high steephill, over which the canoe cannot be carriedby fewer than twelve men. The method ofcarrying the packages, or pieces, as they arecalled, is the same with that of the Indianwomen, and which indeed is not peculiar evento them. One piece rests and hangs upon theshoulders, being suspended in a fillet, or forehead-band;and upon this is laid a second,which usually falls into the hollow of the neck,and assists the head in its support of theburden.The ascent of this carrying-place is not morefatiguing than the descent is dangerous; andin performing it accidents too often occur,producing strains, ruptures, and injuries forlife. 18The carrying-place and the repairs of ourcanoes, which cost us a day, detained us till thethirteenth. It is usual for the canoes to leavethe Grand Calumet in good repair; the rapids,or shallow rocky parts of the channel (fromwhich the canoes sustain the chief injury)being now passed, the current becomes gentle,and the carrying-places less frequent. Thelands above the carrying-places and near thewater are low, and in the spring entirelyinundated.18 A charitable fund is now established in Montrealfor the relief of disabled and decayed voyageurs.Author.26

auto&tifccntureOn the morning of the fourteenth we reacheda trading fort, or house, surrounded by a stockade,which had been built by the French, andat which the quantity of peltries received wasonce not inconsiderable. For twenty milesbelow this house the borders of the river arepeculiarly well adapted to cultivation. Fromsome Indians who were encamped near thehouse I purchased fish, dried and fresh.,At the rapids called Des Allumettes aretwo short carrying-places, above which is the19Riviere Creuse, twenty-six miles in length,where the water flows with a gentle currentat the foot of a high, mountainous, barren androcky country on the north, and has a low andsandy soil on the south. On this southern sideis a remarkable point of sand, stretching farinto the stream, and on which it iscustomaryto baptize novices. Above the River Creuseare the two carrying-places of the length ofhalf a mile e'ach, called the Portages des DeuxJoachins; and at fifteen miles farther, at themouth of the River Du Moine is another fort,or trading-house, where I found a smallencampment of Indians called Maskegons, andwith whom I bartered several articles for furs.They anxiously inquired whether or not theEnglish were in possession of the countrybelow, and whether or not, ifthey were, theywould allow traders to come to that tradinghouse;declaring that their families must starve19 Called by the English Deep River. Author.27

unless they should be able to procure ammunitionand other necessaries. I answered boththese questions in the affirmative, at whichthey expressed much satisfaction. Above theMoine are several strong and dangerous rapids,reaching to the Portage du Roche Capitaine, acarrying-place of three-quarters of a mile inlength, mountainous, rocky, and wooded onlywith stunted pine trees and spruce. Abovethis is the Portage des Deux Rivieres, socalled from the two small rivers by which it isintersected; and higherstill are many rapidsand shoals, called by the Indians matawa.Here the river, called by the French PetiteRiviere, and by the Indians Matawa Sipi, 21 fallsinto the Outaouais. We now left the latterof these rivers and proceeded to ascend theMatawa.20Mataouan (Matawan); Charlevoix; Matawoen.Mackenzie 'sVoyages. Author.21Modern Matawan River. Editor.28

Chapter 3ARRIVAL AT MACEJNACOUR course in ascending the Outaouaishad been west-northwest; but on enteringthe Matawa our faces were turnedto the southwest. This latter river is computedto be fourteen leagues in length. In thewidest parts it is a hundred yards broad, andin others not more than fifty. In ascendingit there are fourteen carrying-places and discharges,of which some are extremely difficult.Its banks are almost two continuous rocks,with scarcely earth enough for the burial of adead body. I saw Indian graves, ifgravesthey might be called, where the corpse waslaid upon the bare rock and covered withstones. In the side of a hill on the northside of the river there is a curious cave concerningwhich marvelous tales are relatedby the voyageurs. Mosquitoes and a minutespecies of black fly abound on this river,the latter of which are still more troublesomethan the former. To obtain a respitefrom their vexations we were obliged at thecarrying-places to make fires and stand inthe smoke.On the twenty-sixth of August we reachedthe Portages a la Vase, three in number, and29

each two miles in length. Their name 22 describesthe boggy ground of which they consist.In passing one of them we saw many beaverhouses and dams; and by breaking one of thedams we let off water enough to float ourcanoes down a small stream which would nototherwise have been navigable. These carrying-placesand the intermediate navigationbrought us at length to the head of a smallriver which falls into Lake Nipisingue. Wehad how passed the country of which thestreams fall northeastward into the Outaouais,and entered that from which they flow in acontrary direction toward Lake Huron. Onone side of the height of land, which is thereciprocal boundary of these regions, we hadleft Lake aux Tourtres and the River Matawa;and before us on the other was Lake Nipisingue.The banks of the little river by whichwe descended into the lake, and more especiallyas we approached the lake, were of an exceedinglydelightful appearance, covered with highgrass and affording an extensive prospect.Both the lake and river abound hi black bass,sturgeon, pike, and other fish.Among the pikeis to be included the species called by theIndians masquinonge. In two hours with the22 Vase is the French equivalent of mud or slime.Editor.23 Known to sportsmen of the present day as theMuskellunge.Editor.30

an&assistance of an Indian we took as much fishas all the party could eat.Lake Nipisingueis distant two hundredleagues from Montreal. Its circumference issaid to measure one hundred and fifty miles,and itsdepth is sufficient for vessels of anyburden. On our voyage along its eastern bankswe met some canoes of Indians, who said theylived on the northwestern side. My men informedme that they were Nipisingues, aname which they derive from the lake. Theirlanguage is a dialect of the Algonquin; and bynation they are a mixture of Chippewa andMaskegons. They had a large quantity of furs,part of which I purchased. The animals whichthe country affords them are the beaver,marten, bear and o'tic, a'tic, or caribou, aspecies of deer, by some called the reindeer.They wished for rum, but I avoided selling orgiving them any.Leaving the Indians, we proceeded to themouth of the lake at which is the carryingplaceof La Chaudiere Francaise, 24 a namepart of which it has obtained from the holesin the rock over which we passed; and whichholes, being of the kind which is known tobe formed by water with the assistance ofpebbles, demonstrate that it has not alwaysbeen dry as at present it is, but the phenomenonis not peculiar to this spot, the samebeing observable at almost every carrying-24 Or, la Chaudiere des Fran^ais. Author.

place on the Outaouais. At the height of ahundred feet above the river I commonlyfound pebbles worn into a round form likethose upon the beach below. Everywhere thewater appears to have subsided from itsancient levels; and imagination may anticipatean era at which even the banks of Newfoundlandwill be left bare.The southern shores of Lake Nipisingue arerocky, and only thinly covered with pine treesand spruce, both, as in several instances alreadymentioned, of a small stature. Thecarrying-place of La Chaudiere Franchise isat the head of the River des Francais, andwhere the water first descends from the levelof Lake Nipisingue toward that of Lake Huron.This it does not reach till it has passed downmany rapids, full of danger to the canoes andthe men, after which it enters Lake Huron byseveral arms, flowing through each as throughmill-race. The River des Francais 25 istwentyleagues in length and has manyislands in itschannel. Its banks are uniformly of rock.Among the carrying-places at which we successivelyarrived are the Portage des Pins, or26du Pin; de la Grande Faucille; de la PetiteFauciUe; and du Sault du Recolet. 27 Near the25Modern French River. Editor.26 Faucille, Fr. a sickle. Author.27So called, perhaps, on account of the resemblanceof this Sault to that of the Sault du Recolet, between32

anfcmouth of the river a meadow, called La Prairiedes Franfais, varies for a short space the rockysurface which so generally prevails; and onthis spot we encamped and repaired our canoes.The carrying-places were now all passed, andwhat remained was to cross the billows ofLake Huron, which lay stretched across ourhorizon like an ocean.On the thirty-first day of August we enteredthe lake, the waves running high from thesouth, and breaking over numerous rocks. Atfirst I thought the prospect alarming; but thecanoes rode on the water with the ease of asea-bird, and my apprehensions ceased. Wepassed Point aux Grondines, so called from theperpetual noise of the water among the rocks.Many of these rocks are sunken and not withoutdanger when the wind, as at this time itwas, is from the south.We coasted along many small islands, orrather rocks, of more or less extent, eitherwholly bare or very scantily covered withscrub pine trees. All the land to the northwardis of the same description as high as Cha'ba'-Bou'an'ing, where verdure reappears.On the following day we reached an islandcalled La Cloche, because there is here a rockstanding on a plain, which, being struck, ringslike a beU.the islands of Montreal and Jesus, and which has itsname from the death of a Recolet or Franciscan friar,who was there drowned. Author:33

I found the island inhabited by a largevillage of Indians, whose behavior was at firstfull of civility and kindness. I bartered awaysome small articles among them in exchangefor fish and dried meat; and we remained uponfriendly terms till, discovering that I was anEnglishman, they told my men that theIndians at Michilimackinac would not fail tokill me, and that therefore they had a right toa share of the pillage. Upon this principle, asthey said, they demanded a keg of rum, addingthat if not given them they would proceed totake it. I judged it prudent to comply; oncondition, however, that I should experience atthis place no further molestation.The condition was not unfaithfully observed;but the repeated warnings which I had now receivedof sure destruction at Michilimackinaccould not but oppress my mind. I could noteven yield myself, without danger, to thecourse suggested by my fears; for my provisionswere nearly exhausted and to return was,therefore, almost impracticable.The hostility of the Indians was exclusivelyagainst the English. Between them and myCanadian attendants there appeared the mostcordial good-will. This circumstance suggestedone means of escape, of which by the adviceof my friend Campion I resolved to attemptavailing myself; and which was that of puttingon the dress usually worn by such of the Canadiansas pursue the trade into which I had34

antientered and assimilating myself as much as Iwas able to their appearance and manners. Tothis end I laid aside my English clothes andcovered myself only with a cloth passed aboutthe middle, a shirt hanging loose, a molton, orblanket coat, and a large, red, milled worstedcap. The next thing was to smear my face andhands with dirt and grease; and this done, Itook the place of one of my men, and whenIndians approached, used the paddle with asmuch skill as I possessed. I had the satisfactionto find that my disguise enabled me topass several canoes without attracting thesmallest notice.In this manner I pursued my voyage to themouth, or rather mouths, of the Missisaki, ariver which descends from the north, and ofwhich the name imports that it has severalmouths, or outlets. From this river all theIndians inhabiting the north side of LakeHuron are called Missisakies. There is here aplentiful sturgeon fishery, by which those thatresort to it are fed during the summer months.On our voyage we met several Missisakies ofwhom we bought fish, and from whose stockwe might easily have filled all our canoes.From the Missisaki, which is on the northshore of Lake Huron, to Michilimackinac,which is on the south, is reckoned thirtyleagues. The lake, which here approachesLake Superior, is now contracted in its breadth,as well as filled with islands. From the mouth35

of the River des Franfais to the Missisaki isreckoned fifty leagues, with many islands alongthe route. The lands everywhere from theIsland of La Cloche are poor, with the exceptionof those of the Island of Manitoualin, a28hundred miles, in length, where they aregenerally good. On all the islands the Indianscultivate small quantities of maize.From the Missisaki we proceeded to theO'tossalon 29 and thence across the lake,making one island after another, at intervalsof from two to three leagues. The lake, as faras it could be seen, tended to the westward andbecame less and less broad.The first land which we made on the southshore was that called Point du Detour, 30 after28The Isle Manitoualin was formerly so described.It is now known that there is no island in Lake Huronof a hundred miles in length, and that the Manitoualinare a chain of islands. The French writers on Canadaspeak of the Isle Manitoualin as inhabited in theirtime by the Amikoues (Amicways, Amicwac), whomthey called a family (and sometimes a nation), derivingits origin from the Great Beaver, a personage of mythologicalimportance. The name Manitoualin impliesthe residence of Manitoes, or genii, a distinction verycommonly attributed to the islands, and sometimes tothe shores, of Lakes Huron and Superior, and of whichfurther examples will present themselves in the courseof these pages. Author.29 Also written Tessalon, Thessalon, and des Tessa-Ions.Author.30 Point du Detour, or Grand Detour, is the easternextremity of the Upper Peninsula of Michigan. Isleaux Outardes is modern Goose Island. Editor.36

anfc3ttitoenturewhich we passed the island called Isle auxOutardes, and then leaving on the right thedeep bay of Boutchitaouy came to the islandof Michilimackinac, distant from Isle auxOutardes three leagues. On our way a suddensquall reduced us to the point of throwing overthe cargoes of our canoes to save the latterfrom filling;but the wind subsided and wereached the island in safety.The land in the center of this island is highand its form somewhat resembles that of aturtle's back. Mackinac, or Mickinac, signifiesa turtle, and michi (mishi), or missi,signifies great, as it does also several, or many.The common interpretation of the word Michilimackinacis the Great Turtle. It is from thisisland that the fort, commonly known by thename of Michilimackinac, has obtained itsappellation. 31On the island, as I had been previouslytaught to expect, there was a village of31This is, perhaps, debatable. It is important for themodern reader to remember that the term Mackinachas been applied at different times to different pointsin the region adjoining the head of Lake Michigan. Inthe time of Marquette, Mackinac was on the north sideof the strait, upon Point St. Ignace. From 1712 to 1781it was on the south side of the strait, in the immediatevicinity of modern Mackinaw City. In 1781 GovernorSinclair established his British garrison on the island ofMackinac, where the modern resort city stands. Thusthe Mackinac to which Henry came in 1761, and wherethe massacre occurred in 1763, was on the southernmainland near modern Mackinaw City. Editor.37

Chippewa, said to contain a hundred warriors.Here I was fearful of discovery and consequentill-treatment, but after inquiring the news, andparticularly whether or not any Englishmanwas coming to Michilimackinac, they sufferedus to pass uninjured. One man, indeed,looked at me, laughed, and pointed me outto another. This was enough to give mesome uneasiness; but whatever was the singularityhe perceived in me, both he and hisfriend retired without suspecting me to be anEnglishman.

Chapter 4RECEPTION AT MACKINACEAVING as speedily as possible theisland of Michilimackinac I crossed thestrait and landed at the fort of the samename. The distance from the island is abouttwo leagues. I landed at four o'clock in theafternoon.Here I put the entire charge of my effectsinto the hands of my assistant, Campion,between whom and myself it had been previouslyagreed that he should pass for theproprietor; and my men were instructed toconceal the fact that I was an Englishman.Campion soon found a house to which Iretired, and where I hoped to remain in privacy;but the men soon betrayed my secret, andI was visited by the inhabitants with greatshow of civility. They assured me that Icould not stay at Michilimackinac without themost imminent risk; and strongly recommendedthat I should lose no time in making my escapeto Detroit.Though language like this could not butincrease my uneasiness it did not shake mydetermination to remain with my property andencounter the evils with which I was threatened;and my spirits were in some measure sustained39

y the sentiments of Campion in this regard;for he declared his belief that the Canadianinhabitants of the fort were more hostile thanthe Indians as being jealous of English traders,who like myself were penetrating into thecountry.Fort Michilimackinac was built by order ofthe governor-general of Canada, and garrisonedwith a small number of militia, who, havingfamilies, soon became less soldiers than settlers.Most of those whom I found in the forthad originally served in the French army.The fort stands on the south side of thestrait which is between Lake Huron and LakeMichigan. It has an area of two acres, andis enclosed with pickets of cedar wood; 32 andit is so near the water's edge that when thewind is in the*west the waves break against thestockade. On the bastions are two smallpieces of brass English cannon taken someyears since by a party of Canadians who wenton a plundering expedition against the posts ofHudson's Bay, which they reached by theroute of the River Churchill.Within the stockade are thirty houses, neatin then* appearance, and tolerably commodious;and a church in which mass is celebrated bya Jesuit missionary. The number of familiesmay be nearly equal to that of the houses;and their subsistence is derived from the Indiantraders who assemble here in their voyages to32Thuya occidentalis.Author.40

anfcand from Montreal. Michilimackinac is theplace of deposit and point of departure betweenthe upper countries and the lower. Herethe outfits are prepared for the countries ofLake Michigan and the Mississippi, LakeSuperior, and the Northwest; and here thereturns in furs are collected and embarked forMontreal.I was not released from the visits and admonitionsof the inhabitants of the fort beforeI received the equivocal intelligence that thewhole band of Chipewa from the island ofMichilimackinac was arrived with the intentionof paying me a visit.There was in the fort one Farley, an inter-of the Frenchpreter, lately in the employcommandant. He had married a Chipewawoman and was said to possess great influenceover the nation to which his wife belonged.Doubtful as to the kind of visit which I wasabout to receive I sent for this interpreter andrequested first that he would have the kindnessto be present at the interview, and secondlythat he would inform me of the intentions ofthe band. M. Farley agreed to be present; andas to the object of the visit, replied that it wasconsistent with uniform custom that a strangeron his arrival should be waited upon and welcomedby the chiefs of the nation, who on theirpart always gave a small present, and always expecteda large one; but as to the rest, declaredhimself unable to answer for the particular

views of the Chipewa on this occasion, Ibeing an Englishman, and the Indians havingmade no treaty with the English. He thoughtthat there might be danger, the Indians havingprotested that they would not suffer anEnglishman to remain in their part of thecountry. This information was far from agreeable;but there was no resource, except infortitude and patience.At two o'clock in the afternoon the Chippewacame to my house, about sixty in number,and headed by Minavavana, their chief.They walked in single file, each with his tomahawkin one hand and scalping knife in theother. Their bodies were naked from the waistupward, except in a few examples whereblankets were thrown loosely over the shoulders.Their faces were painted with charcoal,worked up with grease; their bodies withwhite clay in patterns of various fancies.Some had feathers thrust through their noses,and their heads decorated with the same. Itis unnecessary to dwell on the sensations withwhich I beheld the approach of this uncouth,if not frightful assemblage.The chief entered first, and the rest followedwithout noise. On receiving a sign from theformer, the latter seated themselves on the floor.Minavavana 33 appeared to be about fiftyyears of age. He was six feet in height, and33This chief, who figures so prominently in Henry'sstory, has commonly been identified by historians as42

had in his countenance an indescribable mixtureof good and evil. Looking steadfastlyme atwhere I sat in ceremony, with an interpreteron either hand, and several Canadians behindme, he entered at the same time into conversationwith Campion, inquiring how long it wassince I left Montreal, and observing that theEnglish, as it would seem, were brave men andnot afraid of death, since they dared to comeas I had done fearlessly among their enemies.The Indians now gravely smoked theirpipes, while I inwardly endured the tortures ofsuspense. At length the pipes being finished, aswell as the long pause by which they weresucceeded, Minavavana, taking a few stringsof wampum in his hand, began the followingspeech:"Englishman, it is to you that I speak, andI demand your attention!"Englishman, you know that the French kingis our father. He promised to be such; and wein return promised to be his children. Thispromise we have kept."Englishman, it is you that have made warwith this our father. You are his enemy; andhow then could you have the boldness toventure among us, his children? You knowthat his enemies are ours."Englishman, we are informed that our father,the King of France, is old and infirm; and thatthe Grand Sauteur, an encounter with whom in 1767is described by Jonathan Carver. Editor.43

eing fatigued with making war upon yournation, he is fallen asleep. During his sleepyou have taken advantage of him and possessedyourselves of Canada. But his nap is almost atan end. I think I hear him already stirringand inquiring for his children, the Indians; andwhen he does awake, what must become of you?He will destroy you utterly!"Englishman, although you have conqueredt}ie French, you have not yet conqueredWe us!are not your slaves. These lakes, thesewoods and mountains were left to us by ourancestors. They are our inheritance; and wewill part with them to none. Your nationsupposes that we, like the white people, cannotlive without bread and pork and beef! Butyou ought to know that He, the Great Spiritand Master of Life, has provided food for usin these spacious lakes and on these woodymountains."Englishman, our father, the King of France,employed our young men to make war uponyour nation. In this warfare many of themhave been killed, and it is our custom to retaliateuntil such time as the spirits of the slainare satisfied. But the spirits of the slain areto be satisfied in either of two ways; the firstisby the spilling of the blood of the nation bywhich they fell; the other by covering thebodies of the dead, and thus allaying the resentmentof their relations. This is done by makingpresents.44

anti"Englishman, your king has never sent us anypresents, nor entered into any treaty with us,wherefore he and we are still at war; and untilhe does these things we must consider thatwe have no other father, nor friend among thewhite men than the King of France; but foryou we have taken into consideration that youhave ventured your life among us in the expectationthat we should not molest you. Youdo not come armed with an intention to makewar; you come in peace to trade with us andsupply us with necessaries of which we are inmuch want. We shall regard you, therefore, asa brother; and you may sleep tranquilly,without fear of the Chipewa. As a tokenof our friendship we present you with this pipeto smoke. "As Minavavana uttered these words anIndian presented me with a pipe, which, afterI had drawn the smoke three times, was carriedto the chief, and after him to every person inthe room. This ceremony ended, the chiefarose and gave me his hand in which he wasfollowed byall the rest.Being again seated, Minavavana requestedthat his young men might be allowed to tastewhat he called my English milk (meaningrum) observing that it was long since theyhad tasted any, and that they were very desirousto know whether or not there were anydifference between the English milk and theFrench.45

&lejcanfcerMy adventure on leaving Fort WilliamAugustus had left an impression on my mindwhich made me tremble when Indians askedfor rum; and I would therefore willingly haveexcused myself in this particular; but beinginformed that it was customary to complywith the request, and withal satisfied with thefriendly declarations which I had received, Ipromised to give them a small cask at parting.After this, by the aid of my interpreter Imade a reply to the speech of Minavavana,declaring that it was the good character whichI had heard of the Indians that had aloneemboldened me to come among them; that theirlate father, the King of France, had surrenderedCanada to the King of England, whom theyought now to regard as their father, and whowould be as careful of them as the other hadbeen; that I had come to furnish them withnecessaries, and that their good treatment ofme would be an encouragement to others.They appeared satisfied with what I said,repeating eh! (an expression of approbation)after hearing each particular. I had prepareda present which I now gave them with the utmostgood will . At their departure I distributeda small quantity of rum.Relieved as I now imagined myself from alloccasion of anxiety as to the treatment whichI was to experience from the Indians, I assortedmy goods, and hired Canadian interpretersand clerks, in whose care I was to send46

Cratoelg attfcthem into Lake Michigan and the RiverSt. Pierre, in the country of the Nadowessies; 34into Lake Superior among the Chipewa, andto the Grand Portage for the Northwest.Everything was ready for their departurewhen new dangers sprung up and threatenedto overwhelm me.At the entrance of Lake Michigan and atabout twenty miles to the west of Fort Michilimackinacis the village of L'Arbre Croche,inhabited by a band of Ottawa boasting of twohundred and fifty fighting men. L'ArbreCroche is the seat of the Jesuit mission of St.Ignace de Michilimackinac, and the people arepartly baptized, and partly not. 35 The rnissionaryresides on a farm attached to themission and situated between the village andthe fort, both of which are under his care.The Ottawa of L'Arbre Croche, who whencompared with the Chipewa appear to be amuch advanced in civilization, grow maizefor the market of Michilimackinac, where this34The "Nadowessies" are the Dakota or SiouxIndians. The "St. Pierre" is the modern MinnesotaRiver, which empties into the Mississippi between St.Paul and Minneapolis. Editor.35 L'Arbre Croche, on the north shore of Little TraverseBay near modern Harbor Springs, was founded asa mission village in 1742, and has ever since remaineda center for Catholic mission Indians. It is more nearlysouth than west of old Mackinaw, and the distance bywater is about forty miles. Editor.47

commodity is depended upon for provisioningthe canoes.The new dangers which presented themselvescame from this village of Ottawa. Everythingas I have said was in readiness for the departureof my goods when accounts arrived ofits approach; and shortly after, two hundredwarriors entered the fort and billeted themselvesin the several houses among the Canadianinhabitants. The next morning theyassembled in the house which was built for thecommandant, or governor, and ordered theattendance of myself and of two other merchantsstill later from Montreal, namelyMessrs. Stanley Goddard and Ezekiel Solomons.36After our entering the council room andtaking our seats one of the chiefs commencedan address:"Englishmen," he said, "we, the Ottawaswere some time since informed of your arrival36These men were, with Henry, among the earliestBritish traders to reach the upper country. JamesStanley Goddard accompanied Lieutenant Gorrell toGreen Bay, being driven from here by the uprising of1763. Upon the restoration of British authority he returnedto the Northwest, where he was for many yearsa prominent merchant. About the year 1 777 he becamegovernment storekeeper at Montreal, and this positionhe continued to hold as late as 1795. Ezekiel Solomon,like Goddard, was driven out of the upper country in1763 but later he returned, and in 1778 we find himpreparing a trading outfit to winter on the north shoreof Lake Superior. Editor.48

atifcin this country, and of your having broughtwith you the goods of which we have need. Atthis news we were greatly pleased, believingthat through your assistance our wives andchildren would be enabled to pass anotherwinter; but what was our surprise, when a fewdays ago we were again informed that thegoods which as we had expected were intendedfor us were on the eve of departure for distantcountries, of which some are inhabited by ourenemies! These accounts being spread, ourwives and children came to us crying anddesiring that we should go to the fort to learnwith our own ears their truth or falsehood.We accordingly embarked almost naked asyou see; and on our arrival here we haveinquired into the accounts and found themtrue. We see your canoes ready to depart andfind your men engaged for the Mississippiand other distant regions."Under thesecircumstances we have consideredthe affair; and you are now sent forthat you may hear our determination, whichis that you shall give to each of our men, youngand old, merchandise and ammunition to theamount of fifty beaver skins on credit, and forwhich I have no doubt of their paying youin the summer, on their return from theirwintering. "A compliance with this demand would havestripped me and myfellow merchants of all ourmerchandise; and what rendered the affair still49

more serious, we even learned that theseOttawa were accustomed never to pay forwhat they received on credit. In reply, therefore,to the speech which we had heard, werequested that the demand contained in itmight be diminished; but we were answeredthat the Ottawa had nothing further to sayexcept that they would allow till the next dayfor reflection; after which, if compliance wasnot given, they would make no further application,but take into their own hands the prop,erty which they already regarded as their ownashaving been brought into their country beforethe conclusion of any peace between themselvesand the English.We now returned to consider of our situation;and in the evening Farley, the interpreter,paid us a visit, and assured us that it was theintention of the Ottawa to put us that nightto death. He advised us, as our only means ofsafety, to comply with the demands which hadbeen made; but we suspected our informant ofa disposition to prey upon our fears with a viewto induce us to abandon the Indian trade, andresolved however this might be, rather tostand on the defensive than submit. Wetrusted to the house in which I lived as a fort,and armed ourselves and about thirty of ourmen with muskets. Whether or not the Otta-had anwa ever intended violence we neveropportunity of knowing; but the night passedquietly.5

atoelganfcEarly the next morning a second council washeld, and the merchants were again summonedto attend. Believing that every hope of resistancewould be lost, should we commit ourpersons into the hands of our enemies, we sentonly a refusal. There was none without inwhom we had any confidence, except Campion.From him we learned from time to time whateverwas rumored among the Canadian inhabitantsas to the designs of the Ottawa; andfrom him toward sunset we received the gratifyingintelligence that a detachment of Britishsoldiery, sent to garrison Michilimackinac, wasdistant only five miles and would enter thefort early the next morning.Near at hand, however, as relief was reportedto be, our anxiety could not but be great; fora long night was to be passed, and our fatemight be decided before the morning. Toincrease our apprehensions, about midnight wewere informed that the Ottawa were holdinga council, at which no white man was permittedto be present, Farley alone excepted;and him we suspected, and afterward positivelyknew, to be our greatest enemy. We, on ourpart, remained all night upon the alert; butat daybreak to our surprise and joy we saw theOttawa preparing to depart. By sunrise nota man of them was left in the fort; and indeedthe scene was altogether changed. The inhabitants,who, while the Ottawa were present,had avoided all connection with the English51

traders, now came with congratulations. Theyrelated that the Ottawa had proposed tothem that if joined by the Canadians theywould march and attack the troops which wereknown to be advancing on the fort; and theyadded that it was their refusal which haddetermined the Ottawa to depart.At noon three hundred troops of the SixtiethRegiment, under the command of LieutenantLesslie, marched into the fort; and this arrivaldissipated all our fears from whatever sourcederived. 37 After a few days detachments werewhich is thesent into the Bay des Puants 38 byroute to the Mississippi and at the mouth of37The last French commander of Mackinac Beaujeaude Villemonde, brother of him who fell gloriouslywhile leading his men against Braddock's doomed armyin 1755 - abandoned the post in the autumn of 1760,and retired by way of Wisconsin to the Illinois country.Not until September 28, 1761, did a British detachmentarrive to -take possession of Mackinac. The leader ofthe English force was Captain Henry Balfour of theEightieth Regiment, better known, perhaps, as Gage'sLight Infantry. With Balfour, however, was LieutenantWilliam Leslie of the Sixtieth Regiment theRoyal Americans who was left at Mackinac with agarrison of twenty-eight men, while Balfour with theremainder of his force went on to take possession of theremaining French posts in the Upper Country. Thefollowing year Leslie asked to be "relieved from thisdisagreeable station," but instead the post was reinforcedby Captain George Etherington, Leslie remainingas second in command. Editor.38Modern Green Bay: the post was on the site of themodern city of that name. Editor.52

Cratoelg anti&&toetttitrethe St. Joseph 39 which leads to the Illinois.The Indians from all quarters came to paytheir respects to the commandant; and themerchants dispatched their canoes, thoughit was now the middle of September, andtherefore somewhat late in the season.39 Fort St. Joseph stood in the outskirts of modernNiles, Michigan, some thirty miles inland from themouth of the river. The old fort site is now covered bywater, due to the building in recent years of a damacross the river at Niles for purposes of power development.Editor.53

5THE WINTER AT MACKINACTHE village of L'Arbre Croche supplies, asI have said, the maize, or Indian corn,with which the canoes are victualled. Thisspecies of grain is prepared for use by boilingit in a strong lye, after which the husk may beeasily removed; and it is next mashed anddried. In this state it is soft and friable likerice. The allowance for each man on thevoyage is a quart a day; and a bushel with twopounds of prepared fat is reckoned to be amonth's subsistence. No other allowance ismade of any kind, not even of salt; and breadis never thought of. The men, nevertheless,are healthy and capable of performing theirheavy labor. This mode of victualling isessential to the trade, which being pursued atgreat distances, and in vessels so small ascanoes, will not admit of the use of other food.If the men were to be supplied with breadand pork the canoes could not carry a sufficiencyfor six months; and the ordinaryduration of the voyageis not less than fourteen.The difficulty which would belong to anattempt to reconcile any other men than Canadiansto this fare seems to secure to them andtheir employers the monopoly of the fur trade.54

anfcThe sociable disposition of the commandantenabled us to pass the winter at Michilimackinacin a manner as agreeable as circumstanceswould permit. The amusementsconsisted chiefly in shooting, hunting, andfishing. The neighboring woods abounded inpartridges 40 and hares, the latter of whichis white in winter; and the lake is filled withfish, of which the most celebrated are trout,whitefish, and sturgeon.Trout are taken by making holes in the icein which are set lines and baits. These areoften left for many days together, and in someplaces at the depth of fifty fathoms; for thetrout having swallowed the bait, remains fastand alive till taken up. This fish, which isfound of the weight of from ten to sixty poundsand upward, constitutes the principal foodof the inhabitants. When this fails they haverecourse to maize, but this is very expensive.I bought more than a hundred bushels at fortylivres per bushel. Money is rarely receivedor paid at Michilimackinac, the circulatingmedium consisting in furs and peltries. Inthis exchange a pound of beaver skin isreckoned at sixty sols, an otter skin at sixlivres, and marten skins at thirty sols each. 4140In North America there is no partridge; but thename is given to more than one species of grouse. Thebirds here intended are red grouse. Author.41After the English conquest of Canada the value ofthe livre was fixed at one shilling Canadian currency.55

This is only one-half of the real value of thefurs; and it is therefore always agreed to payeither in furs at their actual price at the fort,or in cash to double the amount, as reckonedin furs.At the same time that I paid the price whichI have mentioned for maize I paid at the rateof a dollar per pound for the tallow, or preparedfat to mix with it. The meat itself wasat the same price. The Jesuit missionarykilled an ox which he sold by the quarter,taking the weight of the meat in beaver skin.Beaver skin as just intimated, was worth adollar per pound.These high prices of grain and beef led meto be very industrious in fishing. I usually settwenty lines and visited them daily, andoften found at every visit fish enough to feeda hundred men. Whitefish, which exceedthe trout as a delicious and nutritive food, arehere in astonishing numbers. In shape theysomewhat resemble the shad, but their flavorisperhaps above all comparison whatever.Those who live on them for months togetherpreserve their relish to the end. This cannotbe said of the trout.The whitefish is taken in nets which are setunder the ice. To do this several holes aremade in the ice, each at such distance fromthat behind it as that it may be reached underTwenty-five sols were equal to one shilling one pennysterling. Editor.S6

antithe ice by the end of a pole. A line of sixtyfathoms in length is thus conveyed from holeto hole till it is extended to the length desired.This done, the pole is taken out, and with itone end of the line, to which the end is thenfastened. The line being now drawn back byan assistant who holds the opposite extremity,the net isbrought under and a large stone ismade fast to the sinking line at each end andlet down to the bottom; and the net is spreadin the water by lighters on its upper edge,sinkers on its lower, in the usual manner. Thefish, running against the net, entangle theirgills in the meshes and are thus detained tilltaken up. Whitefish is used as a bait for trout.They are much smaller than the trout, butusually weigh, at Michilimackinac, from threeto seven pounds.During the whole winter very few Indiansvisited the fort; but two families, one of whichwas that of a chief, had their lodges on a riverfive leagues below us, and occasionally broughtbeaver flesh for sale.The chief was warmly attached to the English.He had been taken prisoner by SirWilliam Johnson at the siege of Fort Niagara,and had received from that intelligent officerhis liberty, the medal usually presented to achief, and the British flag. Won by theseunexpected acts of kindness, he had returned toMichilimackinac full of praises of the English,and hoisting his flag over his lodge. This57

latter demonstration of his partiality hadnearly cost him his life; his lodge was brokendown and his flag torn to pieces. The pieceshe carefully gathered up and preserved withpious care; and whenever he came to the forthe drew them forth and exhibited them.Onthese occasions it grew into a custom to givehim as much liquor as he said was necessaryto make him cry over the misfortune of losinghis flag. The commandant would have givenhmi another, but he thought that he could notaccept it without danger.The greatest depth of snow throughout theseason was three feet. On the second day ofApril 'the ice on the lake broke up and thenavigation was resumed; and we immediatelybegan to receive from the Indians around uslarge supplies of wild fowl.

A VISIT TO SAULT STE. MARIEdesirous of visiting the Sault deSte. Marie I left Michilimackinac on theBEINGfifteenth of May in a canoe. The Saultde Ste. Marie is distant from Michilimackinacthirty leagues and lies in the strait whichseparates Lake Huron from Lake Superior.Having passed Le Detour, a point of land atthe entrance of the strait, our course lay amongnumerous islands, some of which are twentymiles in length. We ascended the rapid ofMiscoutinsaki, a spot well adapted for millseats, and above which is the mouth of theriver of the same name. The lands on the southshore of this river are excellent. The lake isbordered by meadows, and at a short distanceback are groves of sugar maple. From thisriver to the Sault de Ste. Marie is one continuedmeadow.On the nineteenth I reached the Sault. Herewas a stockaded fort in which under the Frenchgovernment there was kept a small garrison,commanded by an officer who was called thegovernor, but was in fact a clerk who managedthe Indian trade here on government account.The houses were four in number, of whichthe first was the governor's, the second the59

glleranttrrinterpreter's, and the other two, which werethe smallest, had been used for barracks. Theonly family was that of M. Cadotte, the interpreter,42 whose wife was a Chipewa.The fort is seated on a beautiful plain ofabout two miles in circumference, and coveredwith luxuriant grass; and within sight arethe rapids in the strait, distant half a mile.The width of the strait, or river, is abouthalf a mile. The portage, or carrying-place,commences at the fort. The banks are rocky,and allow only a narrow footpath over them.Canoes, half loaded, ascend on the south sideand the other half of the load is carried onmen's shoulders.These rapids are beset with rocks of the mostdangerous description; and yet they are thescene of a fishery in which all their dangers arebraved and mastered with singular expertness.They are full of whitefish much larger and moreexcellent than those of Michilimackinac, and42This was Jean Baptiste Cadotte, Sr., who came intothe Northwest toward the middle of the eighteenthcentury. In accordance with the custom of his time helived with a Chippewa woman, and in 1756 the couplewere legally married by the Jesuit father at Mackinac.Cadotte made Sault Ste. Marie his headquarters, andfrom here pursued the Indian trade in the Lake Superiorregion until in 1796, induced by the advance ofold age, he made over his property to his two sons, JeanBaptiste and Michel. Both of these men married Chippewawomen, and both became prominent in the tradingannals of the Northwest. The elder Cadotte diedin 1803. Editor.60

Cratoelg anbwhich are found here during the greater partof" the season, weighing in general from sixpounds to fifteen.The method of taking them is this: eachcanoe carries two men, one of whom steerswith a paddle, and the other isprovided with apole ten feet in length, and at the end of whichis affixed a scoop-net. The steersman sets thecanoe from the eddy of one rock to that ofanother; while the fisherman in the prow, whosees through the pellucid element the preyof which he is in pursuit, dips his net andsometimes brings up at every succeeding dipas many as it can contain. The fish are oftencrowded together in the water in great numbers,and a skilful fisherman in autumn will takefive hundred in two hours.This fishery is of great moment to the surroundingIndians, whom it supplies with alarge proportion of their winter's provision;for having taken the fish in the manner described,they cure them by drying in the smoke,and lay them up in large quantities.There is at present a village of Chipewa offifty warriors seated at this place; but the inhabitantsreside here during the summer only,going westward in the winter to hunt. Thevillage was anciently much more populous.At the south are also seen a few of the wanderingO'pimittish Ininiwac, literally Men ofotherwise called Wood Indians andthe Woods,Gens de Terresa peaceable and inoffensive61

ace, but less conversant with some of the artsof first necessity than any of their neighbors.They have no villages, and their lodges areso rudely fashioned as to afford them butvery inadequate protection against inclementskies. The greater part of their year is spentin traveling from place to place in search offood. The animal on which they chiefly dependis the hare. This they take in springes. Ofthe skin they make coverings with much ingenuity,cutting it into narrow strips, and weavingthese into a cloth of the shape of a blanket, andof a quality very warm and agreeable.The pleasant situation of the fort, and stillmore the desire of learning the Chipewalanguage, led me to resolve on wintering in it.In the family of M. Cadotte no other languagethan the Chipewa was spoken.During the summer the weather was sometimesexceedingly hot. Mosquitoes and blackflies were so numerous as to be a heavy counterpoiseto the pleasure of hunting. Pigeons werein great plenty; the stream supplied our drink;and sickness was unknown.In the course of the season a small detachmentof troops under the command of LieutenantJemette tt arrived to garrison the fort.43This was Ensign John Jamet of the Sixtieth Regiment,who came to Mackinac with Captain Etheringtonin the autumn of 1760. He was the first victim ofthe massacre when Mackinac was taken by the Chippewain June, 1763. Editor.62

DESTRUCTION OF THE FORT AND RETURN TOMACKINACIN the beginning of October the fish as isusual was in great abundance at the Sault;and by the fifteenth day of the month I hadmyself taken upward of five hundred. TheseI caused to be dried in the customary mannerby suspending them in pairs, head downward,on long poles laid horizontally for that purposeand supported by two stakes driveninto the ground at either end. The fishare frozen the first night after they aretaken; and by the aid of the severe cold ofthe winter they are thus preserved in a stateperfectly fit for use even till the month ofApril.Others were not less successful than myself;and several canoe-loads of fish were exportedto Michilimackinac, our commanding officerbeing unable to believe that his troops wouldhave need to live on fish during the winter;when, as he flattered himself, a regular supplyof venison and other food would reach thegarrison through the means of the Indians,whose services he proposed to purchase out ofthe large funds of liquor which were subjectto his orders.63

But all these calculations were defeated bythe arrival of a very serious misfortune.Atone o'clock in the morning of the twentysecondday of December I was awakened by**an alarm of fire, which was actually ragingin the houses of the commandant and others.On arriving at the commandant 's I found thatthis officer was still within side; and beingacquainted with the window of the room inwhich he slept I procuredit to be broken in intime for his escape. I was also so fortunate asto save a small quantity of gunpowder only afew moments before the fire reached all theremainder. A part of the stockade, all thehouses, M. Cadotte's alone excepted, all theprovisions of the troops, and a considerablepart of our fish were burnt.On consultation the next day it was agreedthat the only means which remained at thislate period of the season to preserve the garrisonfrom famine was that of sending it back toMichilimackinac. This was itself an undertakingof some peril; for, had the ice preventedtheir reaching the place of destination, starvingwould have become as inevitable elsewhereas it threatened to be at the Sault de Ste.Marie. The soldiers embarked and happilyreached Michilimackinac on the thirty-firstday of the month. On the very next morningnavigation was wholly closed."The fort was destroyed December 10, 1762.Editor.64

anfcThe commandant and all the rest now livedin one small house, subsisting only by huntingand fishing. The woods afforded us somehares and partridges, and we took large troutwith the spear. In order to spear trout underthe ice, holes being first cut of two yards incircumference, cabins of about two feet inheight are built over them of small branches oftrees; and these are further covered with skinsso as wholly to exclude the light. The designand result of this contrivance is to render itpracticable to discern objects in the water at avery considerable depth; for the reflection oflight from the water gives that element anopaque appearance and hides all objects fromthe eye at a small distance beneath its surface.A spear head of iron is fastened on a pole ofabout ten feet in length. This instrument islowered into the water; and the fisherman, lyingupon his belly, with his head under the cabinor cover, and therefore over the hole, lets downthe figure of a fish in wood and filled with lead.Round the middle of the fish is tied a smallpackthread; and when at the depth of tenfathoms where it is intended to be employed,itis made, by drawing the string and by thesimultaneous pressure of the water, to moveforward after the manner of a real fish. Troutand other large fish, deceived by its resemblance,spring toward it to seize it; but by a dexterousjerk of the string it is instantly takenout of their reach. The decoy is now drawn6s

&iejcantiernearer to the surface, and the fish takes sometime to renew the attack, during which thespear is raised and held conveniently for striking.On the return of* the fish the spear isplunged into its back; and, the spear being,barbed, it is easily drawn out of the water.So completely do the rays of the light pervadethe element that in three fathoms of water I haveoften seen the shadows of the fish on the bottom,following them as they moved; and thiswhen the ice itself was two feet in thickness.By these pursuits and others of a similarkind we supported ourselves for two months,that is until the twentieth of February, whenwe imagined the lake to be frozen and Michilimackinactherefore accessible; and the commandantwishing to go to that fort, M. Cadotte,myself, two Canadians, and two Indians,agreed to accompany him. The Canadiansand Indians were loaded with some parchedmaize, some fish, a few pieces of scorched pork,which had been saved from the fire, and afew loaves of bread made of flour which wasalso partlyWe burnt.walked on snowshoes, a mode of travelingsufficiently fatiguing to myself, but ofwhich the commandant had had no previousexperience whatever. In consequence ourprogress was slow, wearisome, and disastrous.On the seventh day of our march we had onlyreached Point du Detour which lies half waybetween the Sault and Michilimackinac; and66

Cratoelg anb 2tiitocnturchere to our mortification and dismay we foundthe lake stillopen and the ice drifting. Ourprovisions, too, on examination, were found tobe nearly expended; and nothing remained forus to do but to send back the Canadians andIndians, whose motions would be swift, for anadditional supply.In their absence the commandant, M. Cadotte,and myself, three persons in number,were left with about two pounds of pork andthree of bread for our subsistence during thethree days and perhaps four, which they wouldrequire for a journey of ninety miles. Beingappointed to act the part of commissary, Idivided the provisions into four parts, one foreach day; and to our great happiness at teno'clock on the fourth day our faithful servantsreturned. Early in the morning of the fifth weleft our encampment and proceeded. Theweather this day was exceedingly cold.We had only advanced two leagues when thecommandant found it almost wholly impossibleto go further, his feet being blistered bythe cords of the snowshoes. On this accountwe made short marches for three days; andthis loss of time threatened us anew withfamine. We were now too far from the Sault tosend back for a supply; and it was thereforedetermined that myself, accompanied by *oneof the Canadians, should go as speedily aspossible to Michilimackinac, and there informthe commanding officer of the situation of67

Jjjettrpthose behind. Accordingly the next morningat break of day I left my fellow sufferers, and atthree o'clock in the afternoon had the pleasureof entering the fort, whence a party was sentthe next morning with provisions. This -partyreturned on the third day, bringing with itLieutenant Jemette and the rest, in safety.Major Etherington, of the Sixtieth Regiment,who had arrived in the preceding autumn, nowcommanded at the fort.I remained at Michilimackinac until thetenth of March, on which day I set out on myreturn to the Sault, taking the route of theBay of Boutchitaouy 45 which the ice had nowrendered practicable. From the bottom of thebay the course lies in a direct line through thewoods, a journey I performed in two days,though I was now troubled with a disorder,called the snowshoe evil, proceeding from anunusual strain on the tendons of the leg,occasioned by the weight of the snowshoe andwhich brings on inflammation. The remedy prescribedin the country is that of laying a pieceof lighted touchwood on the part and leaving itthere till the flesh is burnt to the nerve; butthis experiment, though I had frequently seenit attended with success in others, I did notthink proper to make upon myself.45Modern St. Martin Bay, which indents the UpperPeninsula of Michigan due north of Mackinac Island.Editor.68

anfcThe lands between the Bay of Boutchitaouyand the Sault are generally swampy, exceptingso much of them as compose a ridge, ormountain, running east and west, and whichis rocky and covered with the rock or sugarmaple, or sugar wood.46 The season for makingmaple sugar was now at hand; and shortlyafter my arrival at the Sault I removed withthe other inhabitants to the place at which wewere to perform the manufacture.A certain part of the maple woods havingbeen chosen, and which was distant aboutthree miles from the fort, a house twenty feetlong and fourteen broad was begun in themorning, and before night made fit for thecomfortable reception of eight persons andtheir baggage. It was open at top, had a doorat each end, and a fireplace in the middle runningthe whole length.The next day was employed in gatheringthe bark of white birch trees with which tomake vessels to catch the wine or sap. Thetrees were now cut or tapped, and spouts orducts introduced into the wound. The barkvessels were placed under the ducts; and asthey filled, the liquor was taken out in bucketsand conveyed into reservoirs or vats of mooseskin, each vat containing a hundred gallons.From these we supplied the boilers, of whichwe had twelve of from twelve to twenty gallonseach, with fires constantly under them46Acer saccharinum. Author.

day and night. While the women collectedthe sap, boiled it, and completed the sugar, themen were not less busy in cutting wood, makingfires, and in hunting and fishing in part ofour supply of food.The earlier part of the spring isthat bestadapted to making maple sugar. The sapruns only in the day; and it will not run unlessthere has been a frost the night before.Whenin the morning there is a clear sun and the nighthas left ice of the thickness of a dollar thegreatest quantity is produced.On the twenty-fifth of April our labor ended,and we returned to the fort, carrying withus as we found by the scales, sixteen hundredweightof sugar. We had besides thirty-sixgallons of syrup; and during our stay in thewoods we certainly consumed three hundredweight.Though, as I have said, we huntedand fished, yet sugar was our principal foodduring the whole month of April. I haveknown Indians to live wholly upon the sameand become fat.On the day of our return to the fort therearrived an English gentleman, Sir Robert47D overs, on a voyage of curiosity. I accompaniedthis gentleman on his return to Michilimackinac,which we reached on the twentiethof May. My intention was to remain47 Sir Robert Davers of Suffolk, England, came toAmerica, apparently in the spring of 1761 on a tour ofobservation. He was at Detroit in the spring of 1762,70

ant*there till after my clerks should have come infrom the interior, and then to go back to theSault de Ste. Marie.In the beginning of May the geese andducks made their appearance, in their progressnorthward.whence he left for a tour of the' Upper Lakes. He wasagain at Detroit during the winter of 1762-63, and inMay of the latter year was slain, the first victim ofPontiac's uprising. His body was eaten by the Indians.It isapparent that Henry is in error as to the datehere given. Editor.

Chapter 8THE GATHERING STORMT "T THEN I reached Michilimackinac Iy yfound several other traders who hadarrived before me from different parts ofthe country, and who in general declared thedispositions of the Indians to be hostile to theEnglish, and even apprehended some attack.M. Laurent Ducharme 48 distinctly informedMajor Etherington that a plan was absolutelyconceived for destroying him, his garrison andall the English in the upper country; but thecommandant, believing this and other reportsto be without foundation, proceeding onlyfrom idle or ill-disposed persons, and ofa tendency to do mischief, expressed muchdispleasure against M. Ducharme, and threatenedto send the next person who shouldbring a story of the same kind a prisoner toDetroit.The garrison at this time consisted of ninetyprivates, two subalterns and the commandant;and the English merchants at the fort were48Laurent Ducharme was a resident of Mackinac atleast as early as 1758. At the time of the AmericanRevolution he seems to have been stationed at Milwaukee.A cousin, Jean Marie Ducharme, was a prominentfur trader in the Northwest in this period.Editor.72

Crafcelg and&Dtornturc$four in number. 49 Thus strong, few entertainedanxiety concerning the Indians, who had noweapons but small arms.Meanwhile the Indians from every quarterwere daily assembling in unusual numbers,but with every appearance of friendship,frequenting the fort, and disposing of theirpeltries in such a manner as to dissipatealmost every one's fears. For myself, on oneoccasion I took the liberty of observing toMajor Etherington that in my judgment noconfidence ought to be placed in them, andthat I was informed no less than four hundredlay around the fort.In return the Major only rallied me on mytimidity; and it is to be confessed that if thisofficer neglected admonition on his part, so didI on mine. Shortly after my first arrival atMichilimackinac in the preceding year aChipewa named Wawatam began to comein his demeanoroften to my house, betrayingstrong marks of personal regard. After thishad continued for some time he came on acertain day, bringing with him his whole49Here, as often, Henry's figures are erroneous. Insteadof ninety, the garrison numbered thirty-five.Francis Parkman suggests that Henry meant to include"all the inhabitants of the fort, both soldiers andCanadians" in his enumeration; but his languageplainly does not admit this interpretation. The fourmerchants were Solomon, Bostwick, Henry, and oneTracy. Of the latter, who was killed in the massacre,I have learned no more than Henry himself sets forth.Editor.73

family, and at the same time a large present,consisting of skins, sugar, and dried meat.Having laid these in a heap he commenced aspeech in which he informed me that someyears before he had observed a fast, devotinghimself according to the custom of his nationto solitude and to the mortification of his bodyin the hope to obtain from the Great Spiritprotection through all his days; that on thisoccasion he had dreamed of adopting anEnglishman as his son, brother, and friend;that from the moment in which he first beheldme, he had recognized me as the person whomthe Great Spirit had been pleased to point outto him for a brother; that he hoped thatI would not refuse his present, and that heshould forever regard me as one of his family.I could do no otherwise than accept thepresent and declare my willingness to have sogood a man as this appeared to be for myfriend and brother. I offered a present inreturn for that which I had received, whichWawatam accepted, and then thanking me forthe favor which he said that I had renderedhim, he left me and soon after set out on hiswinter's hunt.Twelve months had now elapsed since theoccurrence of this incident, and I had almostforgotten the person of my brother, when onthe second day of June, Wawatam came againto my house in a temper of mind visiblyHe told me thatmelancholy and thoughtful.74

antihe had just returned from his winteringground, and I asked after his health; butwithout answering my question he went on tosay that he was very sorry to find me returnedfrom the Sault ;that he had intended to go tothat place himself immediately after hisarrival at Michilimackinac; and that he wishedme to go there, along with him and his family,the next morning. To all this he joined aninquiry whether or not the commandant hadheard bad news, adding that during the winterhe had himself been frequently disturbed withthe noise of evil birds; and further suggestingthat there were numerous Indians near thefort, many of whom had never shown themselveswithin it. Wawatam was about forty-fiveyears of age, of an excellent character amonghis nation, and a chief.Referring much of what I heard to thepeculiarities of the Indian character, I did notpay all the attention which they will be foundto have deserved to the entreaties and remarks /of my visitor. I answered that I could notthink of going to the Sault so soon as the nextmorning, but would follow him there after thearrival of my clerks. Finding himself unableto prevail with me he withdrew for that day;but early the next morning he came again,bringing with him his wife and a present ofdried meat. At this interview, after statingthat he had several packs of beaver for whichhe intended to deal with me, he expressed75

a second time his apprehensions from thenumerous Indians who were round the fort,and earnestly pressed me to consent to an immediatedeparture for the Sault. As a reasonfor this particular request he assured me thatall the Indians proposed to come in a bodythat day to the fort to demand liquor of thecommandant, and that he wished me to begone before they should grow intoxicated.I had made, at the period to which I am nowreferring, so much progress in the language inwhich Wawatam addressed me as to be ableto hold an ordinary conversation in it; but theIndian manner of speech is so extravagantlyfigurative that it is only for a very perfectmaster to follow and comprehend it entirely.Had I been further advanced in this respectI think that I should have gathered so muchinformation from this my friendly monitor aswould have put me into possession of the designof the enemy, and enabled me to save aswell others as myself; as it was, it unfortunatelyhappened that I turned a deaf ear to everything,leaving Wawatam and his wife, afterlong and patient, but ineffectual efforts, todepart alone with dejected countenances, andnot before they had each let fall some tears.In the course of the same day I observedthat the Indians came in great numbers intothe fort, purchasing tomahawks (small axes ofone pound weight) and frequently desiring tosee silver arm bands and other valuable orna-76

antiments, of which I had a large quantity forsale. These ornaments, however, they in noinstance purchased; but after turning themover, left them, saying that they would callagain the next day. Their motive, as it afterwardappeared, was no other than the veryartful one of discovering, by requesting to seethem, the particular places of their depositso that they might lay their hands on them inthe moment of pillage with the greater certaintyand dispatch.At night I turned in my mind the visitsof Wawatam; but though they were calculatedto excite uneasiness nothing induced me to believethat serious mischief was at hand. Thenext day being the fourth of June was theKing's birthday. 5060Contemporary documents show that the massacreoccurred on June 2 instead of June 4. See letters ofCaptain Etherington in Wis. Hist. Colls., VII, 162-63,and XVIII, 253-54. Editor.77

A BALL GAME AND A MASSACRETHE morning was sultry. A Chipewacame to tell me that his nation was goingto play at baggatiway with the Sacs orSaakies, another Indian nation, for a high wager.He invited me to witness the sport, adding thatthe commandant was to be there, and wouldbet on the side of the Chipewa. In consequenceof this information I went to the commandantand expostulated with him a little,representing that the Indians might possiblyhave some sinister end in view; but the commandantonly smiled at my suspicions.Baggatiway, called by the Canadians le jeude la crosse, isplayed with a bat and ball. Thebat is about four feet in length, curved, andterminating in a sort of racket. Two posts areplanted in the ground at a considerable distancefrom each other, as a mile or more. Each partyhas its post, and the game consists in throwingthe ball up to the post of the adversary. Theball, at the beginning, is placed in the middleof the course and each party endeavors aswell to throw the ball out of the direction ofits own post as into that of the adversary's.I did not go myself to see the match whichwas now to be played without the fort, because78

anfcthere being a canoe prepared to depart on thefollowing day for Montreal I employed myselfin writing letters to my friends; and even whena fellow trader, Mr. Tracy, happened to callupon me, saying that anotner canoe had justarrived from Detroit, and proposing that Ishould go with him to the beach to inquire thenews, it so happened that I still remained tofinish my letters, promising to follow Mr. Tracyin the course of a few minutes. Mr. Tracyhad not gone more than twenty paces from mydoor when I heard an Indian war cry and anoise of general confusion.Going instantly to my window I saw a crowdof Indians within the fort furiously cuttingdown and scalping every Englishman theyfound. In particular I witnessed the fate ofLieutenant Jemette.I had in the room in which I was a fowlingpiece, loaded with swan-shot. This I immediatelyseized and held it for a few minutes,waiting to hear the drum beat to arms. In thisdreadful interval I saw several of my countrymenfall, and more than one struggling betweenthe knees of an Indian, who, holdinghim in -this manner, scalped him while yetliving.At length, disappointed in the hope of seeingresistance made to the enemy, and sensible, ofcourse, that no effort of my own unassistedarm could avail against four hundred Indians,I thought only of seeking shelter. Amid the79

SUejeanfcerslaughter which was raging I observed manyof the Canadian inhabitants of the fort calmlylooking on, neither opposing the Indians, norsuffering injury; and from this circumstance Iconceived a hope of finding security in theirhouses.Between the yard door of my own house andthat of M. Langlade, my next neighbor, 5151This was Charles Langlade, one of the most remarkablemen in the history of the Northwest. Bornat Mackinac in 1729 of a French father and a nativemother, he was bred to war from childhood, and is saidto have participated in ninety-nine battles and skirmishes.In 1752 Langlade led a band of northwesternIndians in the descent upon the English at Pickawillanyand there struck what was virtually the first blow inthe Seven Years' War. Three years later he led hisnorthern tribesmen to the overthrow of General Braddock'sarmy, and there is strong reason for thinkingthat it was Langlade who planned this affair. At thesiege of Quebec in 1759, his quick eye caught the Englisharmy in a position where an attack would haveproved fatal to it, and he begged his French superiorsfor the men necessary to make it. But Langlade was amilitiaman and a halfbreed, and the regular officersgave no heed to his appeal; the opportunity passedunutilized; Wolfe took the city, and New France becamea memory. When Montreal surrendered to GeneralAmherst in September; 1760, Beaujeau, at Mackinac,departed for the Illinois in advance of the comingof the English troops, leaving Langlade in charge, withsuch authority as he might be able to wield, and he itwas who turned the place over to Captain Balfour ayear later. He seems loyally to have accepted the consequencesof French defeat, and for the remainder ofhis active career was a partisan of Great Britain. Afterthe massacre of 1763, Captain Etherington authorized80

antithere was only a low fence, over which I easilyclimbed. At my entrance I found the wholefamily at the windows, gazing at the scene ofblood before them. I addressed myself immediatelyto M. Langlade, begging that hewould put me into some place of safety untilthe heat of the affair should be over; an actof charity by which he might perhaps preserveme from the general massacre; but whileI uttered my petition M. Langlade, who hadlooked for a moment at me, turned again tothe window, shrugging his shoulders and intimatingthat he could do nothing for me:"Que voudriez-vous que j'en ferais?"This was a moment for despair; but the nexta Pani woman, 52 a slave of M. Langlade's,beckoned me to follow her. She brought meto a door which she opened, desiring me toenter, and telling me that it led to the garret,Langlade to assume charge of affairs at Mackinac.Soon after the Pontiac War he moved to Green Bay,where he lived until his death in the year 1800. In theRevolution he was a staunch upholder of British interests,leading his red followers repeatedly against theAmericans. Editor.62The Panics are an Indian nation of the south.Author.This is quite true, but the term pani as here usedmeant simply an Indian slave, without regard to histribal origin. It is a curious fact that as in Europe theword slave, originally a national name, was degraded toits present significance of bondman, so among the redmen of North America the name of an Indian tribecame to have a like significance. Editor.81

where I must go and conceal myself. I joyfullyobeyed her directions; and she, havingfollowed me up to the garret door, locked itafter me and with great presence of mindtook away the key.This shelter obtained, if shelter I could hopeto find it, I was naturally anxious to knowwhat mightstill be passing without. Throughan aperture which afforded me a view of thearea of the fort I beheld, in shapes the foulestand most terrible, the ferocious triumphs ofbarbarian conquerors. The dead were scalpedand mangled; the dying were writhing andshrieking under the unsatiated knife andtomahawk; and from the bodies of some, rippedopen, their butchers were drinking the blood,scooped up in the hollow of joined hands andquaffed amid shouts of rage and victory. I wasshaken not only with horror, but with fear.The sufferings which I witnessed I seemedon the point of experiencing. No long timeelapsed before every one being destroyed whocould be found, there was a general cry of" " All is finished! At the same instant I heardsome of the Indians enter the house in whichI was.The garret was separated from the roombelow only by a layer of single boards, at oncethe flooring of the one and the ceiling of theother. I could therefore hear everything thatpassed; and the Indians no sooner came in thanthey inquired whether or not any Englishman82

anfcwere in the house. M. Langlade replied thathe could not say he did not know of anyanswers in which he did not exceed the truth,for the Pani woman had not only hidden mesecret and her own.by stealth, but kept myM. Langlade was therefore, as I presume, as farfrom a wish to destroy me as he was carelessabout saving me, when he added to theseanswers that they might examine for themselves,and would soon be satisfied as to theobject of their question. Saying this, hebrought them to the garret door.5363 It seems apparent that Henry was in no positionto estimate properly the motives which actuated theconduct of Langlade. He possessed great influence overthese tribesmen, whom he had often led to war againstthe English; although he had made his peace with thelatter, his red followers had not done so, as Henry'sown account sufficiently shows. Even today in civilizedAmerica a frenzied mob intent on shedding blood willfrequently ignore the appeals for peace and mercy madeto it by a sheriff or other constituted authority. InIndian warfare mercy to the conquered was a thing unthoughtof. Thus Samuel Hearne, pleading with hisIndian friends to spare the life of an Eskimo girl, wasanswered with ridicule and contempt. John Kinziepossessed influence enough with the Indians to pass unscathed,with all his family, through the Fort Dearbornmassacre, but he had no influence to save the womenand children, his neighbors, who were slaughtered inhis presence. Captain Etherington testifies that Langladewas "very instrumental" in saving his own lifeand those of the soldiers after the massacre. It seemsreasonable to conclude that he recognized the futilityof any resistance to the Indians, as Henry himself haddone a few minutes before; and that under the cir-83

The state of my mind will be imagined.Arrived at the door some delay was occasionedby the absence of the key and a few momentswere thus allowed me in which to look aroundfor a hiding place. In one corner of the garretwas a heap of those vessels of birch bark usedin maple sugar making as I have recentlydescribed.The door was unlocked, and opening, andthe Indians ascending the stairs, before I hadcompletely crept into a small opening, whichpresented itself at one end of the heap. Aninstant after four Indians entered the room,all armed with tomahawks, and all besmearedwith blood upon every part of their bodies.The die appeared to be cast. I could scarcelybreathe; but I thought that the throbbing ofmy heart occasioned a noise loud enough tobetray me. The Indians walked in everydirection about the garret, and one of them approachedme so closely that at a particularmoment, had he put forth his hand, he musthave touched me. Still I remained undiscovered,a circumstance to which the dark colorof my clothes and the want of light in a roomwhich had no window, and in the corner inwhich I was, must have contributed. In a word,after taking several turns in the room, duringwhich they told M. Langlade how many theyhad killed and how many scalps they hadcumstances the course he adopted was the wisest oneopen to him. Editor. 84

and &&toenturegtaken, they returned down stairs, and I withsensations not to be expressed, heard the door,which was the barrier between me and myfate, locked for the second time.There was a feather bed on the floor, andon this, exhausted as I was by the agitation ofmy mind, I threw myself down and fell asleep.In this state I remained till the dusk of theevening, when I was awakened by a secondopening of the door. The person that nowentered was M. Langlade's wife, who was muchsurprised at finding me, but advised me not tobe uneasy, observing that the Indians hadkilled most of the English, but that she hoped Imight myself escape. A shower of rain havingbegun to fall, she had come to stop a hole in theroof. On her going away, I begged her tosend me a little water to drink, which she did.As night was now advancing I continued tolie on the bed, ruminating on my condition,but unable to discover a resource from which Icould hope for A life. flight to Detroit had noprobable chance of success. The distancefrom Michilimackinac was four hundred miles;I was without provisions; and the wholelength of the road lay through Indian countries,countries of an enemy in arms, where the firstman whom I should meet would kill me. Tostay where I was threatened nearly the sameissue. As before, fatigue of mind, and nottranquillity, suspended my cares and procuredme further sleep.85

10FIRST DAYS OF CAPTIVITYrTT^HE game of baggatiway,as from thedescription above will have been perceived,is necessarily attended with muchviolence and noise. In the ardor of contest theball, as has been suggested, if it cannot bethrown to the goal desired, is struck in anydirection by which it can be diverted from thatdesigned by the adversary. At such a moment,therefore, nothing could be less liable to excitepremature alarm than that the ball should betossed over the pickets of the fort, nor thathaving fallen there, it should be followed onthe instant by all engaged in the game, as wellthe one party as the other, all eager, all struggling,all shouting, all in the unrestrained pursuitof a rude athletic exercise. Nothing couldbe less fitted to excite premature alarmnothing, therefore, could be more happilydevised, under the circumstances, than a stratagemlike this; and this was in fact thestratagem which the Indians had employed,by which they had obtained possession of thefort, and by which they had been enabled toslaughter and subdue its garrison and such ofits other inhabitants as they pleased. To bestill more certain of success they had prevailed86

Cratoelg anti&trtmtturcis?upon as many as they could by a pretext theleast liable to suspicion to come voluntarilywithout the pickets, and particularly the commandantand garrison themselves.The respite which sleep afforded me duringthe night was put an end to by the return ofmorning. I was again on the rack of apprehension.At sunrise I heard the family stirring,and presently after, Indian voices informingM. Langlade they had not found my haplessselfamong the dead, and that they supposedme to be somewhere concealed. M. Langladeappeared from what followed to be bythis time acquainted with the place of my retreat,of which no doubt he had been informedby his wife. The poor woman, as soon asthe Indians mentioned me, declared to herhusband in the French tongue that he shouldno longer keep me in his house, but deliveras a reason forme up to my pursuers, givingthis measure that should the Indians discoverhis instrumentality in my concealment, theymight revenge it on her children, and thatit was better that I should die than they.M. Langlade resisted at first this sentence ofhis wife's; but soon suffered her to prevail,informing the Indians that he had been toldthat I had come thereI was in his house,without his knowledge, and that he would putme into their hands. This was no sooner expressedthan he began to ascend the stairs, theIndians following upon his heels.87

I now resigned myself to the fate with whichI was menaced; and regarding every attemptat concealment as vain, I arose from the bedand presented myself full in view to the Indianswho were entering the room. They were allin a state of intoxication, and entirely naked,except about the middle. One of them, namedWenniway, whom I had previously known,and who was upward of six feet in height, had.his entire face and body covered with charcoaland grease, only that a white spot of two inchesin diameter encircled either eye. This man,walking up to me, seized me with one hand bythe collar of the coat, while in the other he helda large carving knife, as if to plunge it into mybreast; his eyes, meanwhile, were fixed steadfastlyon mine. At length, after some secondsof the most anxious suspense, he dropped hisarm, saying, "I won't kill you!" To this headded that he had been frequently engaged inwars against the English, and had broughtaway many scalps; that on a certain occasionhe had lost a brother whose name was Musinigon,and that I should be called after him.A reprieve upon any terms placed me amongthe living, and gave me back the sustainingvoice of hope; but Wenniway ordered me downstairs,and there informing me that I was to betaken to his cabin, where, and indeed everywhereelse, the Indians were all mad withliquor, death again was threatened, and not aspossible only, but as certain. I mentioned my88

anfcfears on this subject to M. Langlade, begginghim to represent the danger to my master.M. Langlade in this instance did not withholdhis compassion, and Wenniway immediatelyconsented that I should remain where I wasuntil he found another opportunity to take meaway.Thus far secure I reascended my garretstairs in order to place myself the furthestpossible out of the reach of insult from drunkenIndians; but I had not remained there morethan an hour, when I was called to the roombelow in which was an Indian who said thatI must go with him out of the fort, Wenniwayhaving sent him to fetch me. This man, aswell as Wenniway himself, I had seen before.In the preceding year I had allowed him totake goods on credit, for which he was still inmy debt; and some short time previous to thesurprise of the fort he had said upon my upbraidinghim with want of honesty that hepay me before long. This speech nowcame fresh into my memory and led me tosuspect that the fellow had formed a designagainst my life. I communicated the suspicionto M. Langlade; but he gave for answer thatI was not now my own master, and must do asI was ordered.The Indian on his part directed that beforeI left the house I should undress myself, declaringthat my coat and shirt would becomehim better than they did me. His pleasure in89

this respect being complied with, no otheralternative was left me than either to go outnaked, or to put on the clothes of the Indian,which he freely gave me in exchange. Hismotive for thus stripping me of my own apparelwas no other as I afterward learned thanthis, that it might not be stained with bloodwhen he should kill me.I was now told to proceed; and my driverfollowed me close until I had passed the gateof the fort, when I turned toward the spotwhere I knew the Indians to be encamped.This, however, did not suit the purpose of myenemy, who seized me by the arm and drew meviolently in the opposite direction to the distanceof fifty yards above the fort. Here,finding that I was approaching the bushes andsand hills, I determined to proceed no farther,but told the Indian that I believed he meantto murder me, and that if so he might as wellstrike where I was as at any greaterHe distance.replied with coolness that my suspicionswere just, and that he meant to pay me inthis manner for my goods. At the same timehe produced a knife and held me in a positionto receive the intended blow. Both this andthat which followed were necessarily the affairof a moment. By some effort, too sudden andtoo littledependent on thought to be explainedor remembered, I was enabled to arresthis arm and give him a sudden push by which Iturned him from me and released myself from90

antitobenturc$his grasp. This was no sooner done than I rantoward the fort with all the swiftness in mypower, the Indian following me, and I expectingevery moment to feel his knife. I succeededin my flight; and on entering the fort I sawWenniway standing in the midst of the area,and to him I hastened for protection. Wenniwaydesired the Indian to desist; but the latterpursued me round him, making several strokesat me with his knife, and foaming at the mouthwith rage at the repeated failure of his purpose.At length Wenniway drew near toM. Langlade's house; and, the door beingopen, I ran into it. The Indian followed me;but on my entering the house he voluntarilyabandoned the pursuit.Preserved so often and so unexpectedly as ithad now been my lot to be, I returned to mygarret with a strong inclination to believe thatthrough the will of an overruling power noIndian enemy could do me hurt; but new trials,as I believed, were at hand when at ten o'clockin the evening I was roused from sleep andonce more desired to descend the stairs. Notless, however, to my satisfaction than surprise,I was summoned only to meet MajorEtherington, Mr. Bostwick, and LieutenantLesslie, who were in the room below.These gentlemen had been taken prisonerswhile looking at the game without the fort andimmediately stripped of all their clothes. Theywere now sent into the fort under the charge91

of Canadians, because, the Indians having resolvedon getting drunk, the chiefs wereapprehensive that they would be murderedifthey continued in the camp. LieutenantJemette and seventy soldiers had been killed;and but twenty Englishmen, including soldiers,were still alive. 54 These were all withinthe fort, together with nearly three hundredCanadians. 56These being our numbers, myself andothers proposed to Major Etherington to makean effort for regaining possession of the fortand maintaining it against the Indians. TheJesuit missionary was consulted on the project;but he discouraged us by his representations,not only of the merciless treatment which wemust expect from the Indians should theyregain their superiority, but of the littledependence which was to be placed upon ourCanadian auxiliaries. Thus the fort andprisoners remained in the hands of the Indians,though through the whole night the prisonersand whites were in actual possession, and theywere without the gates.That whole night, or the greater part of it,was passed in mutual condolence* and myfellow prisoners shared my garret. In the54Captain Etherington, in a letter to his superiorofficer at Detroit, June 12, 1763, states that sixteensoldiers and the trader Tracy were killed in the massacre,and two soldiers wounded; and that of those takenprisoners on June 2, five had since been killed. Editor.55Belonging to the canoes, etc. Author.92

morning, being again called down, I found mymaster, Wenniway, and was desired to followhim. He led me to a small house within thefort, where in a narrow room and almost darkI found Mr. Ezekiel Solomons, an Englishmanfrom Detroit, and a soldier, all prisoners.With these I remained in painful suspenseas to the scene that was next to presentitself till ten o'clock in the forenoon, whenan Indian arrived, and presently marched us tothe lakeside where a canoe appeared readyfor departure, and in which we found that wewere to embark.Our voyage, full of doubt as it was, wouldhave commenced immediately, but that oneof the Indians who was to be of the party wasabsent. His arrival was to be waited for; andthis occasioned a very long delay during whichwe were exposed to a keen northeast wind.An old shirt was all that covered me; I sufferedmuch from the cold; and in this extremityM. Langlade coming down to the beach, Iasked him for a blanket, promisingif I lived topay him for it at any price he pleased; but theanswer I received was this, that he could letme have no blanket unless there were some oneto be security for the payment. For myself,he observed, I had no longer any property inthat country. I had no more to say to M.Langlade; but presently seeing another Canadian,named John Cuchoise, I addressed to hima similar request and was not refused. Naked93

as I was, and rigorous as was the weather, butfor the blanket I must have perished. At noonour party was all collected, the prisoners allembarked, and we steered for the Isles duCastor 56 in Lake Michigan.56The Beaver Islands in northern Lake Michigan,almost due west of Mackinac. They are chiefly notablein history as the seat of the Mormon kingdom ofSt. James, founded about 1850 by James Jesse Strang.Big Beaver Island, some twelve or fifteen miles long,has at its northern end an excellent harbor, long knownto the sailors by the name of Paradise Bay. HereStrang established his capital, named in his honor,St. James. Around the islands are today the best fishinggrounds on Lake Michigan; and St. James, a villageof several hundred people, is chiefly supported by thisindustry. Editor.94

THE JOURNEY TO BEAVER ISLANDF | ^HE soldierwho was our companion inmisfortune was made fast to a bar of thecanoe by a rope tied round his neck, as isthe manner of the Indians in transportingtheir prisoners. The rest were left unconfined;but a paddle was put into each of our handsand we were made to use it. The Indians inthe canoe were seven in number, the prisonersfour. I had left, as it will be recollected,Major Etherington, Lieutenant Lesslie, andMr. Bostwick at M. Langlade's, and was nowjoined in misery with Mr. Ezekiel Solomons,the soldier, and the Englishman who had newlyarrived from Detroit. This was on the sixthday of June. The fort was taken on the fourth;I surrendered myself to Wenniway on thefifth; and this was the third day of our distress.We were bound, as I have said, for the Islesdu Castor which lie in the mouth of LakeMichigan; and we should have crossed the lake,but that a thick fog came on, on account ofwhich the Indians deemed it safer to keep theshore close under their lee. We therefore approachedthe lands of the Ottawa and theirvillage of L'Arbre Croche already mentionedas lying about twenty miles to the westward of95

Michilimackinac on the opposite side of thetongue of land on which the fort is built.Every half hour the Indians gave their warwhoops, one for every prisoner in their canoe.-This is a general custom, by the aid of whichall other Indians within hearing are apprisedof the number of prisoners they are carrying.In this manner we reached Wagoshense, 67a long point stretching westward into the lakeand which the Ottawa make a carrying-placeto avoid going round it. It is distant eighteenmiles from Michilimackinac. After the Indianshadas before anmade their war whoopOttawa appeared upon the beach, who madesigns that we should land.In consequence we approached. The Ottawaasked the news and kept the Chipewa infurther conversation till we were within a fewyards of the land and in shallow water. Atthis moment a hundred men rushed upon us fromamong the bushes and dragged all the prisonersout of the canoes amid a terrifying shout.We now believed that our last sufferingswere approaching; but no sooner were wefairly on shore and on our legs than the chiefsof the party advanced and gave each of ustheir hands, telling us that they were ourfriends, and Ottawa, whom the Chipewahad insulted by destroying the English withoutconsulting with them on the affair. Theyadded that what they had done was for67 i. e., Fox Point. Author.96the

anfcpurpose of saving our lives, the Chipewahaving been carrying us to the Isles du Castroonly to kill and devour us.The reader's imaginationis here distractedby the variety of our fortunes, and he may wellpaint to himself the state of mind of those whosustained them; who were the sport, or thevictims, of a series of events more like dreamsthan realities, more like fiction than truth! Itwas not long before we were embarked againin the canoes of the Ottawa, who, the sameevening, re-landed us at Michilimackinac,where they marched us into the fort in view ofthe Chipewa, confounded at beholding theOttawa espouse a side opposite their own.The Ottawa, who had accompanied us insufficient numbers, took possession of the fort.We, who had changed masters but were stillprisoners, were lodged in the house of "thecommandant and strictly guarded.Early the next morning a general councilwas held, in which the Chipewa complainedmuch of the conduct of the Ottawa in robbingthem of their prisoners, alleging that all theIndians, the Ottawa alone excepted, were atwar with the English; that Pontiac had takenDetroit; that the King of France had awoke,and repossessed himself of Quebec and Montreal;and that the English were meetingdestruction, not only at Michilimackinac, butin every other part of the world. From all thisthey inferred that it became the Ottawa to97

estore the prisoners and to join in the war;and the speech was followed by large presents,being part of the plunder of the fort, andwhich was previously heaped in the center ofthe room. The Indians rarely make theiranswers till the day after they have heard thearguments offered. They did not depart fromtheir custom on this occasion, and the counciltherefore adjourned.We, the prisoners, whose fate was thus incontroversy, were unacquainted at the timewith this transaction, and therefore enjoyeda night of tolerable tranquillity, not in the leastsuspecting the reverse which was preparing forus. Which of the arguments of the Chipewa,or whether or not all were deemed valid by theOttawa, I cannot say; but the council wasresumed at an early hour in the morning andafter several speeches had been made in it theprisoners were sent for and returned to theChipewa.The Ottawa, who now gave us into thehands of the Chipewa, had themselves declaredthat the latter designed no other than tokill us and make broth of us. The Chipewa,as soon as we were restored to them, marchedus to a village of their own, situate on thepoint which is below the fort, and put us into alodge already the prison of fourteen soldiers,tied two and two, with each a rope about hisneck, and made fast to a pole which might becalled the supporter of the building. .98

attfcI was left untied; but I passed a night sleeplessand full of wretchedness. My bed was thebare ground, and I was again reduced to anold shirt as my entire apparel; the blanketwhich I had received through the generosityof- M. Cuchoise having been taken from meamong the Ottawa when they seized uponmyself and the others at Wagoshense. I was,besides, in want of food, having for two daysate nothing.I confess that in the canoe with the ChipewaI was offered bread but bread withwhat accompaniment! They had a loaf whichthey cut with the same knives that they hademployed in the massacre knives stillcovered with blood. The blood they moistenedwith spittle, and rubbingit on the breadoffered this for food to their prisoners, tellingthem to eat the blood of their countrymen.Such was my situation on the morning ofthe seventh of June, in the year one thousandseven hundred and sixty-three; but a few hoursproduced an event which gavestill a new colorto my lot.Toward noon, when the great war chief,in company with Wenniway, was seated atthe opposite end of the lodge, my friend andbrother, Wawatam, suddenly came in.Duringthe four days preceding I had often wonderedwhat had become of him. In passing by hegave me his hand, but went immediately towardthe great chief by the side of whom99

Jjjenrpand Wenniway he sat himself down. The mostuninterrupted silence prevailed; each smokedhis pipe; and this done, Wawatam arose andleft the lodge, saying to me as he passed,"Take courage!"100

12RESCUED BY WAWATAMAT hour elapsed, during which severalchiefs entered and preparations appearedto be making for a council. At lengthWawatam reentered the lodge, followed by hiswife, and both loaded with merchandise whichthey carried up to the chiefs and laid in aheap before them. Some moments of silencefollowed, at the end of which Wawatam pronounceda speech, every word of which tome was of extraordinary interest:"Friends and relations," he began, "whatis it that I shall say? You know what I feel.You all have friends and brothers and children,whom as yourselves you love; and youwhat would you experience, did you, like mebehold your dearest friend your brotherin the condition of a slave; a slave, exposedevery moment to insult, and to menaces ofdeath? This case, as you all know, is mine.See there (pointing to myself) my friend andbrother among slaves himself a slave!"You all well know that long before the warbegan I adopted him as my brother. Fromthat moment he became one of my family, sothat no change of circumstances could breakthe cord which fastened us together.101

"He is my brother; and because I am yourrelation he is therefore your relation, too:and how, being your relation, can he be yourslave?"On the day on which the war began you werefearful lest on this very account I should revealYou requested, therefore, that Iyour secret.would leave the fort, and even cross the lake.I did so; but I did it with reluctance. Idid it with reluctance, notwithstanding thatyou, Menehwehna, who had the command inthis enterprise, gave me your promise thatyou would protect my friend, delivering himfrom all danger, and giving him safely tome."The performance of this promise I now claim.I come not with empty hands to ask it. You,Menehwehna, best know whether or not, as itrespects yourself, you have kept your word,but I bring these goods to buy off every claimwhich any man among youall may have onmy brother, as his prisoner."Wawatam having ceased, the pipes wereagain filled; and after they were finished a furtherperiod of silence followed. At the end ofthis, Menehwehna arose and gave his reply:"My relation and brother," said he, "whatyou have spokenis the truth. We were acquaintedwith the friendship which subsistedbetween yourself and the Englishman in whosebehalf you have now addressed us. We knewthe danger of having our secret discovered,102

Cratoelg anfcand the consequences which must follow; andyou say truly that we requested you to leave thefort. This we did out of regard for you andyour family; for if a discovery of our designhad been made, you would have been blamed,whether guilty or not; and you would thushave been involved in difficulties from whichyou could not have extricated yourself."It is also true that I promised you to takecare of your friend; and this promise I performedby desiring my son, at the moment ofassault, to seek him out and bring him to mylodge. He went accordingly, but could notfind him. The day after I sent him to Langlade's,when he was informed that your friendwas safe; and had it not been that the Indianswere then drinking the rum which had beenfound in the fort he would have brought himhome with him, according to my orders."I am very glad to find that your friend hasescaped. We accept your present; and youmay take him home with you. "Wawatam thanked the assembled chiefs,and taking me by the hand, led me to his lodge,which was at the distance of a few yards onlyfrom the prison lodge. My entrance appearedto give joy to the whole family; food was immediatelyprepared for me; and I now ate thefirst hearty meal which I had made since my capture.I found myself one of the family; and butthat I had still my fears as to the other IndiansI felt as happy as the situation could allow.103

In the course of the next morning I wasalarmed by a noise in the prison lodge; andlooking through the openings of the lodge inwhich I was, I saw seven c(ead bodies of whitemen dragged forth. Upon my inquiry into theoccasion I was informed that a certain chiefcalled by the Canadians Le Grand Sable hadnot long before arrived from his winter'shunt; and that he, having been absent whenthe war begun, and being now desirous ofmanifesting to the Indians at large his heartyconcurrence in what they had done, had goneinto the prison lodge, and there, with hisknife, put the seven men, whose bodies I hadseen, to death.Shortly after two of the Indians took one ofthe dead bodies which they chose as being thefattest, cut off the head, and divided the wholeinto five parts, one of which was put into eachof five kettles, hung over as many fires kindledfor this purpose at the door of the prison lodge.Soon after things were so far prepared amessage came to our lodge with an invitationto Wawatam to assist at the feast.An invitation to a feast is given by him whois the master of it. Small cuttings of cedarwood, of about four inches in length, supply theplace of cards; and the bearer, by word ofmouth, states the particulars.Wawatam obeyed the summons, taking withhim as is usual to the place of entertainmentdish and spoon.104

anfcAfter an absence of about half an hour hereturned bringing in his dish a human hand anda large piece of flesh. He did not appear torelish the repast, but told me that it was thenand always had been the custom amongall theIndian nations when returning from war, or onovercoming their enemies, to make a war feastfrom among the slain. This, he said, inspiredthe warrior with courage in attack, and bredhim to meet death with fearlessness.In the evening of the same day a largecanoe, such as those which came from Montreal,was seen advancing to the fort. It wasfull of men, and I distinguished several passengers.The Indian cry was made in thevillage; a general muster ordered; and, to thenumber of two hundred, they marched up tothe fort where the canoe was expected to land.The canoe, suspecting nothing, came boldlyto the fort, where the passengers, as beingEnglish traders, were seized, dragged throughthe water, beat, reviled, marched to the prisonlodge, and there stripped of their clothes, andconfined.Of the English traders that fell into thehands of the Indians at the capture of the fort,Mr. Tracy was the only one who lost his life.Mr. Ezekiel Solomons and Mr. Henry Bostwickwere taken by the Ottawa, and after thepeace, carried down to Montreal, and thereransomed. Of ninety troops about seventywere killed; the rest, together with those of105

the posts in the Bay des Puants, and at theRiver St. Joseph, were also kept in safetyby the Ottawa till the peace, and then either58freely restored, or ransomed at Montreal.The Ottawa never overcame their disgust atthe neglect with which they had been treatedin the beginning of the war by those whoafterward desired their assistance as allies.58The garrison of Fort Edward Augustus at GreenBay came at the summons of Captain Etherington tojoin that officer at L 'Arbre Croche, being escorted acrossLake Michigan by a band of friendly Menominee. Thegarrison at St. Joseph was massacred on May 25 by thePotawatomi; the four survivors of this massacre werecarried to Detroit and there, on June 15, exchanged forcertain Indians then in the hands of the besieged garrisonat that place. Editor.106

Cljaptct; 13THE ADVENTURE OF THE BONESthe morning of theINninth of June a generalcouncil was held, at which it was agreedto remove to the island of Michilimackinac,as a more defensible situation, in the event ofan attack by the English. The Indians hadbegun to entertain apprehensions of want ofstrength. No news had reached them from thePotawatomi, in the Bay des Puants; andthey were uncertain whether or not theMonomins 59 would join them. They evenfeared that the Sioux would take the Englishside.This resolution fixed, they prepared for aspeedy retreat. At noon the camp was brokenup, and we embarked, taking with us theprisoners that were still undisposed of. On ourpassage we encountered a gale of wind, andthere were some appearances of danger. Toavert it,a dog, of which the legs were previouslytied together, was thrown into the lake; anoffering designed to soothe the angry passionsof some offended Manito.59Manomines or Malomines. In the first syllable thesubstitution of / for n, and n for /, marks one of thedifferences in the Chippewa and Algonquin dialects.In the mouth of an Algonquin it is Michilimackinac; inthat of a Chippewa, Michinimackinac. Author.107

As we approached the island two women inthe canoe in which I was began to utter melancholyand hideous cries. Precarious as mycondition still remained I experienced somesensations of alarm from these dismal sounds,of which I could not then discover the occasion.Subsequently I learned that it is custom-near the burialary for the women on passingplaces of relations never to omit the practiceof which I was now a witness, and by whichthey intend to denote their grief.By the approach of evening we reached theisland in safety, and the women were not longIn the morning therein erecting our cabins.was a muster of the Indians, at which therewere found three hundred and fifty fighting men.In the course of the day there arrived a canoefrom Detroit, with ambassadors, who endeavoredto prevail on the Indians to repairthither to the assistance of Pontiac; but fearwas now the prevailing passion. A guard waskept during the day and a watch by night, andalarms were very frequently spread. Had anenemy appeared all the prisoners would havebeen put to death; and I suspected that as anEnglishman I should share their fate.Several days had now passed, when onemorning a continued alarm prevailed, and Isaw the Indians running in a confused mannertoward the beach. In a short time I learnedthat two large canoes from Montreal were insight.108

All the Indian canoes were immediatelymanned, and those from Montreal were surroundedand seized as they turned the pointbehind which the flotilla had been concealed.The goods were consigned to a Mr. Levy, andwould have been saved if the canoe men hadcalled them French property; but they wereterrified, and disguised nothing.In the canoes was a large proportion of liquor,a dangerous acquisition, and which threateneddisturbance among the Indians, even to the lossof their dearest friends. Wawatam, alwayswatchful of my safety, no sooner heard thenoise of drunkenness, which in the evening didnot fail to begin, than he represented to me thedanger of remaining in the village, and ownedthat he could not himself resist the temptationof joining his comrades in the debauch. ThatI might escape all mischief, he, therefore, requestedthat I would accompany him to themountain, where I was to remain hidden tillthe liquor should be drunk.We ascended the mountain accordingly.It is this mountain which constitutes that highland in the middle of the island, of which Ihave spoken before, as of a figure considered asresembling a turtle, and therefore called michilimackinac.It is thickly covered with wood,and very rocky toward the top. After walkingmore than half a mile we came to a large rockat the base of which was an opening, darkwithin, appearing to be the entrance of a cave.109

Here Wawatam recommended that I shouldtake up my lodging, and by all means to remaintill he returned.On going into the cave, of which the entrancewas nearly ten feet wide, I found the fartherend to be rounded in its shape, like that of anoven but with a further aperture, too small,however, to be explored.After thus looking around me I broke smallbranches from the trees and spread them for abed; then wrapped myself in my blanket, andslept till daybreak.On awaking I felt myself incommoded bysome object upon which I lay; and removingitfound it to be a bone. This I supposed to bethat of a deer, or some other animal, and whatmight very naturally be looked for in the placein which I was; but when daylight visited mychamber I discovered with some feelings ofhorror that I was lying on nothing less than aheap of human bones and skulls which coveredall the floor!The day passed without the return of Wawatam,and without food. As night approachedI found myself unable to meet its darkness inthe charnel house, which, nevertheless, I hadviewed free from uneasiness during the day.I chose, therefore, an- adjacent bush for thisnight's lodging, and slept under it as before;but in the morning I awoke hungry and dispirited,and almost envying the dry bones, tothe view of which I returned. At length theno

Cratodg anfcsound of a foot reached me, and my Indianfriend appeared, making many apologies forhis long absence, the cause of which was anunfortunate excess in the enjoyment of hisliquor.This point being explained, I mentioned theextraordinary sight that had presented itselfin the cave to which he had commended myslumbers. He had never heard of its existencebefore; and upon examining the cave togetherwe saw reason to believe that it had beenfilled with human bodies.ancientlyOn returning to the lodge I experienced acordial reception from the family, which consistedof the wife of my friend, his two sons,of whom the eldest was married, and whosewife and a daughter of thirteen years of age,completedthe list.Wawatam related to the other Indians theadventure of the bones. All of them expressedsurprise at hearing it, and declared that theyhad never been aware of the contents of thiscave before. After visiting it, which they immediatelydid, almost every one offered a differentopinion as to its history.Some advanced that at a period when thewaters overflowed the land (an event whichmakes a distinguished figure in the history oftheir world) the inhabitants of this island hadfled into the cave, and been there drowned;others, that those same inhabitants, when theHuron made war upon them (as traditionin.

says they did) hid themselves in the cave, andbeing discovered, were there massacred. Formyself, I am disposed to believe that this cavewas an ancient receptacle of the bones ofprisoners sacrificed and devoured at warfeasts. I have always observed that the Indianspay particular attention to the bones of sacrifices,preserving them unbroken, and depositingthem in some place kept exclusively forthat purpose.112

A FEW.chapter,mTHE ARTS OF THE MEDICINE MENdays after the occurrence of theincidents recorded in the precedingMenehwehna, whom I nowfound to be the great chief ofthe village ofMichilimackinac, came to the lodge of myfriend; and when the usual ceremony of smokingwas finished, he observed that Indians werenow daily arriving from Detroit, some of whomhad lost relations or friends in the war, andwho would certainly retaliate on any Englishmanthey found; upon which account hiserrand was to advise that I should be dressedlike an Indian, an expedient whence I mighthope to escape all future insult.I could not but consent to the proposal, andthe chief was so kind as to assist my friendand his family in effecting that very day thedesired metamorphosis. My hair was cut off,and my head shaved with the exception of aspot on the crown of about twice the diameterof a crown-piece. My face was painted withthree or four different colors, some parts of itred, and others black. A shirt was providedfor me, painted with vermilion mixed withgrease. A large collar of wampum was putround my neck, and another suspended on my

&lejtantierbreast. Both my arms were decorated withlarge bands of silver above the elbows, besidesseveral smaller ones on the wrists; and mylegs were covered with mitasses, a kind of hosemade, as is the favorite fashion, of scarletcloth. Over all I was to wear a scarlet blanketor mantle, and on my head a large bunch offeathers.I parted, not without some regret, with thelong hair which was natural to it and which Ifancied to be ornamental; but the ladies of thefamily and of the village in general appearedto think my person improved, and now condescendedto call me handsome, even amongIndians.Protected in a great measure by this disguise,I felt myself more at liberty than before;and the season being arrived in which myclerks from the interior were to be expectedand some part of my property, as I had a rightto hope, recovered, I beggedthe favor ofWawatam that he would enable me to pay ashort visit to Michilimackinac. He did notfail to comply, and I succeeded in finding myclerks; but, either through the disturbed stateof the country, as they represented to be thecase, or through their misconduct, as I hadreason to think, I obtained nothing; and nothing,or almost nothing, I now began to think,would be all that I should need during the restof my life. To fish and to hunt, to collect afew skins, and exchange them for necessaries,114

anfcwas all that I seemed destined to do and toacquire for the future.I returned to the Indian village where atWethis time much scarcity of food prevailed.were often for twenty-four hours withouteating; and when in the morning we had n6victuals for the day before us the custom wasto black our faces with grease and charcoal,and exhibit through resignation a temper ascheerful as if in the midst of plenty.A repetition of the evil, however, soon inducedus to leave the island in search of food;and accordingly we departed for the Bay ofBoutchitaouy, distant eight leagues, and wherewe found plenty of wild fowl and fish.While in the bay my guardian's daughterin-lawwas taken in labor of her first child.She was immediately removed out of the commonlodge; and a small one for her separateaccommodation was begun and finished by thewomen in less than half an hour.The next morning we heard that she wasvery ill,and the family began to be muchalarmed on her account; the more so, no doubt,because cases of difficult labor are very rareamong Indian women. In this distress, Wawatamrequested me to accompany him into thewoods; and on our way informed me that if.he could find a snake he should soon securerelief to his daughter-in-law.On reaching some wet ground we speedilyobtained the object of our search in a small"5

snake of the kind called the garter snake.Wawatam seized itby the neck; and holdingit fast while it coiled itself around hisarm, he cut off its head, catching the bloodin a cup that he had brought with him. Thisdone, he threw away the snake, and carriedhome the blood, which he mixed with a quantityof water. Of this mixture he administeredfirst one tablespoonful, and shortly afterwardsa second. Within an hour the patientwas safely delivered of a fine child : and Wawatamsubsequently declared that the remedyto which he had resorted was one that neverfailed.On the next day we leftthe Bay of Boutchitaouy;and the young mother, in highspirits, assisted in loading the canoe, barefooted,and knee deep in the water.The medical information, the diseases andthe remedies of the Indians, often engaged mycuriosity during the period through whichI was familiar with these nations; and I shalltake this occasion to introduce a few particularsconnected with their history.The Indians are in generalfree from disorders;and an instance of their being subjectto dropsy, gout, or stone, never came withinmy knowledge. Inflammations of the lungsare among their most ordinary complaints, andrheumatism still more so, especially with theaged. Their mode of life, in which they are somuch exposed to the wet and cold, sleeping on116

anfcthe ground, and inhaling the night air, sufficientlyaccounts for their liability to these diseases.The remedies on which they most relyare emetics, cathartics, and the lancet; butespecially the last. Bleedingis so favorite anoperation among the women that they neverlose an occasion of enjoying it, whether sickor well. I have sometimes bled a dozen womenin a morning as they sat in a row along a fallentree, beginning with the first opening the veinthen proceeding to the second and so on,having three or four individuals bleeding atthe same time.In most villages, and particularly in those ofthe Chipewa, this service was required ofme; and no persuasion of mine could everinduce a woman to dispense with it.In all parts of the country and among allthe nations that I have seen, particular individualsarrogate to themselves the art ofhealing, but principally by means of pretendedsorcery; and operations of this sort are alwayspaid for by a present, made before they arebegun. Indeed, whatever, as an impostor, maybe the demerits of the operator, his rewardmay generally be said to be fairly earned bydint of corporal labor.I was once present at a performance of thiskind in which the patient was a female child ofabout twelve years of age. Several of the elderchiefs were invited to the scene; and the samecompliment was paid to myself on* account of117

the medical skill for which it was pleased togive me credit.The physician (so to call him) seated himselfon the ground; and before him on a new stroudblanket was placed a basin of water in whichwere three bones, the larger ones, as itappearedto me, of a swan's wing. In his hand he had hisshishiquoi, or rattle, with which he beat time tohis medicine-song. The sick child lay on a blanketnear the physician. She appeared to havemuch fever, and a. severe oppression of thelungs, breathing with difficulty, and betrayingsymptoms of the last stage of consumption.After singing for some time the physiciantook one of the bones out of the basin: thebone was hollow; and one end being applied tothe breast of the patient, he put the other intohis mouth in order to remove the disorder bysuction. Having persevered in this as longas he thought proper, he suddenly seemed toforce the bone into his mouth and swallow it.He now acted the part of one suffering severepain; but presently finding relief, he made along speech, and after this returned to singing,and to the accompaniment of his rattle. Withthe latter, during his song, he struck his head,breast, sides and back; at the same time strainingas if to vomit forth the bone.Relinquishing this attempt, he appliedhimself to suction a second time, and with thesecond of the three bones; and this also hesoon seemed to swallow.118

anUUpon its disappearance he began to distorthimself in the most frightful manner, usingevery gesture which could convey the ideaof pain; at length he succeeded, or pretendedto succeed, in throwing up one of the bones.This was handed about to the spectators, andstrictly examined; but nothing remarkablecould be discovered. Upon this he went backto his song and rattle: and after some timethrew up the second of the two bones. In thegroove of this the physician, upon examination,found and displayed to all present a smallwhite substance, resembling a piece of thequill of a feather. It was passed round thecompany from one to the other; and declaredby the physician to be the thing causing thedisorder of his patient.The multitude believe that these physicians,whom the French call jongleurs, or jugglers,can inflict as well as remove disorders. Theybelieve that by drawing the figure of any personin sand or ashes, or on clay, or by consideringany object as the figure of a person and thenpricking it with a sharp stick or other substance,or doing in any other manner thatwhich done to a living body would cause painor injury, the individual represented, or supposedto be represented, will suffer accordingly.On the other hand the mischief being done,another physician of equal pretension can bysuction remove it.Unfortunately, however,the operations which I have described were119

not successful in the instance referred to; foron the day after they had taken place the girldied.With regard to flesh wounds the Indianscertainly effect astonishing cures. Here, alsomuch that is fantastic occurs, but the successof their practice evinces something solid.At the Sault de Ste. Marie I knew a manwho in the result of a quarrel received thestroke of an axe in his side. The blow was soviolent and the axe driven so deep that thewretch who held it could not withdraw it, butleft it in the wound and fled. Shortly after theman was found and brought in to the fort whereseveral other Indians came to his assistance.Among these, one, who was a physician, immediatelywithdrew in order to fetch hispenegusan, or medicine bag, with which he soonreturned. The eyes of the sufferer were fixed,his teeth closed, and his case apparentlydesperate.The physician took from his bag a smallportion of a very white substance, resemblingthat of a bone; this he scraped into a littlewater and forcing open the jaws of the patientwith a stick he poured the mixture down histhroat. What followed was that in a veryshort space of time the wounded man movedhis eyes, and beginning to vomit threw up asmall lump of clotted blood.The physician now, and not before, examinedthe wound from which I could see the120

antibreath escape, and from which a part of theomentum depended. This the physician didnot set about to restore to its place; but cuttingand madeitaway, minced it into small pieces his patient swallow it.The man was then carried to his lodge whereI visited him daily. By the sixth day he wasable to walk about; and within a month hegrew quite well except that he was troubledwith a cough. Twenty years after his misfortunehe was still alive.Another man, being on his winteringground and from home hunting beaver, wascrossing a lake covered with smooth ice withtwo beavers on his back, when his foot slippedand he fell. At his side in his belt was his axe,the blade of which came upon the joint of hiswrist; and the weight of his body coming uponthe blade, his hand was completely separatedfrom his arm with the exception of a smallpiece of the skin. He had to walk three miles tohis lodge which was thus far away. The skin,which alone retained his hand to his arm, hecut through with the same axe which had donethe rest; and fortunately having on a shirt, hetook it off, tore it up, and made a strong ligatureabove the wrist, so as in some measureto avoid the loss of blood. On reaching hislodge he cured the wound himself by the mereuse of simples. I was a witness v to its perfecthealing.I have said that these physicians, jugglers,

Dcnrpor practitioners of pretended sorcery, are supposedto be capable of inflicting diseases; andI may add that they are sometimes themselvessufferers on this account. In one instance Isaw one of them killed by a man who chargedhim with having brought his brother to deathby malefic arts. The accuser in his rage thrusthis knife into the belly of the accused andripped it open. The latter caught his bowels inhis arms and thus walked toward his lodge,gathering them- up from time to time as theyescaped his hold. His lodge was at no considerabledistance and he reached it alive anddied in it.122

Chapter isREMOVAL TO THE AU SABLEOUR next encampment was on the Islandof Saint Martin, off Cape St. Ignace,so called from the Jesuit mission of St.Ignatius to the Hurons formerly establishedthere. Our object was to fish for sturgeon,which we did with great success; and here inthe enjoyment of a plentiful and excellent supplyof food we remained until the twentiethday of August. At this time, the autumn beingat hand, and a sure prospect of increasedsecurity from hostile Indians afforded, Wawatamproposed going to his intended winteringground. The removal was a subject of thegreatest joy to myself on account of the frequentinsults to which I had still to submitfrom the Indians of our band or village; and toescape from which I would freely have gonealmost anywhere. At our wintering ground wewere to be alone; for the Indian families in thecountries of which I write separate in thewinter season for the convenience as well ofsubsistence as of the chase, and re-associate inthe spring and summer.In preparation our first business was to sailfor Michilimackinac, where, being arrived,we procured from a Canadian trader on credit123

some trifling articles together with ammunitionand two bushels of maize. This done westeered directly for Lake Michigan. At L'ArbreCroche we stopped one day on a visit tothe Ottawas where all the people, and particularlyOkinochumaki, the chief, the same whotook me from the Chippewa, behaved withgreat civility and kindness. The chief presentedme with a bag of maize. It is the Ottawa, itwill be remembered, who raise this grain forthe market of Michilimackinac.Leaving L'Arbre Croche, we proceededdirect to the mouth of the River Aux Sables 60on the south side of the lake and distant abouta hundred and fifty miles from Fort Michilimackinac.On our voyage we passed severaldeep bays and rivers, and I found the banks ofthe lake to consist in mere sands without anyappearance of verdure, the sand drifting fromone hill to another like snow in winter. Henceall the rivers which here entered the lake are asmuch entitled to the epithet of sandy as that60There is a modern Big Sable River in northernMason County, Michigan, and near its mouth a headlandknown as Point Sable juts into Lake Michigan.On D'Anville's map of North America, published in1746, the Aux Sables River is represented correspondingwith modern Pentwater River. It is clear thatHenry 's wintering place was in the vicinity of modernLudington, Michigan, but whether on the Big Sable,the Notepseakan, or the Pentwater River, is uncertain.At the mouth of the Notepseakan (site of modern Ludington)occurred the death of Father Marquette in1675. Editor.124

antito which we were bound. They are also distinguishedby another particularity alwaysobservable in similar situations. The currentof the stream being met when the wind is contraryby the waves of the lake, it is driven back,and the sands of the shore are at the same timewashed into its mouth. In consequence theriver is able to force a passage into the lake,broad only in proportion to its utmost strength;while it hollows for itself behind the sandbanksa basin of one, two, or three miles across. Inthese rivers we killed many wild fowl andbeaver.To kill beaver we used to go several milesup the rivers before the approach of night,and after the dusk came on, suffer the canoeto drift gently down the current withoutnoise. The beaver in this part of the eveningcome abroad to procure food or materials forrepairing their habitations; and as they arenot alarmed by the canoe, they often pass itwithin gun shot.While we thus hunted along our way I enjoyeda personal freedom of which I had beenin thelong deprived, and became as expertIndian pursuits as the Indians themselves.On entering the River Aux Sables, Wawatamtook a dog, tied its feet together, and threw itinto the stream, uttering at the same time along prayer which he addressed to the GreatSpirit, supplicating his blessing on the chase,and his aid in the support of the family through125

the dangers of a long winter. Our lodge wasfifteen miles above the mouth of the stream.The principal animals which the countryafforded were the stag, or red deer, the commonAmerican deer, the bear, raccoon, beaver,and marten.The beaver feeds in preference on youngwood of the birch, aspen, and poplar tree: 61but in defect of these, on any other tree, thoseof the pine and fir kinds excepted. These latteritemploys only for building its dams andhouses. In wide meadows where no wood is tobe found it resorts for all its purposes to theroots of the rush and water lily. It consumesgreat quantities of food, whether of roots orwood; and hence often reduces itself to thenecessity of removing into a new quarter. Itshouse has an arched dome-like roof, of anelliptical figure, and rises from three to fourfeet above the surface of the water. It isalways entirely surrounded by water; but inthe banks adjacent the animal provides holesor washes, of which the entrance is belowthe surface, and to which it retreats on thefirst alarm.The female beaver usually produces twoyoung at a time, but not infrequently more.During the first year the young remain withtheir parents. In the second, they occupy anadjoining apartment and assist in building andn Popuhts nigra, called by the Canadians, Hard.Author.126

in procuring food. At two years old they partand build houses of their own, but often roveabout for a considerable time before they fixupon a spot. There are beavers called by theIndians old bachelors, who live by themselves,build no houses, and work at no dams, butshelter themselves in holes. The usual methodof taking these is by traps, formed of iron orlogs, and baited with branches of poplar.According to the Indians the beaver is muchgiven to jealousy. If a strange male approachesthe cabin a battle immediately ensues. Ofthis the female remains an unconcerned spectator,careless to which party the law of conquestmay assign her. Among the beaverwhich we killed those who were with me pretendedto show demonstrations of this fact,some of the skins of the males, and almost allof the older ones, bearing marks of violence,while none were ever to be seen on the skinsof the females.The Indians add that the male is as constantas he is jealous, never attaching himself to.more than one female; while the female on herside isalways fond of strangers.The most common way of taking the beaveris that of breaking up its house, which is donewith trenching tools during the winter, whenthe ice is strong enough to allow of approachingthem, and when, also, the fur is in its mostvaluable state.Breaking up the house, however, is only a127

preparatory step. During this operation thefamily make their escape to one or more oftheir washes. These are to be discovered bystriking the ice along the bank, and where theholes are a hollow sound is returned. Afterof these indiscovering and searching manyvam we often found the whole family togetherin the same wash. I was taught occasionallyto distinguish a full wash from an empty oneby the motion of the water above its entranceoccasioned by the breathing of the animalsconcealed in it. From the washes they mustbe taken out with the hands; and in doing thisthe hunter sometimes receives severe woundsfrom their teeth. While a hunter I thoughtwith the Indians that the beaver flesh wasvery good; but after that of the ox was againwithin my reach I could not relish it. The tailis accounted a luxurious morsel.Beavers, say the Indians, were formerly apeople endowed with speech, not less than withthe other noble faculties they possess; but theGreat Spirit has taken this away from themlest they should grow superior in understandingto mankind.The raccoon was another object of our chase.It was my practice to go out in the eveningwith dogs, accompanied by the youngest sonof my guardian, to hunt this animal. Theraccoon never leaves its hiding placetill aftersunset.As soon as a dog falls on a fresh track of the128

antiSlfctoenturegraccoon he gives notice by a cry, and immediatelypursues. His barking enables the hunter tofollow. The raccoon, which travels slowly andis soon overtaken, makes for a tree on whichhe remains till shot.After the falling of the snow nothing more isnecessary for taking the raccoon than to followthe track of his feet. In this season he seldomleaves his habitation; and he never lays up anyfood. I have found six at a time in the hollowof one tree lying upon each other, and nearlyin a torpid state. In more than one instanceI have ascertained that they have lived sixweeks without food. The mouse is their principalprey.Raccoon hunting was my more particular anddaily employ. I usually went out at the firstdawn of day and seldom returned till sunset, oranimals astill I had laden myself with as manyI could carry. By degrees I became familiarizedwith this kind of life ;and had it not been forthe idea of which I could not divest my mind,that I was living among savages, and for thewhispers of a lingering hope that I should oneday be released from it or if I could haveforgotten that I had ever been otherwise thanas I then was I could have enjoyed as muchhappiness in this as in any other situation.129

16LOST IN THE WILDERNESSONE evening on my return from huntingI found the fireput out and the openingin the top of the lodge covered overwith skins, by this means excluding as muchas possible external light. I further observedthat the ashes were removed from the fireplace,and that dry sand was spread where theyhad been. Soon after a fire was made withoutside the cabin in the open air and a kettle hungover it to boil.I now supposed that a feast was in preparation.I supposed so only; for it would havebeen indecorous to inquire into the meaningof what I saw. No person among the Indiansthemselves would use this freedom. Goodbreeding requires that the spectator shouldpatiently wait the result.As soon as the darkness of night had arrivedthe family, including myself, were invited intothe lodge. I was now requested not to speakas a feast was about to be given to the dead,whose spirits delight in uninterrupted silence.As we entered each was presented with hiswooden dish and spoon, after receiving whichwe seated ourselves. The door was next shut,and we remained in perfect darkness.130

atifcThe master of the family was the master ofthe feast. Still in the dark he asked every oneby turn for his dish and put into each twoboiled ears of maize. The whole being served,he began to speak. In his discourse, whichlasted half an hour, he called upon the manesof his deceased relations and friends, beseechingthem to be present to assist him in thechase, and to partake of the food which he hadprepared for them. When he had ended weproceeded to eat our maize, which we did withoutother noise than what was occasioned byour teeth. The maize was not half boiled, andit took me an hour to consume my share. I62was requested not to break the spikes, asthis would be displeasing to the departedspirits of their friends.When all was eaten Wawatam made anotherspeech, with which the ceremony ended. Anew fire was kindled with fresh sparks fromflint and steel; and the pipes being smoked, theburied in a hole made inspikes were carefully the ground for that purpose within the lodge.This done, the whole family began a dance,Wawatam singing and beating a drum.Thedance continued the greater part of the night,to the great pleasure of the lodge. The night ofthe feast was that of the firstday of November.On the twentieth of December we took anaccount of the produce of our hunt and found62The grains of maize, called also Indian corn, growin compact cells round a spike. Author.

that we had a hundred beaver skins, as manyraccoons, and a large quantity of dried venison;all which was secured from the wolves bybeing placed uponA a scaffold.hunting excursion into the interior of thecountry was resolved on; and early the nextmorning the bundles were made up by thewomen for each person to carry. I remarkedthat the bundle given to me was the lightest,and those carried by the women the largestand heaviest of the whole.On the first day of our march we advancedabout twenty miles and then encamped. Beingsomewhat fatigued, I could not hunt; butWawatam killed a stag not far from our encampment.The next morning we moved ourlodge to the carcass. At this station we remainedtwo days, employed in drying themeat. The method was to cut it into slicesof the thickness of a steak, and then hang itover the fire'in the smoke. On the third daywe removed and marched till two o'clock in theafternoon.While the women were busy in erecting andpreparing the lodges I took my gun and strolledaway, telling Wawatam that I intended tolook out for some fresh meat for supper. Heanswered that he would do the same; and onthis we both left the encampment in differentdirections.The sun being visible I entertained no fearof losing my way; but in following several132

antitracks of animals in momentary expectation offalling in with the game I proceeded to aconsiderable distance, and it was not till nearsunset that I thought of returning. The sky,too, had become overcast, and I was thereforeleft without the sun for my guide. In thissituation I walked as fast as I could, alwayssupposing myself to be approaching our encampment,till at length it became so darkthat I ran against the trees.I became convinced that I was lost; and Iwas alarmed by the reflection that I was in acountry entirely strange to me, and in dangerfrom strange Indians. With the flint of mygun I made a fire, and then laid me down tosleep. In the night it rained hard. I awokecold and wet; and as soon as light appeared Irecommenced my journey, sometimes walkingand sometimes running, unknowing where togo, bewildered, and like a madman.Toward evening I reached the border of alarge lake of which I could scarcely discernthe opposite shore. I had never heard of alake in this part of the country, and thereforefelt myself removed further than ever from theobject of my pursuit. To tread back my stepsappeared to be the most likely means of deliveringmyself; and I accordingly determined toturn my face directly from the lake, and keepthis direction as nearly as I could.A heavy snow began to descend and nightsoon afterward came on. On this I stopped133

and made a fire, and stripping a tree of itssheet of bark, lay down under it to shelter mefrom the snow. All night at small distancesthe wolves howled around; and to me seemedto be acquainted with my misfortune.Amid thoughts the most distracted I was ableat length to fall asleep; but it was not longbefore I awoke, refreshed, and wondering atthe terror to which I had yielded myself. ThatI could really have wanted the means of recoveringmy way appeared to me almost incredible;and the recollection of it like a dream,or as a circumstance which must have proceededfrom the loss of my senses. Had thisnot happened I could never, as I now thought,have suffered so long without calling to mindthe lessons which I had received from myIndian friend for the very purpose of beinguseful to me in difficulties of this kind. Thesewere that generally speaking the tops of pinetrees lean toward the rising of the sun; thatmoss grows toward the roots of trees on theside which faces the north; and that the limbsof trees are most numerous and largest on thatwhich faces the south.Determined to direct my feet by thesemarks and persuaded that I should thussooner or later reach Lake Michigan, which Ireckoned to be distant about sixty miles, II had notbegan my march at break of day.taken, nor wished to take, any nourishment,since I left the encampment; I had with me my134

attfcgun and ammunition, and was therefore underno anxiety in regard to food. The snow layabout half a foot in depth.My eyes were now employed upon the trees.When their tops leaned different ways I lookedto the moss, or to the branches; and by connectingone with another, I found the means oftraveling with some degree of confidence. Atfour o'clock in the afternoon the sun, to myinexpressible joy, broke from the clouds, andI had now no further need of examining thetrees.In going down the side of a lofty hill I satya herd of red deer approaching. Desirous ofkilling one of them for food, I hid myself in thebushes, and on a large one coming near, presentedmy piece, which missed fire on accountof the priming having been wetted. The animalswalked along without taking the least alarm;and having reloaded my gun, I followed themand presented a second time. But now adisaster of the heaviest kind had befallen me;for on attempting to fire I found that I hadI had previously lost the screwlost the cock.by which it was fastened to the lock; and toprevent this from being lost also I had tied it inits place with a leather string: the lock, toprevent its catching in the bows, I had carriedunder my molton coat.Of all the sufferings which I had experiencedthis seemed to me the most severe. I was in astrange country, and knew not how far I had135

to go. I had been three days without food; Iwas now without the means of procuring myselfeither food or fire. Despair had almostoverpowered me: but I soon resigned myselfinto the hands of that Providence whose armhad so often saved me, and returned on mytrack in search of what I had lost. My searchwas in vain, and I resumed my course, wet,cold and hungry, and almost without clothing.136

Chapter 17A BEAR HUNTfTAHE sun was setting fast when I descendeda hill at the bottom of which was a smalllake entirely frozen over. On drawingnear I saw a beaver lodge in the middleoffering some faint prospect of food; but Ifound it already broken up. While I looked atit, it suddenly occurred to me that I had seenit before; and turning my eyes round the placeI discovered a small tree which I had myselfcut down in the autumn when in company withmy friends I had taken the beaver. I was nolonger at a loss, but knew both the distanceand the route to the encampment. The latterwas only to follow the course of a small streamof water which ran from the encampment tothe lake on which I stood. An hour beforeI had thought myself the most miserable ofmen; and now I leaped for joy and called myselfthe happiest.The whole of the night and through all ofthe succeeding day I walked up the rivulet,and at sunset reached the encampment, whereI was receiveol with the warmest expressions ofpleasure by the family, by whom I had beengiven up for lost after a long and vain searchfor me in the woods.

JjjenrpSome days elapsed, during which I restedmyself and recruited my strength: after thisI resumed the chase, secure that as the snowhad now fallen I could always return by theway I went.In the course of the month of January Ihappened to observe that the trunk of a verylarge pine tree was much torn by the claws ofa bear, made both in going up and down. Onfurther examination I saw that there was alarge opening in the upper part near whichthe smaller branches were broken. Fromthese marks and from the additional circumstancethat there were no tracks on the snowthere was reason to believe that a bear layconcealed in the tree.On returning to the lodge I communicatedmy discovery; and it was agreed that all thefamily should go together in the morning toassist in cutting down the tree, the girth ofwhich was not less than three fathoms. Thewomen at first opposed the undertaking becauseour axes, being only of a pound and ahalf weight, were not well adapted to so heavya labor; but the hope of finding a large bearand obtaining from its fat a great quantity ofoil, an article at the time much wanted, atlength prevailed.Accordingly in the morning we surroundedthe tree, both men and women, as many at atime as could conveniently work at it; andhere we toiled like beaver till the sun went138

anfr%frtenturcgdown. This day's work carried us about halfway through the trunk; and the next morningwe renewed the attack, continuing it till abouttwo o'clock in the afternoon, when the treefell to the ground. For a few minutes everythingremained quiet, and I feared that all ourexpectations were disappointed; but as Iadvanced to the opening there came out, tothe great satisfaction of all our party, a bearof extraordinary size, which, before she hadproceeded many yards, I shot.The bear being dead, all my assistants approached,and all, but more particularly myold mother (as I was wont to call her), took herhead in their hands, stroking and kissing itseveral times; begging a thousand pardons fortaking away her life: calling her their relationand grandmother; and requesting her not tolay the fault upon them, since it was truly anEnglishman that had put her to death.This ceremony was not of long duration;and if it was I that killed their grandmotherthey were not themselves behindhand in whatremained to be performed. The skin beingtaken off, we found the fat in several placessix inches deep. This being divided into twoparts, loaded two persons; and the flesh partswere as much as four persons could carry.In all, the carcass must have exceeded fivehundred-weight.As soon as we reached the lodge the bear'shead was adorned with all the trinkets in the139

possession of the family, such as silver armbands and wrist bands, and belts of wampum;and then laid upon a scaffold, set up for itsNear the nose wasreception within the lodge.placed a large quantity of tobacco.The next morning no sooner appeared thanpreparations were made for a feast to themanes. The lodge was cleaned and swept; andthe head of the bear lifted up, and a new stroudblanket, which had never been used before,spread under it. The pipes were now lit; andWawatam blew tobacco smoke into the nostrilsof the bear, telling me to do the same, andthus appease the anger of the bear on accountof my having killed her. I endeavored topersuade my benefactor and friendly adviserthat she no longer had any life, and assuredhim that I was under no apprehension fromher displeasure; but the first proposition obtainedno credit,and the second gave but littlesatisfaction.At length the feast being ready, Wawatamcommenced a speech resembling in manythings his address to the manes of his relationsand departed companions; but having thispeculiarity, that he here deplored the necessityunder which men labored thus to destroy theirfriends. He represented, however, that themisfortune was unavoidable, since withoutdoing so, they could by no means subsist.The speech ended, we all ate heartily of thebear's flesh; and even the head itself, after140

Crabclg anfr%frbenturcgremaining three days on the scaffold, was putinto the kettle.the female bear that makes herIt is onlywinter lodging in the upper parts of trees, apractice by which her young are secured fromthe attacks of wolves and other animals.Shebrings forth in the winter season; and remainsin her lodgetill the cubs have gained somestrength.The male always lodges in the ground underthe roots of trees. He takes to this habitationas soon as the snow falls, and remains theretill it has disappeared. The Indians remarkthat the bear comes out in the spring with thesame fat which he carried in in the autumn;but after exercise of only a few days, becomeslean. Excepting for a short part of the season,the male lives constantly alone.The fat of our bear was melted down, andthe oil filled six porcupine A skins.63 part of themeat was cut into strips, and fire dried, afterwhich it was put into the vessels containingthe oil, where it remained in perfect preservationuntil the middle of summer.February, in the country and by the peoplewhere and among whom I was, is called theMoon of Hard, or Crusted Snow; for now thesnow can bear a man, or at least dogs, inpursuit of animals of the chase. At this seasonthe stag isvery successfully hunted, his feet^The animal which, in America, is called a porcupine,is a hedge-hog or urchin. Author.141

eaking through at every step, and the crustupon the snow cutting his legs with its sharpedges, to the very bone. He is consequently,in this distress, an easy prey; and it frequentlyhappened that we killed twelve in the shortspace of two hours. By this means we weresoon put into possession of four thousandweight of dried venison, which was to be carriedon our backs, along with all the rest of ourwealth for seventy miles, the distance ofour encampment from that part of the lakeshore at which in the autumn we left ourcanoes. This journeyit was our next businessto perform.142

Chapter isDEATH OF A CHILDOUR venison and furs and peltries were tobe disposed of at Michilimackinac, andit was now the season for carrying themto market. The women therefore prepared ourloads; and the morning of departure beingcome, we set off at daybreak, and continuedour march till two o'clock in the afternoon.Where we stopped we erected a scaffold onwhich we deposited the bundles we hadbrought, and returned to our encampment,which we reached in the evening. In themorning we carried fresh loads, which beingdeposited with the rest, we returned a secondtime in the evening. This we repeatedtill allwas forwarded one stage. Then removing ourthe place of deposit, we carried ourlodge togoods with the same patient toil a second stage;and so on, till we were at no great distance fromthe shores of the lake.Arrived here, we turned our attention tosugar making, the management of which, asI have before related, belongs to the women,the men cutting wood for the fires, and huntingand fishing. In the midst of this we werejoined by several lodges of Indians, most ofwhom were of the family to which I belonged,143

and had wintered near us. The lands belongedto this family, and it had therefore the exclusiveright to hunt on them. This is accordingto the custom of the people; for eachfamily has its own lands. I was treated verycivilly by all the lodges.Our society had been a short time enlargedby this arrival of our friends, when an accidentoccurred which filled all the village with anxietyand sorrow. A little child belonging to one ofour neighborsfell into a kettle of boiling syrup.It was instantly snatched out, but with littlehope of its recovery.So long, however, as it lived a continual feastwas observed; and this was made to the GreatSpirit and Master of Life, that he might bepleased to save and heal the child. At thisfeast I was a constant guest; and often founddifficulty in eating the large quantity of food,which on such occasions as these isput uponeach man's dish. The Indians accustom themselvesboth to eat much and to fast much, withfacility.Several sacrifices were also offered; amongwhich were dogs, killed and hung upon thetops of poles, with the addition of stroudblankets and other articles. These, also, weregiven to the Great Spirit in humble hopethat he would give efficacy to the medicinesemployed.The child died. To preserve the body fromthe wolves it was placed upon a scaffold, where144

andit remained till we went to the Jake, on theborder of which was the burial ground of thefamily.On our arrival there, which happened in thebeginning of April, I did not fail to attend thefuneral. The grave was made of a large size,and the whole of the inside lined with birchbark. On the bark was laid the body of thechild, accompanied with an axe, a pair ofsnowshoes, a small kettle, several pairs ofcommon shoes, its own strings of beads, andbecause it was a girla carrying-belt and apaddle. The kettle was filled with meat.All this was again covered with bark; andat about two feet nearer the surface logs werelaid across, and these again covered with bark,so that the earth might by no means fall uponthe corpse.The last act before the burial, performed bythe mother crying over the dead body of herchild, was that of taking from it a lock of hairfor a memorial. While she did this I endeavoredto console her by offering the usual arguments,that the child was happy in beingreleased from the miseries of this present life,and that she should forbear to grieve, becauseit would be restored to her in another world,happy and everlasting. She answered that sheknew it, and that by the lock of hair she shoulddiscover her daughter; for she would take itwith her. In this she alluded to the day whensome pious hand would place in her own145

grave, along with the carrying-belt and paddle,this little relic, hallowed by maternal tears.I have frequently inquired into the ideas andopinions of the Indians in regard to futurity,and always found that they were somewhatdifferent in different individuals.Some suppose their souls to remain in thisworld, although invisible to human eyes; andcapable, themselves, of seeing and hearingtheir friends, and also of assisting them inmoments of distress and danger.Others dismiss from the mortal scene theunembodied spirit, and send it to a distantworld, or country, in which it receives rewardor punishment, according to the life which ithas led in its prior state. Those who havelived virtuously are transported into a placeabounding with every luxury, with deer and allother animals of the woods and water, andwhere the earth produces, in their greatestperfection, all its sweetest fruits. While, on theother hand, those who have violated or neglectedthe duties of this life are removed toa barren soil, where they wander up and downamong rocks and morasses, and are stung bygnats as large as pigeons.146

isRETURN TO MACKINACwe remained on the border of thelake a watch wasWHILE kept every night in theapprehension of a speedy attack fromthe English, who were expected to avenge themassacre of Michilimackinac. The immediategrounds of this apprehension were the constantdreams to this effect of the more aged women.I endeavored to persuade them that nothingof the kind would take place; but their fearswere not to be subdued.Amid these alarms there came a report concerninga real, though less formidable enemy,discovered in our neighborhood. This was apanther which one of our young men had seenand which animal sometimes attacks andcarries away the Indian children. Our campwas immediately on the alert, and we set offinto the woods, about twenty in number. Wehad not proceeded more than a mile beforethe dogs found the panther, and pursued himto a tree, on which he was shot.large size.On the twenty-fifth of AprilHe was of awe embarkedfor Michilimackinac. At La Grande Traverse 64we met a large party of Indians who appeared64Modern Grand Traverse Bay. Editor.147

2Uejrant>erJjjenrpto labor, like ourselves, under considerablealarm; and who dared proceed no farther, lestthey should be destroyed by the English.Frequent councils of the united bands wereheld; and interrogations were continually putto myself as to whether or not I knew of anydesign to attack them. I found that they believedit possible for me to have a foreknowledgeof events, and to be informed by dreamsof all things doing at a distance.Protestations of my ignorance were receivedwith but little satisfaction, and incurred thesuspicion of a design to conceal my knowledge.On this account therefore, or because I sawthem tormented with fears which had nothingbut imagination to rest upon, I told them atlength that I knew there was no enemy toinsult them; and that they might proceedto Michilimackinac without danger from theEnglish.I further, and with more confidence,declared that if ever my countrymen returnedto Michilimackinac I would recommend themto their favor on account of the good treatmentwhich I had received from them. Thus encouragedthey embarked at an early hour thenext morning. In crossing the bay we experienceda storm of thunder and lightning.Our port was the village of L'Arbre Croche,which we reached in safety, and where westayed till the following day. At this villagewe found several persons who had been latelyat Michilimackinac, and from them we had148

anfcthe satisfaction of learning that all was quietthere. The remainder of our voyage was thereforeperformed with confidence.In the evening of the twenty-seventh welanded at the fort, which now contained onlytwo French traders. The Indians who hadarrived before us were very few in number; andby all who were of our party I was used verykindly. I had the entire freedom both of thefort and camp.Wawatam and myself settled our stock andpaid our debts; and this done, I found that myshare of what was left consisted in a hundredbeaver skins, sixty raccoon skins, and six otter,of the total value of about one hundred andsixty dollars. With these earnings of mywinter's toil I proposed to purchase someclothes of which I was much in need, havingbeen six months without a shirt; but on inquiringinto the prices of goods I found thatall my funds would not go far. I was able,however, to buy two shirts at ten pounds ofbeaver each; a pair of leggings, or pantaloons,of scarlet cloth, which with the ribbon togarnish them fashionably, cost me fifteenpounds of beaver; a blanket, at twenty poundsof beaver; and some other articles at proportionablerates. In this manner my wealthwas soon reduced; but not before I had laid in agood stock of ammunition and tobacco. Tothe use of the latter I had become much attachedduring the winter. It was my principal149

ecreation after returning from the chase; formy companions in the lodge were unaccustomedto pass the time in conversation. Among theIndians the topics of conversation are but few,and limited for the most part to the transactionsof the day, the number of animals whichthey have killed, and of those which haveescaped their pursuit; and other incidents ofthe chase. Indeed, the causes of taciturnityamong the Indians may be easily understoodif we consider how many occasions of speech,which present themselves to us, are utterlyunknown to them; the records of history, thepursuits of science, the disquisitions of philosophy,the systems of politics, the businessand the amusements of the day, and the transactionsof the four corners of the world.Eight days had passed in tranquillity whenthere arrived a band of Indians from the Bayof Saguenaum. 65 They had assisted at thesiege of Detroit, and came to muster as manyrecruits for that service as they could. Formy own part, I was soon informed that as Iwas the only Englishman in the place theyproposed to kill me in order to give theirfriends a mess of English broth to raise theircourage.This intelligence was not of the most agraeablekind; and in consequence of receiving it,I requested my friend to carry me to the Saultde Ste. Marie, at which place I knew the66Modern Saginaw Bay. Editor.150

Crafccitf att& tiftcnturrIndians to be peaceably inclined, and thatM. Cadotte enjoyed a powerful influence overtheir conduct. They considered M. Cadotteas their chief; and he was not only my friend,but a friend to the English. It was by himthat the Chipewa of Lake Superior wereprevented from joining Pontiac.Wawatam was not slow to exert himself formy preservation; but, leaving Michilimackinacin the night, transported myself and all hislodge to Point St. Ignace, on the oppositeside of the strait. Here we remained tilldaylight,and then went into the Bay of Boutchitaouy,in which we spent three days infishing and hunting, and where we foundplenty of wild fowl. Leaving the bay we madefor the Isle aux Outardes, where we wereobliged to put in on account of the wind'scoming ahead. We proposed sailing for theSault the next morning.But when the morning came Wawatam'swife complained that she was sick, adding thatshe had had bad dreams, and kjiew that if wewent to the Sault we should all be destroyed.To have argued at this time against the infallibilityof dreams would have been extremelyinadvisable, since I should have appeared tobe guilty, not only of an odious want of faithbut also of a still more odious want of sensibilityto the possible calamities of a familywhich had done so much for the alleviation ofmine. I was silent; but the disappointment

seemed to seal my fate. No prospect openedto console me. To return to Michilimackinaccould only ensure my destruction; and toremain at the island was to brave almost equaldanger, since it lay in the direct route betweenthe fort and the Missisaki, along which theIndians from Detroit were hourly expected topass on the business of their mission. Idoubted not but, taking advantage of thesolitary situation of the family, they wouldcarry into execution their design of killing me.152

20FLIGHT TO THE SAULTUNABLE, therefore, to take any part inthe direction of our course, but a preyat the same time to the most anxiousthoughts as to my own condition, I passed allthe day on the highest part, to which I couldclimb, of a tall tree, and whence the lake onboth sides of the island lay open to my view.Here I might hope to learn at the earliest possiblemoment the approach of canoes, and by thismeans be warned in time to conceal myself.On the second morning I returned as soonas it was light to my watch-tower, on which Ihad not been long before I discovered a sailcoming from Michilimackinac.The sail was a white one, and much largerthan those usually employed by the northernIndians. I therefore indulged a hope that itmight be a Canadian canoe, on its voyage toMontreal; and that I might be able to prevailupon the crew to take me with them and thusrelease me from all my troubles.My hopes continued to gain strength; forI soon persuaded myself that the manner inwhich the paddles were used on board thecanoe was Canadian, and not Indian. Myspirits were elated; but disappointment had

ecome so usual with me that I could not suffermyself to look to the event with any strengthof confidence.Enough, however, appeared at leijgth todemonstrate itself to induce me to descendthe tree and repair to the lodge, with my tidingsand schemes of liberty. The family congratulatedme on the approach of so fair an opportunityof escape; and my father and brother(for he was alternately each of these) lit hispipe and presented it to me saying, " My son,this may be the last time that ever you and Ishall smoke out of the same pipe! I am sorryto part with you. You know the affection whichI always have borne you, and the dangers towhich I have exposed myself and familyto preserve you from your enemies; and I amhappy to find that my efforts promise not tohave been in vain. " At this time a boy cameinto the lodge, informing us that the canoe hadcome from Michilimackinac and was bound tothe Sault de Ste. Marie. It was manned bythree Canadians, and was carrying homeMadame Cadotte, the wife .of M, CadottealreadyMy mentioned.hopes of going to Montreal being nowdissipated, I resolved on accompanying MadameCadotte, with her permission, to the Sault.On communicating my wishes to Madame Cadotte,she cheerfully acceded to them. MadameCadotte, as I have already mentioned,was an Indian woman of the Chippewa

anfr%frfrcnturegnation; and she was very generally respected.My departure fixed upon, I returned to thelodge, where I packed up my wardrobe, consistingof my two shirts, pair of leggings, andblanket. Besides these I took a gun and ammunition,presenting what remained furtherto my host. I also returned the silver armbandswith which the family had decorated methe yearWe before.now exchanged farewells, with an emotionentirely reciprocal. I did not quit thelodge without the most grateful sense of themany acts of goodness which I had experiencedin it, nor without the sincerest respect for thevirtues which I had witnessed among itsmembers. All the family accompanied me tothe beach; and the canoe had no sooner put off,than Wawatam commenced an address to theKichi Manito, beseeching him to take careof me, his brother,till we should next meet.This, he had told me, would not be long, as heintended to return to Michilimackinac for ashort time only, and would then follow me tothe Sault. We had proceeded to too great adistance to allow of our hearing his voice,before Wawatam had ceased to offer up hisprayers. 6666Thus appropriately Wawatam disappears alikeSomefrom Henry's tale and from recorded history.fifty years later Henry R. Schoolcraft sought diligentlyto discover trace of him or of his family, but in vain.H. Bedford- Jones, whose criticisms of Henry's narrativehave been noted in our introduction, advances the

Being now no longer in the society of IndiansI laid aside the dress, putting on that of aCanadian; a molton, or blanket coat, over myshirt, and a handkerchief about my head, hatsbeing very little worn in this country.At daybreak on the second morning of ourvoyage we embarked, and presently perceivedseveral canoes behind us. As they approached,we ascertained them to be the fleet bound forthe Missisaki, of which I had been so long indread. It amounted to twenty sail.On coming up with us and surrounding ourcanoe, and amid general inquiries concerningthe news, an Indian challenged me for anEnglishman and his companions supportedhim by declaring that I looked very like one;but I affected not to understand any of thequestions which they asked me, and MadameCadotte assured them that I was a Canadianwhom she had brought on his firstvoyage fromMontreal.The following day saw us safely landed atthe Sault, where I experienced a generouswelcome from M. Cadotte. There were thirtywarriors at this place, restrained from joiningin the war only by M. Cadotte 's influence.Here for five days I was once more inpossession of tranquillity; but on the sixth ayoung Indian came into M. Cadotte's sayingthat a canoe full of warriors had just arrivedopinion that Wawatam, like Minavavana, was but a"creation of [Henry's] fancy. "Editor.156

anfr%frfrenturegfrom Michilimackinac that ; they had inquiredfor me; and that he believed their intentionsto be bad. Nearly at the same time a messagecame from the good chief of the village desiringme to conceal myself until he should discoverthe views and temper of the strangers.A garret was a second time my place ofrefuge; and it was not long before the Indianscame to M. Cadotte's. My friend immediatelyinformed Mutchikiwish, 67 their chief, who wasrelated to his wife, of the design imputed tothem of mischief against myself. Mutchikiwishfrankly acknowledged that they had hadsuch a design; but added that if displeasingto M. Cadotte, it should be abandoned. Hethen further stated that their errand was toraise a party of warriors to return with them to67Mutchikiwish, or Matchekewis, was the chief whohad led the braves in the massacre of June 2. In 1866Chief Alexander Robinson of C hicago gave LymanDraper this account of Chief Matchekewis: He was aChippewa, and lived at a place near Mackinac, calledCheboygan. He took Mackinac Fort in Pontiac's War,and when the British reoccupied that post Matchekewisand two or three other ringleaders in that attack weretaken, sent to Quebec, and imprisoned awhile. Butthe British authorities at length released Matchekewis,as well as the others, gave him a medal, flag, and otherpresents, and he returned home with increased honors.He was with the Indians at the battle of Fallen Timbersin 1794 and signed Wayne's treaty the followingyear. He was a large, tall chief, and weighed over twohundred pounds; and was a man of great distinctionamong his people. He died about 1806, quite aged,perhaps about seventy. Wis. Hist. Colls.,VII, 18990.iS7

Detroit; and that it had been their intentionto take me with them.In regard to the principal of the two objectsthus disclosed, M. Cadotte proceeded to assembleall the chiefs and warriors of the village;and these, after deliberating for sometime among themselves, sent for the strangers,to whom both M. Cadotte and the chief of thevillage addressed a speech. In these speeches,after recurring to the designs confessed to havebeen entertained against myself, who was nowdeclared to be under the immediate protectionof all the chiefs, by whom any insult I mightsustain would be avenged, the ambassadorswere peremptorily told that they might goback as they came, none of the young men ofthis village being foolish enough to join them.A moment after, a report was brought that acanoe had just arrived from Niagara. As thiswas a place from which everyone was anxiousto hear news, a message was sent to these freshstrangers requestingthem to come to thecouncil.The strangers came accordingly, and beingseated, a long silence ensued. At length one ofthem, taking up a belt of wampum, addressedhimself thus to the assembly:"My friends and brothers, I am come, withthis belt, from our great father, Sir WilliamJohnson. 68 He desired me to come to you as68 Sir William Johnson was a native of Ireland (born1715) who came to America at an early age. Settling in158

antihis ambassador, and tellyou that he is makinga great feast at Fort Niagara; that his kettlesare all ready, and his fires He lit. invites youto partake of the feast, in common with yourfriends, the Six Nations, which have all madepeace with the English. He advises you toseize this opportunity of doing the same, as youcannot otherwise fail of being destroyed; forthe English are on their march with a greatarmy, which will be joined by different nationsof Indians. In a word, before the fall of theleaf they will be at Michilimackinac, and theSix Nations 69 with them. "The tenor of this speech greatly alarmed theIndians of the Sault, who after a very shortconsultation agreed to send twenty deputiesto Sir William Johnson at Niagara. This wasa project highly interesting to me, since itoffered me the means of leaving the country.I intimated this to the chief of the village, andthe Mohawk Valley, he was adopted by the Iroquois,over whom he acquired great influence, becoming themost noted and successful Indian agent in BritishAmerica. Johnson played an active and notable part inthe Seven Years' War, and in 1761, upon the fall ofMontreal, journeyed to Detroit to reconcile the westerntribesmen to the British cause. It was from this councilthat the troops were sent out to garrison Mackinacand the other posts around the Lakes. Johnson died athis home, "Johnson Hall," in 1774. Editor.69These were the confederated tribes of the Iroquois,ancient and inveterate enemies of the Chippewa.Editor.159

eceived his promise that I should accompanythe deputation.Very little time was proposed to be lost insetting forward on the voyage; but the occasionwas of too much magnitude not to callfor more than human knowledge and discretion;and preparations were accordinglymade for solemnly invoking and consulting theGreat Turtle. 7070The Great Turtle was the chief among the guardianspirits of the Chippewa. Editor.1 60

Chapter 21INVOKING THE GREAT TURTLET"""Y)R invoking and consulting the Great|H Turtle the first thing to be done was thebuilding of a large house or wigwam, withinwhich was placed a species of tent for the useof the priest and reception of the spirit. Thetent was formed of moose-skins, hung over aframework of wood. Five poles, or ratherpillars, of five different species of timber,about ten feet in height and eight inches indiameter were set in a circle of about four feetin diameter. The holes made to receive themwere about two feet deep; and the pillars beingset, the holes were filled up again, with theearth which had been dug out. At top thepillars were bound together by a circular hoop,or girder. Over the whole of this edifice werespread the moose-skins, covering it at top andround the sides, and made fast with thongs ofthe same; except that on one -side a part wasleft unfastened, to admit of the entrance of thepriest.The ceremonies did not commence but withthe approach of night. To give light within thehouse several fires were kindled round thetent. Nearly the whole village assembled inthe house, and myself among the rest. It was161

not long before the priest appeared almost in astate of nakedness. As he approached the tentthe skins were lifted up as much as was necessaryto allow of his creeping under them onhis hands and knees. His head was scarcelywithin side when the edifice, massy as it hasbeen described, began to shake; and the skinswere no sooner let fall than the sounds ofnumerous voices were heard beneath them,some yelling, some barking as dogs, somehowling like wolves; and in this horrible concertwere mingled screams and sobs, as of despair,anguish, and the sharpest pain. Articulatespeech was also uttered, as if from human lips;but in a tongue unknown to any of theaudience.After some time these confused and frightfulnoises were succeeded by a perfect silence;and now a voice not heard before seemed tomanifest the arrival of a new character in thetent. This was a low and feeble voice, resemblingthe cry of a young puppy. The soundwas no sooner distinguished, than all theIndians clapped their hands for joy, exclaimingthat this was the Chief Spirit, the Turtle, thespirit that never lied. Other voices which theyhad discriminated from time to time they hadpreviously hissed, as recognizing them towhich deceivebelong to evil and lying spirits,mankind.New sounds came from the tent. Duringthe space of half an hour, a succession of songs162

anfcwere heard, in which a diversity of voices metthe ear. From his first entrance till these songswere finished we heard nothing in the propervoice of the priest; but now he addressedthe multitude, declaring the presence of theGreat Turtle and the spirit's readiness to answersuch questions as should be proposed.The questions were to come from the chiefof the village, who was silent, however,tillafter he had put a large quantity of tobaccointo the tent, introducing it at the aperture.This was a sacrifice, offered to the spirit; forspirits are supposed by the Indians to be asfond of tobacco as themselves. The tobaccoaccepted, he desired the priest to inquirewhether or not the English were preparing tomake war upon the Indians ? and whether ornot there were at Fort Niagara a large numberof English troops ?These questions having been put by thepriest, the tent instantly shook; and for someseconds after it continued to rock so violentlythat I expected to see it levelled with theground. All this was a prelude, as I supposed,to the answers to be given; but a terrific cryannounced, with sufficient intelligibility, thedeparture of the Turtle.A quarter of an hour elapsed in silence, andI waited impatiently to discover what was tobe the next incident in this scene of imposture.It consisted in the return of the spirit, whosevoice was again heard, and who now delivered163

Jjjenrpa continued speech. The language of the GreatTurtle, like that which we had heard before,was wholly unintelligible to every ear, that ofhis priest excepted; and it was, therefore, thatnot till the latter gave us an interpretation,which did not commence before the spirit hadfinished, that we learned the purport of thisextraordinary communication.The spirit, as we were now informed by thepriest, had during his short absence crossedLake Huron and even proceeded as far asFort Niagara, which is at the head of LakeOntario, and thence to Montreal. At FortNiagara he had seen no great number ofsoldiers; but on descending the St. Lawrence aslowas Montreal, he had found the rivercovered with boats and the boats filled withsoldiers, in number like the leaves of the trees.He had met them on their way up the river,coming to make war upon the Indians.The chief had a third question to propose,and the spirit, without a fresh journey to FortNiagara, was able to give it an instant andmost favorable answer: "If," said the chief,"the Indians visit Sir William Johnson, willthey be received as friends?""Sir William Johnson," said the spirit(and after the spirit, the priest) "Sir WilliamJohnson will fill their canoes with presents;with blankets, kettles, guns, gunpowder andshot, and large barrels of rum such as thestoutest of the Indians will not be able to lift;164

anfcand every man will return in safety to hisfamily."At this the transport was universal; andamid the clapping of hands, a hundred voicesexclaimed, " I will go, too I will ! go, too "!The question of public interest being resolved,individuals were now permitted toseize the opportunity of inquiring into thecondition of their absent friends, and the fateof such as were sick. I observed that theanswers given to these questions allowed ofmuch latitude of interpretation*Amid this general inquisitiveness I yieldedto the solicitations of my own anxiety for thefuture, and having first, like the rest, mademy offering of tobacco, I inquired, whether ornot I should ever revisit my native country.The question being put by the priest, the tentshook as usual; after which I received thisanswer: That I should take courage andfear no danger, for that nothing would happento hurt me; and that I should in the end reachmy friends and country in safety. Theseassurances wrought so strongly on my gratitudethat I presented an additional and extraoffering of tobacco.The Great Turtle continued to be consultedtillnearly midnight, when all the crowd dispersedto their respective lodges. I was on thewatch through the scene I have described todetect the particular contrivances by whichthe fraud was carried on; but such was the skill165

I^enrpdisplayed in the performance, or such my deficiencyof penetration, that I made no discoveries,but came away as I went, with nomore than those general surmises which willnaturally be entertained by everyOn reader.71the tenth of June I embarked with theIndian deputation, composed of sixteen men.Twenty had been the number originally designed;and upwards of fifty actually engagedthemselves to the council for the undertaking,to say nothing of the general enthusiasm atthe moment of hearing the Great Turtle'spromises. But exclusively of the degree oftimidity which still prevailed, we are to takeinto account the various domestic calls, whichmight supersede all others, and detain manywith their families.71 M. de Champlain has left an account of an exhibitionof the nature here described, which may be seen inCharlevoix's Histoire el Description Generate de laNouvelle France, Livre IV. This took place in the year1609, and was performed among a party of warriorscomposed of Algonquin, Montagnez, and Hurons.Carver witnessed another among the Cristinaux. Ineach case the details are somewhat different, but theoutline is the same. M. de Champlain mentions thathe saw the jongleur shake the stakes or pillars of thetent. I was not so fortunate; but this is the obviousexplanation of that part of the mystery to which itrefers. Captain Carver leaves the whole in darkness.Author.166

Chapter 22VOYAGE TO FORT NIAGARAthe evening of the second day of ourINvoyage we reached the mouth of the Missisaki,where we found about forty Indians,by whom we were received with abundantkindness, and at night regaled at a great feast,held on account of our arrival. The viand wasa preparation of the roe of the sturgeon, beat upand boiled, and of the consistence of porridge.After eating, several speeches were made tous, of which the general topic was a requestthat we should recommend the village to SirWilliam Johnson. This request was also speciallyaddressed to me, and I promised tocomply with it.On the fourteenth of June we passed thevillage of La Cloche, of which the greater partof the inhabitants were absent, being alreadyon a visit to Sir William Johnson. This circumstancegreatly encouraged the companionsof my voyage, who now saw that they werenot the first to run into danger.The next day about noon, the wind blowingvery hard, we were obliged to put ashore atPoint aux Grondines, a place of which somedescription has been given above.72 While72 See ante, p. 33. Editor.167

the Indians erected a hut, I employed myselfin making a fire. As I was gathering wood,an unusual sound fixed my attention for amoment; but as it presently ceased, and as Isaw nothing from which I could suppose it toproceed, I continued my employment, till,advancing farther, I was alarmed by a repetition.I imagined that it came from abovemy head; but after looking that way in vain, Icast my eyes on the ground and there discovereda rattlesnake, at not more than twofeet from my naked legs. The reptile wascoiled, and its head raised considerably aboveits body. Had I advanced another step beforemy discovery I must have trodden upon it.I no sooner saw the snake than I hastenedto the canoe, in order to procure my gun; butthe Indians, observing what I was doing, inquiredthe occasion, and being informed,begged me to desist. At the same time theyfollowed me to the spot, with their pipes andtobacco-pouches in their hands. On returning,I found the snake still coiled.The Indians on their part surrounded it, alladdressing it by turns, and calling it theirgrandfather; but yet keeping at some distance.During this part of the ceremony they filledtheir pipes; and now each blew the smoketoward the snake, who, as itappeared to me,really received it with pleasure. In a word,after remaining coiled and receiving incensefor the space of half an hour, it stretched itself168

antialong the ground in visible good humor. Itslength was between four and five feet. Havingremained outstretched for some time, at lastit moved slowly away, the Indians following itand still addressing it by the title of grandfather,beseeching it to take care of theirfamilies during their absence, and to be pleasedto open the heart of Sir William Johnson sothat he might show them charity and fill theircanoe with rum.One of the chiefs added a petition that thesnake would take no notice of the insult whichhad been offered him by the Englishman, whowould even have put him to death but for theinterference of the Indians, to whom it washoped he would impute no part of theoffense. They further requested that he wouldremain and inhabit their country, and notreturn among the English; that is, go eastward.After the rattlesnake was gone, I learnedthat this was the first time that an individualof the species had been seen so far to the northwardand westward of the River Des Francais,a circumstance, moreover, from which mycompanions were disposed to infer that thismanito had come, or been sent, on purpose tomeet them; that his errand had been no otherthan to stop them on their way; and that consequentlyit would be most advisable to returnto the point of departure. I was so fortunate,however, as to prevail with them to embark,169

and at six o'clock in the evening we againencamped. Very little was spoken of throughthe evening, the rattlesnake excepted.Early the next morning we proceeded. Wehad a serene sky and very little wind, and theIndians, therefore, determined on steeringacross the lake to an island which just appearedin the horizon; saving, by this course, a distanceof thirty miles, which would be lost inkeeping the shore. At nine o'clock, A. M., wehad a light breeze astern, to enjoy the benefit ofwhich we hoisted sail. Soon after the windincreased and the Indians, beginning to bealarmed, frequently called on the rattlesnaketo come to their assistance. By degrees thewaves grew high; and at eleven o'clock it blewa hurricane and we expected every moment tobe swallowed up. From prayers the Indiansnow proceeded to sacrifices, both alike offeredto the god-rattlesnake, or manito-kinibic. Oneof the chiefs took a dog, and after tying itsfore-legs together threw it overboard, at thesame time calling on the snake to preserve usfrom being drowned, and desiring him to satisfyhis hunger with the carcass of the dog.The snake was unpropitious, and the windincreased. Another chief sacrificed anotherdog, with the addition of some tobacco. Inthe prayer which accompanied these gifts hebesought the snake, as before, not to avengeupon the Indians the insult which he hadreceived from myself, in the conception of a170

design to put him to death. He assured thesnake that I was absolutely an Englishman,and of kin neither to him nor to them.At the conclusion of this speech an Indian,who sat near me, observed that if we weredrowned it would be for my fault alone, andthat I ought myself to be sacrificed to appeasethe angry manito; nor was I without apprehensionsthat in case of extremity this wouldbe my fate; but happily for me the storm atlength abated, and we reached the islandsafely.The next day was calm and we arrived at theentrance 73 of the navigation which leads toLake aux Claies. 74 We presently passed twoat each of which wereshort carrying-places,several lodges of Indians, 75 containing onlythe men being gone towomen and children,the council at Niagara. From this, as from aformer instance, my companions derived newcourage.On the eighteenth of June we crossed Lakeaux Claies, which appeared to be upwardof twenty miles in length. At its farther end73This is the Bay of Matchedash, or Matchitashk.Author.74This lake, which is now called Lake Simcoe, liesbetween Lakes Huron and Ontario. Author.75These Indians are called Chippewas, of the particulardescription called Missisakies; and fromtheir residence at Matchedash, or Matchitashk,also called Matchedash or Matkitashk Indians.Author.171

we came to the carrying-place of Toranto. 76Here the Indians obliged me to carry a burdenof more than a hundred pounds weight. Theday was very hot and the woods and marshesabounded with mosquitoes; but the Indianswalked at a quick pace, and I could by nomeans see myself left behind. The wholecountry was a thick forest, through which ouronly road was a footpath, or such as in Americais exclusively termed an Indian path.Next morning at ten o'clock we reached theshore of Lake Ontario. Here we were employedtwo days in making canoes out of the bark ofthe elm tree in which we were to transportourselves to Niagara. For this purpose theIndians first cut down a tree; then stripped offthe bark in one entire sheet of about eighteenfeet in length, the incision being lengthwise.The canoe was now complete as to its top, bottom,and sides. Its ends were next closed bysewing the bark together; and a few ribs andbars being introduced, the architecture wasfinished. In this manner we made two canoes,of which one carried eight men and the othernine.On the twenty-first we embarked at Toranto76Toranto, or Toronto, is the name of a French trading-houseon Lake Ontario, built near the site of thepresent town of York, the capital of the province ofUpper Canada. Author."The present town of York" has since become, by ahappy transformation, the modern city of Toronto.Editor.172

andand encamped, in the evening, four milesshort of Fort Niagara, which the Indianswould not approach till morning.At dawn the Indians were awake, and presentlyassembled in council, still doubtful asto the fate they were to encounter. I assuredthem of the most friendly welcome; and atlength, after painting themselves with the mostlively colors in token of their own peaceableviews, and after singing the song which is inuse among them on going into danger, theyembarked and made for Point Missisaki,which is on the north side of the mouth of theriver or strait of Niagara, as the fort is on thesouth. 77 A few minutes after, I crossed over tothe fort; and here I was received by Sir WilliamJohnson in a manner for which I haveever been gratefully attached to his person andmemory.Thus was completed my escape from thesufferings and dangers which the capture ofFort Michilimackinac brought upon me; butthe property which I had carried into theUpper Country was left behind. The readerwill, therefore, be far from attributing to meany idle or unaccountable motive when hefinds me returning to the scene of my misfortune.77The course of the Niagara is almost due north andsouth. Fort Niagara was on the east side of the river,Point Mississaga on the west.173

Chapter 23THE RETURN TO MACKINACA Fort Niagara I found General Bradstreet78 with a force of three thousandmen, preparing to embark for Detroitwith a view to raise the siege which it had sustainedagainst Pontiac, for twelve monthstogether. The English in this time had lostmany men; and Pontiac had been frequentlyon the point of carrying the place, thoughgallantly defended by Major Gladwyn, itscommandant. 79General Bradstreet, having learned my history,informed me that it was his design, on78 Bradstreet was at this time a colonel. A native ofEngland, he had become a colonist by adoption andwon distinction at the siege of Louisburg in 1745. Hisservice in the Seven Years' War won for him the rank ofcolonel, but on the expedition against the westernIndians, to which Henry became attached, Bradstreet'sconduct was far from notable. He became a general in1772, and died at Detroit two years later. Editor.79The classic account of the siege of Detroit is byFrancis Parkman in his Conspiracy of Pontiac. HenryGladwin, commander at Detroit, had come to Americaas a lieutenant in 1 755. He was wounded in Braddock'sDefeat of that year, and again at Ticonderoga in 1758.He served efficiently throughout the war, and upon theconclusion of Pontiac's War returned (in 1764) toEngland. In 1782 he became a major-general, dyingnine years afterward. Editor.174

Crafcdg anfcarriving at Detroit, to detach a body of troopsto Michilimackinac, and politely assured meof his services in recovering my property there.With these temptations before me I was easilyinduced to follow the General to Detroit.But I was not to go as a mere looker-on. Onthe contrary, I was invested with the honor of acommand in a corps, of the exploits, however,of which I can give no flattering account.Besides the sixteen Saulteurs, or Chippewa,of the Sault de Ste. Marie, with whom Ihad come to Fort Niagara, there were alreadyat that place eighty Matchedash Indians, thesame whose lodges we passed at the carryingplacesof Lake aux Claies. These ninety-sixmen being formed into what was called theIndian Battalion, were furnished with necessaries,and I was appointed to be their leaderme, whose best hope it had very lately been tolive through their forbearance.On the tenth of July the army marched forFort Schlausser, 80 a stockaded post above theGreat Falls, and I ordered my Indians to marchalso. Only ten of the whole number were readyat the call, but the rest promised to follow thenext morning. With my skeleton battalion,therefore, I proceeded to the fort, and therewaited the whole of the next day, impatiently80Fort Schlosser was built by the British in 1759 atthe upper end of the portage around Niagara Falls.Near here, on September 13, 1763, occurred the massacreof Devil's Hole. Editor.175

expecting the remainder. I waited in vain; andthe day following returned to Fort Niagara,when I found that they had all deserted, goingback to their homes, equipment and all, bythe way of Toranto. I thought their conduct,though dishonest, not very extraordinary;since the Indians employed in the siege ofDetroit, against whom we were leading them,were at peace with their nation, and their ownfriends and kinsmen. Amid the general desertionfour Missisakies joined the ten whom Ihad left at Fort Schlausser.For the transport of the army on Lake Eriebarges had been expressly built, capable ofcarrying a hundred men each, with theirprovisions. One of these was allowed to me andmyOn Indians.the fourteenth we embarked at FortSchlausser, and in the evening encamped atFort Erie. Here the Indians, growing drunk,amused themselves with a disorderly firingof their muskets in the camp. On this, GeneralBradstreet ordered all the rum in the Indianquarters to be seized and thrown away. TheIndians, in consequence, threatened to desert;and the general, judgingit proper to assumea high tone, immediately assembled the chiefs(for among the fourteen Indians there weremore chiefs "than one) and told them that he hadno further occasion for their services, and thatsuch of them as should follow his camp wouldbe considered as soldiers, and subjected to176

Cratoelg anfcmilitary discipline accordingly. After hearingthe General's speech, the majority set out forFort Niagara the same evening, and thencereturned to their own country by the way ofToranto; and thus was my poor battalionstill further diminished!On our fifth day from Fort Schlausser we81reached Presqu'isle, where we dragged ourbarges over the neck of land, but not withoutstraining their timbers; and with more loss oftime, as I believe, than if we had rowedround. On the twentieth day we were off themouth of the river which falls into SanduskyBay, where a council of war was held on thequestion whether it were more advisable toattack and destroy the Indian villages on theMiami or to proceed for Detroit direct. Earlythe next morning, it having been determinedthat, considering the villages were populous aswell as hostile, it was necessary to destroythem, we entered the Miami; but were presentlymet by a deputation offering peace.The offer was accepted; but it was not till aftertwo days, during which we had begun to bedoubtful of the enemy's intention, that thechiefs arrived.When they came, a sort of armistice was81Modern Erie, Pennsylvania. The French had hada post here, which was abandoned and burned after thefall of Montreal in 1760, in advance of the coming ofthe English. The latter arrived on July 17, and proceededto rebuild the fort. Editor.177

agreed upon; 82 and they promised to meet theGeneral at Detroit within fifteen days. Atthat place terms of peace were to be settledin a general council. On the eighth of Augustwe landed at Detroit. 88The Indians of the Miami were punctual,and a general peace was concluded.Pontiac,who could do nothing against the force whichwas now opposed to him and who saw himselfabandoned by his followers, unwilling to trusthis fortunes with the English, fled to theIllinois. 8482This occurred at Presque Isle, rather than Sandusky.Bradstreet's highly injudicious procedure in thisconnection was promptly disavowed by his superiorofficers. "They have negotiated with you on LakeErie, and cut our throats upon the frontiers," wroteGeneral Gage to Bradstreet on October 15, and in this.and other communications' he spoke bitterly of Bradstreet'sconduct. Editor.83Bradstreet's army reached Detroit on August 26.Editor.84 It is very possible, nevertheless, that Pontiac subsequentlyjoined the English, and that a portion ofwhat is related by Carver concerning his latter historyand death is true. It cannot, however, be intended toinsinuate that an English governor was party to theassassination:"Pontiac henceforward seemed to have laid aside theanimosity he had hitherto borne towards the English,and apparently became their zealous friend. To rewardthis new attachment, and to insure a continuanceof it, government allowed him a handsome pension.But his restless and intriguing spirit would not sufferhim to be grateful for this allowance, and his conductat length grew suspicious; so that going, in the year178 ,

anfcOn the day following that of the treaty ofpeace, Captain Howard was detached, withtwo companies and three hundred Canadianvolunteers, for Fort Michilimackinac; 85 andI embarked at the same time.1767, to hold a council in the country of the Illinois, afaithful Indian, who was either commissioned by oneof the English governors, or instigated by the love hebore the English nation, attended him as a spy; andbeing convinced from the speech of Pontiac made inthe council, that he still retained his former prejudicesagainst those for whom he now professed a friendship,he plunged his knife into his heart, as soon as he haddone speaking, and laid him dead on the spot."Author.Pontiac relapsed into obscurity following the unsuccessfulending of the war against the English whichhe had originated and led. In 1 769, while paying avisit to St. Louis, he crossed the river to Cahokia andwas there slain by a Kaskaskia Indian who was bribedthereto by an English trader for the present of a barrelof rum. His body was carried across the river to St.Louis and there buried. "For a mausoleum," saysParkman, "a city has arisen above the forest hero; andthe race whom he hated with such burning rancortrample with unceasing footsteps over his forgottengrave." Editor.86The figures have been transposed by Henry;Captain Howard had 300 English troops and twocompanies of Canadians of fifty men each. In 1775Governor Hamilton of Detroit reported to GeneralGuy Carleton that he had been informed "by a personof character here " that Colonel Bradstreet had promisedto pay the Canadians who went with CaptainHoward half a dollar per day, which was never giventhem, "tho they had neglected their harvest andreturned half naked. Such a precedent," continuedHamilton, "must be of the worst consequence and I179II

From Detroit to the mouth of Lake Huronis called a distance of eighty miles. From thefort to Lake St. Claire, which is only sevenmiles, the lands are cultivated on both sidesof the strait, and appeared to be laid out invery comfortable farms. In the strait, onthe right hand is a village of Huron, and at themouth of Lake St. Claire a village of Ottawa.We met not a single Indian on our voyage, thereport of the arrival of the English army havingdriven every one from the shores of the lake.On our arrival at Michilimackinac theOttawa of L'Arbre Croche were sent for tothe fort. They obeyed the summons, bringingwith them some Chippewa .chiefs, and peacewas concluded with both.For myself, having much property due to meat Ste. Marie's, I resolved on spending thewinter at that place. I was in part successful;and in the spring I returned to Michilimackinac.The pause which I shall here make in mynarrative might with some propriety have beenplaced at the conclusion of the precedingchapter; but it is here that my first series ofadventures are brought truly to an end. Whatremains belongs to a second enterprise, whollyindependent of the preceding.mention the fact to your Excellency as it has left a deepimpression upon those who were sufferers from sucha dishonorable breach of word and credit." R. G.Thwaites and L. P. Kellogg Revolution on the UpperOhio (Madison, 1908), 133-34. Editor.180

PART TWO.LAKE SUPERIOR AND THE CANADIANNORTHWEST, 1765-76

JOURNEY TO CHEQUAMEGONUNDER the French government of Canadathe fur trade was subject to avariety of regulations, established andenforced by the royal authority; and in 1765,the period at which I began to prosecute itanew, some remains of the ancient system werestill preserved. No person could go into thecountries lying north-westward of Detroit unlessfurnished with a license; and the exclusivetrade of particular districts was capable ofbeing enjoyed in virtue of grants from militarycommanders.The exclusive trade of Lake Superior wasgiven to myself by the commandant of FortMichilimackinac; and to prosecute it I purchasedgoods, which I found at this post, attwelve months' credit. My stock was thefreight of four canoes, and I took it at the priceof ten thousand pounds weight of good andmerchantable beaver. It is in beaver thataccounts are kept at Michilimackinac; but indefect of this article, other furs and skins areaccepted in payments, being first reduced untotheir value in beaver. Beaver was at this timeat the price of two shillings and six pence perpound, Michilimackinac currency; otter skins,183

J^cnrpat six shillings each; marten, at one shillingand six pence, and others in proportion.To carry the goods to my wintering groundin Lake Superior, I engaged twelve men attwo hundred and fifty livres, of the same currency,each; that is, a hundred pounds weightof beaver. For provisions, I purchased fiftybushels of maize at ten pounds of beaver perbushel. At this place specie was so wholly outof the question that in going to a cantine, 1youtook with you a marten's skin,to pay yourreckoning. 2On the fourteenth of July, 1765 I embarkedfor the Sault de Ste. Marie, where, on my arrival,I took into partnership M. Cadotte, whom Ihave already had frequent occasion to name;and on the 26th I proceeded for my winteringground, which was to be fixed at Chagouemig. 31 The post canteen. Editor.2See Part One, chapter v. Author.3Modern Chequamegon Bay, near whose head standsthe city of Ashland, Wisconsin. In this vicinity is oneof the oldest centers of French activity in the interior ofthe continent. Here two daring traders, Groseilliers andRadisson, established headquarters two decades beforeWilliam Penn founded the City of Brotherly Love.Here for four years, beginning in October, 1665, FatherAllouez labored unavailingly to soften the hearts of thecontumacious red men. From here Father Marquettefollowed the Ottawa and Huron bands, fleeing eastwardbefore the avenging Sioux, to establish at the Straitsof Mackinac the mission of St. Ignace. FollowingRadisson and Groseilliers came a long succession oftraders whose names have now become commonplaces184

antiThe next morning I crossed the Strait ofSte. Marie, or of Lake Superior, to a pointwhich the Chippewa call the Grave of theIroquois. 4 To this name there belongs atradition that the Iroquois, who at a certaintime made war upon the Chippewa, with thedesign of dispossessing them of their country,encamped one night a thousand strong uponthis point; where, thinking themselves securefrom their numbers, they indulged in feastingon the bodies of their prisoners. The sight,however, of the sufferings and humiliation oftheir kindred and friends so wrought uponthe Chippewa, who beheld them from theopposite shore, that with the largest numberof warriors they could collect, but whichamounted only to three hundred, they crossedthe channel and at break of day fell upon theIroquois, now sleeping after their excesses, andput one and all to death. Of their own party,they lost but a single man; and he died of ain the history of the Northwest Duluth, Le Sueur,La Ronde, Henry, the Cadottes, the Warren brothers,and others. For the early history of the place seeThwaites, "Story of Chequamegon Bay" in Wis.Hist. Colls., XIII, 397-425. Editor.4Iroquois Point is in modem Chippewa County,Michigan. Nearby is the village of Iroquois. Thetragedy which gave their names to point and villageoccurred in 1662. A detailed narrative of the affairby Perrot is in Emma H. Blair's Indian Tribes of theUpper Mississippi Valley and Region of the Great Lakes(Cleveland, 1911), I, 178-80. Editor.

&lejtanberwound which he received from an old woman,who stabbed him with an. awl. She was atwork, making shoes for the family, when hebroke into the lodge, near the entrance of whichshe sat. Some of the old men of my crewremembered at this place to have seen bones.On the lake we fell in with Indians, of whomI purchased provisions. One party agreed toaccompany me, to hunt for me, on condition ofbeing supplied with necessaries on credit.On the nineteenth of August we reached themouth of the river Ontonagan, one of theAt thelargest on the south side of the lake.mouth was an Indian village; and at threeleagues above, a fall, at the foot of whichsturgeon were at this season so abundant thata month's subsistence for a regiment couldhave been taken in a few hours.But I found this river chiefly remarkable forthe abundance of virgin copper which is onits banks and in its neighborhood, and of whichthe reputation is at present more generallyspread than it was at the time of this my firstvisit. The attempts which were shortly aftermade to work the mines of Lake Superior toadvantage will very soon claim a place amongthe facts which I am to describe.The copper presented itself to the eye inmasses of various weight. The Indians showedme one of twenty pounds. They were used tomanufacture this metal into spoons and braceletsfor themselves. In the perfect state in1 86

Cratoelg anfcwhich they found it, it required nothing but tobe beat into shape. The Pi-wa-tic, or IronRiver, 6 enters the lake to the westward of theOntonagan; and here, as is pretended, silverwas found while the country was in the possessionof the French.Beyond this river I met more Indians, whomI furnished with merchandise on credit. Theprices were, for a stroud blanket, ten beaverskins;for a white blanket, eight; a pound ofpowder, two; a pound of shot, or of ball, one;a gun, twenty; an axe of one pound weight,two; a knife, one. Beaver, it will be remembered,was worth at Michilimackinac twoshillings and sixpence a pound, in the currencyof that place; that is, six livres, or adollar.On my arrival at Chagouemig I found fiftylodges of Indians there. These people werealmost naked, their trade having been interrupted,first by the English invasion of Canadaand next by Pontiac's War.Adding the Indians of Chagouemig to thosewhich I had brought with me, I had now ahundred families, to all of whom I was requiredto advance goods on credit. At a councilwhich I was invited to attend, the men declaredthat unless their demands were compliedwith their wives and children would perish;for that there were neither ammunition nor*Modern Iron River, in Ontonagon County, Michigan.Editor.187

clothing left among them. Under these circumstancesI saw myself obliged to distribute goodsto the amount of three thousand beaver-skins.This done, the Indians went on their hunt, atthe distance of a hundred leagues. A clerk,acting as my agent, accompanied them to6Fond du Lac, taking with him two loadedcanoes. Meanwhile, at the expense of sixdays' labor I was provided with a very comfortablehouse for my winter's residence.6At or near the site of modern Superior, Wisconsin.Editor.188

Chapter 2THE WINTER AT CHEQUAMEGONor Chagouemigon, mightatCHAGOUEMIG,this period be regarded as the metropolisof the Chippewa, of whom thetrue name is O'chibbuoy. The chiefs informedme that they had frequently attacked theNadowessies (by the French called Sioux orNadouessioux) with whom they are alwaysat war, with fifteen hundred men includingin this number the fighting men from Fond duLac, or the head of Lake Superior. The causeof the perpetual war carried on between thesetwo nations, is this, that both claim as theirexclusive hunting ground the tract of countrywhich lies between them, and uniformly attackeach other when they meet upon it.77This immemorial warfare between the Chippewaand the Sioux was continued until almost our own day.In August, 1919, there died at Beaulieu, Minnesota, aChippewa chief (Mayzhuckegeshig) who in earlier lifehad repeatedly led his braves to battle against theSioux. When a warrior distinguished himself in battleby killing and scalping his foeman he was usuallydecorated with a feather from a war eagle. Someindication alike of the prowess and of the manner of lifeof Mayzhuckegeshig in his earlier years is afforded bythe fact that he had accumulated some twenty of theseprized trophies. In 1825 Governor Cass met the Siouxand the Chippewa in council at Prairie du Chien,189

'The Chippewa of Chagouemig are a handsome,well-made people; and much morecleanly, as well as much more regular in thegovernment of their families, than the Chippewaof Lake Huron. The women have agreeablefeatures and take great pains in dressingtheir hair, which consists in neatly dividing iton the forehead and top of the head and inplaiting and turning it up behind. The menpaint as well their whole body as their face;sometimes with charcoal, and sometimes withwhite ocher; and appear to study how to makethemselves as unlike as possible to anythinghuman. The clothing in which I found them,both men and women, was chiefly of dresseddeer-skin, European manufactures having beenfor some time out of their reach. In this respect,it was not long after my goods were dispersedamong them before they were scarcelyto be known for the same people. The womenheightened the color of their cheeks, andWisconsin, in an effort to arrange their boundarydisputes and thus end the interminable warfare betweenthe two tribes. When he asked the Sioux chiefs on whatground they claimed the territory in dispute they answered,"by possession and occupation from our forefathers." Turning to the Chippewa, ^Cass put the samequestion, to which the noted Hole-in-the-Day, risingwith a graceful gesture, replied: "My Father, weclaim it on the same ground that you claim this countryfrom the British king by conquest. We drove themfrom the country by force of arms, and have sinceoccupied it; and they dare not try to dispossess us ofour habitations. " Editor.190

Crafcelg anUreally animated thei^ beauty, by a liberal useof vermilion.My house being completed, my winter'sfood was the next object; and for this purpose,with the assistance of my men, I soon took twothousand trout and whitefish, the former frequentlyweighing fifty pounds each and thelatter commonly from four to We six. preservedthem by suspending them by the tail inthe open air. These, without bread or salt,were our food through all the winter, the menbeing free to consume what quantity theypleased and boiling or roasting them wheneverthey thought proper. After leaving MichilimackinacI saw no bread; and I found lessdifficulty in reconciling myself to the privationthan I could have anticipated.On the fifteenth of December the Bay ofChagouemig was frozen entirely over. Afterthis I resumed my former amusement of spearingtrout, and sometimes caught a hundred ofthese fish in a day, each weighing on an averagetwenty pounds.My house, which stood in the bay, was shelteredby an island of fifteen miles in length,8and between which and the main the channelis four miles broad. On the island there wasformerly a French trading-post, much frequented;and in its neighborhood a largeIndian village. To the south-east is a lake,called Lake des Outaouais, from the Ottawa.8Modern Madelaine Island. Editor.191

9its former possessors ;but it is now the propertyof the Chippewa.From the firsthunting party which broughtme furs I experienced some disorderly behavior;but happily without serious issue.Having crowded into my house and demandedrum, which I refused them, they talkedof indulging themselves in a general pillage,and I found myself abandoned by all my men.Fortunately I was able to arm myself; and onmy threatening to shoot the first who shouldlay his hands on anything, the tumult beganto subside and was presently after at an end.When over, my men appeared to be trulyashamed of their cowardice, and made promisesnever to behave in a similar manner again.Admonished of my danger, I now resolvedon burying the liquor which I had; and theIndians, once persuaded that I had none to9Lac Court Oreilles in Sawyer County, Wisconsin,about eighty miles southwest of Henry's winteringplace. Hither the Ottawa fled in the seventeenthcentury, seeking refuge from the destroying Iroquois.Although they remained for but a brief period theyreturned to the place on subsequent hunting expeditions.The Ottawa acquired the sobriquet of CourtOreilles (short ears) not because they practiced clippingthese organs, but because, unlike certain othertribes who distended the lobe by ornaments or weights,they left their ears in their natural condition. TheOttawa have long since disappeared from the vicinityof Lac Court Oreilles, where there is today an Indianreservation inhabited by several hundred Chippewa.Editor.192

anHgive them, went and came very peaceably,paying their debts and purchasing goods. Inthe month of March the manufacture of maplesugar engaged, as usual, their attention.While the snow still lay on the ground, Iproposed to the Indians to join me in a huntingexcursion, and they readily agreed. Shortlyafter we went out my companions discovereddents or hollows in the snow, which theyaffirmed to be the footsteps of a bear, made inthe beginning of the winter, after the firstsnow. As for me, I should have passed overthe same ground without acquiring any suchinformation; and probably without remarkingthe very faint traces which they were able todistinguish, and certainly without deductingso many particular facts: but what can bemore credible than that long habits of closeobservation in the forest should give the Indianhunter some advantages in the exercise of hisdaily calling? The Indians were not deceived;for on following the traces which they hadfound they were led to a tree at the root ofwhich was a bear.As I had proposed this hunt, I was by theIndian custom the master and the proprietorof all the game; but the head of the familywhich composed my party begged to have thebear, alleging that he much desired to make afeast to the Kichi Manito, or Great Spirit, whohad preserved himself and his family throughthe winter and brought them in safety to the193

lake. On his receiving my consent, the womenwent to the spot where we had killed the bearand where the carcass had been left in safety,buried deep in the snow. They brought thebooty back with them, and kettles being hungover the fires, the whole bear was dressed forthe feast.About an hour after dark accompanied byfour of my men I repaired to the place ofto invitation. The numbersacrifice, accordingof the Indians exactly equalled ours, thereso thatbeing two men and three women;together we were ten persons, upon whom itwas incumbent to eat up the whole bear. I. wasobliged to receive into my own plate, or dish,a portion of not less than ten pounds weight,and each of my men were supplied with twicethis quantity. As to the Indians, one of themhad to his share the head, the breast, the heart,with its surrounding fat, and all the four feet;and the whole of this he swallowed in twohours. He, as well as the rest, had finished beforeI had got through half my toil; and mymen were equally behindhand. In this situationone of them resorted to an experimentwhich had a ludicrous issue, and which at thesame time served to discover a fresh featurein the superstitions of the Indians. Havingfirst observed to us that a part of the cheerwould be very acceptable to him the next day,when his appetite should be returned, he withdrewa part of the contents of his dish and194

antimade it fast to the girdle which he wore underhis shirt. While he disposed in this mannerof his superabundance I, who found myselfunable to perform my part, requested theIndians to assist me; and this they cheerfullydid, eating what I had found too much withas much apparent ease as if their stomachshad been previously empty. The feast beingbrought to an end, and the prayer and thanksgivingpronounced, those near the door departed;but when the poor fellow who hadconcealed his meat, and who had to pass fromthe farther end of the lodge, rose up to go, twodogs, guided by the scent, laid hold of thetreasure and tore it to the ground. The Indianswere greatly astonished; but presently observedthat the Great Spirit had led the dogsby inspiration to the act in order to frustrate theprofane attempt to steal away this portion ofthe offering. As matters stood the course theytook was to put the meat into the fire and thereconsume it.On the twentieth of April the ice broke up,and several canoes arrived filled with womenand children who reported that the men oftheir band were all gone out to war against, theNadowessies. On the fifteenth of May a partof the warriors, with some others, arrived infifty canoes, almost every one of which hada cargo of furs. The warriors gave me someaccount of their campaign, stating that theyhad set out in search of the enemy four

hundred strong and that on the fourth dayfrom their leaving their village they had metthe enemy and been engaged in battle. Thebattle, as they related, raged the greater partof the day and in the evening the Nadowessiesto the number of six hundred fell back acrossa river which lay behind them, encampingin this position for the night. The Chippewahad thirty-five killed and they took advantageof the suspension of the fray to prepare thebodies of their friends, and then retired to asmall distance from the place expecting theNadowessies to recross the stream in themorning and come again to blows. In this,however, they were disappointed; for theNadowessies continued their retreat withouteven doing the honors of war to the slain. Todo these honors is to scalp, and to prepare thebodies is to dress and paint the remains of thedead, preparatorily to this mark of attentionfrom the enemy: "The neglect," said the Chippewa,"was an affront to us a disgrace; becausewe consider it an honor to have the scalpsof our countrymen exhibited in- the villagesof our enemies in testimony of our valor."The concourse of Indians already mentioned,with others who came after, all rich in furs,enabled me very speedily to close my traffic forthe spring, disposing of all the goods which ontaking M. Cadotte into partnership had beenleft in my own hands. I found myself in possessionof a hundred and fifty packs of beaver196

antiweighing a hundred pounds each, besidestwenty-five packs of otter and marten skins;and with this part of the fruits of my adventureI embarked for Michilimackinac, sailing incompany with fifty canoes of Indians who hadstill a hundred packs of beaver which I wasunable to purchase.On my way I encamped a second time at themouth of the Ontonagan and now took theopportunity of going ten miles up the riverwith Indian guides. The object which I wentmost expressly to see, and to which I had thesatisfaction of being led, was a mass of copperof the weight, according to my estimate, of noless than five tons. Such was its pure and malleablestate, that with an axe I was able to cut10off a portion weighing a hundred pounds.On viewing the surrounding surface I conjecturedthat the mass at some period or otherhad rolled from the side of a lofty hill whichrises at its back.10This mass of copper, later known as Copper Rock,was known to explorers from a very early period. Atthe time of the boom in the Copper Country in theearly 'forties, possession was taken of Copper Rock bysome miners from the lead-mines ot southern Wisconsin.It was later removed to the Smithsonian Institutionat Washington. Editor.197

IFAMINE AT THE SAULTPASSED the winter following at the Sault'de Ste. Marie. Fish, at this place, areusually so abundant in the autumn thatprecautions are not taken for a supply ofprovisions for the winter; but this year thefishery failed, and the early setting-in of thefrost rendered it impracticable to obtainassistance from Michilimackinac. To theincrease of our difficulties, five men, whom, onthe prospect of distress, I had sent to subsistthemselves at a distant post, came back on theday before Christmas, driven in by want.Under these circumstances, and havingheard that fish might be found in Oak Bay,called by the French, Anse a la Pdche, or FishingCove, 11 which is on the north side of LakeSuperior, at the distance of twelve leaguesfrom the Sault, I lost no time in repairingthither,taking with me several men, with apint of maize only for each person.In Oak Bay we were generally able to obtaina supply of food, sometimes doing so with greatfacility, but at others going to bed hungry.11"Ance a la Pfiche" is shown on Bellin's map ofCanada of 1745 as the indentation on the east side ofmodern Whitefish Bay into which the Goulais Riverempties. Editor.198

anfcAfter being here a fortnight, we were joined bya body of Indians, flying, like ourselves, fromfamine. Two days after, there came a youngIndian out of the woods alone, and reportingthat he had left the family to which he belongedbehind in a starving condition andunable, from their weakly and exhausted state,to pursue their journey to the bay. The appearanceof this youth was frightful; and fromhis squalid figure there issued a stench whichnone of us could support.His arrival struck our camp with horror anduneasiness; and it was not long before the Indianscame to me, saying, that they suspectedhe had been eating human flesh, and eventhat he had killed and devoured the familywhich he pretended to have left behind.These charges, upon being questioned, hedenied; but not without so much equivocationin his answers as to increase the presumptionagainst him. In consequence, the Indiansdetermined on traveling a day's journey on histrack; observing that they should be able todiscover from his encampments whether hewere guilty or not. The next day they returned,bringing with them a human hand andskull. The hand had been left roasting beforea fire, while the intestines, taken out of thebody from which it was cut, hung fresh on aneighboring tree.The youth, being informed of these discoveries,and further questioned, confessed the199

crime of which he was accused. From theaccount he now proceeded to give it appearedthat the family had consisted of his. uncle andaunt, their four children, and himself. Oneof the children was a boy of fifteen years ofage. His uncle, after firing at several beasts ofthe chase, all of which he missed, fell into despondence,and persuaded himself that it wasthe will of the Great Spirit that he shouldrish. In this state of mind, he requestedis wife to kill him. The woman refused tocomply; but the two lads, one of them, as hasbeen said, the nephew, and the other the sonof the unhappy man, agreed between themselvesto murder him, to prevent, as our informantwished us to believe, his murderingthem. Accomplishing their detestable purpose,they devoured the body; and faminepressing upon them still closer, they successivelykilled the three younger children, uponwhose flesh they subsisted for some time, andwith a part of which the parricides at lengthset out for the lake, leaving the woman, whowas too feeble to travel, to her fate. On theirway, their foul victuals failed; the youthbefore us killed his companion; and it was apart of the remains of this last victim that hadbeen discovered at the fire.The Indians entertain an opinion that theman who has once made human flesh his foodwill never afterward be satisfied with anyother. It isprobable that we saw things in200

Cratoelg anfcsome measure through the medium of our prejudices;but I confess that this distressing objectappeared to verify the doctrine. He atewith relish nothing that was given him; but,indifferent to the food prepared, fixed his eyescontinually on the children which were in theIndian lodge, and frequently exclaimed, "Howfat they are!" It was perhaps not unnaturalthat after long acquaintance with no humanform but such as was gaunt and pale from wantof food, a man's eyes should be almost rivetedupon anything where misery had not madesuch inroads, and still more upon the bloomand plumpness of childhood; and the exclamationmight be the most innocent, and mightproceed from an involuntary and unconquerablesentiment of admiration. Be this as itmay, hisbehavior was considered, and not less naturally,as marked with the most alarming symptoms;and the Indians, apprehensive that he wouldprey upon their children, resolved on puttinghim to death. They did this the next day withthe single stroke of an axe, aimed at his headfrom behind, and of the approach of which hehad not the smallest intimation.Soon after this affair our supply of fish, evenhere, began to fail; and we resolved, in consequence,to return to the Sault, in the hope thatsome supply might have arrived there. Want,however, still prevailed at that place, and nostranger had visited it; we set off, therefore,to Michilimackinac, taking with us only one

meal 'sprovision for each person. Happily, atour firstencampment an hour's fishing procuredus seven trout, each from ten poundsweight to twenty. At the River Miscoutinsakiwe found two lodges of Indians who had fish,and who generously gave us part. The nextday we continued our journey till, meetingwith a caribou, I was so fortunate as to kill it.We encamped close to the carcass, whichweighed about four hundred pounds, and subsistedourselves upon it for two days. On theseventh day of our march we reached FortMichilimackinac, where our difficulties ended.On the first of July there arrived a hundredcanoes from the Northwest, laden with beaver.202

LEGENDS OF NANIBOJOUTHE same year I chose my winteringground at Michipicoten on the northside of Lake Superior, distant fiftyleagues from the Sault de Ste. Marie. On myvoyage, after passing the great capes which areat the mouth of the lake, I observed the banksto be low and stony and in some places runninga league back to the feet of a ridge ofmountains.At Point Mamance the beach appeared toabound in mineral substances and I met with avein of lead ore, where the metal abounded inthe form of cubical crystals. Still coastingalong the lake, I found several veins of copperore of that kind which the miners call gray ore.From Mamance to Nanibojou is fifteenleagues. Nanibojou is on the eastern side ofthe Bay of Michipicoten. At the oppositepoint, or cape, are several small islands, underone of which, according to Indian tradition,is buried Nanibojou, a person of the mostsacred memory. Nanibojou is otherwise calledby the names of Minabojou, Michabou, Messou,Shactac, and a variety of others, but ofall of which the interpretation appears to bethe Great Hare. The traditions related of the203

Great Hare are as varied as his name. 12 Hewas represented to me as the founder, and indeedthe creator, of the Indian nations ofNorth America. He lived originally towardthe going-down of the sun where, being warnedin a dream that the inhabitants would bedrowned by a general flood produced by heavyrains, he built a raft, on which he afterwardspreserved his own family and all the animalworld without exception. According to hisdream, the rains fell and a flood ensued. Hisraft drifted for many moons during whichno land was discovered. His family began todespair of a termination to the calamity, andthe animals, who had then the use of speech,murmured loudly against him. In the end heproduced a new earth, placed the animals uponit, and created man.At a subsequent period he took from theanimals the use of speech. This act of severitywas performed in consequence of a conspiracyinto which they had entered against the humanrace. At the head of the conspiracy was thebear; and the great increase which had takenplace among the animals rendered their numbersformidable. I have heard many other12The legends of Nanibojou, dealing with the mythof the creation, are preserved among many and widelyscattered tribes. In 1804 Captain Thomas G. Andersonfound at the site of modern Two Rivers, Wisconsin,an Indian chief named Nannabojou. His account ofthe origin and significance of his name is recorded inWis. Hist. Colls., IX, 155-57. Editor.204

antistories concerning Nanibojou, and many havebeen already given to the public; and this atleast is certain, that sacrifices are offered onthe island which is called his grave or tumulus,by all who pass it. I landed there and foundon the projecting rocks a quantity of tobaccorotting in the rain, together with kettles,broken guns, and a variety of other articles.His spirit is supposed to make this its constantresidence; and here to preside over the lake,and over the Indians, in their navigation andfishing.This island lies no farther from the mainthan the distance of five hundred yards. Onthe opposite beach I found several pieces ofvirgin copper, of which many were remarkablefor their form, some resembling leaves ofvegetables and others, animals. Their weightwas from an ounce to three pounds.From the island to my proposed winteringground the voyage was about ten leagues. Thelake is here bordered by a rugged and elevatedcountry, consisting in mountains of which forthe most part the feet are in the water and theheads in the clouds. The river which falls intothe bay is a large one but has a bar at its entranceover which there is no more than fourfeet water.On reaching the trading post, which was anold one of French establishment, I found tenof Indians. These were Gens delodgesTerres, or O'pimittish Ininiwac,205of which

Siejcanbernation I have already had occasion to speak. 13It is scattered over all the country between the14Gulf of St. Lawrence and Lake Arabuthcow,and between Lake Superior and Hudson'sBay. Its languageis a mixture of those of itsneighbors, the 15Chippewa and Christinaux.The men and women wear their hair in the samefashion, and are otherwise so much dressedalike that it is often difficult to v distinguishtheir sexes. Their lodges, on the insufficiency ofwhich I have before remarked, have no coveringexcept the branches of the spruce fir andthese habitations, as well as the clothes andpersons of the inhabitants, are full of dirtand vermin. Such is the inhospitality of thecountry over which they wander that only asingle family can live together in the winterseason, and this sometimes seeks subsistencein vain on an area of five hundred square miles.They can stay in one place only till they havedestroyed all its hares, and when these failthey have no resource but in the leaves andshoots of trees, or in defect of these in cannibalism.Most of these particulars, however,13 See Part One, chapter 6. They are also called TStesde Boule. Author.The descendants of the Ttes de Boule (roundheads)now dwell in the province of Quebec. Alone ofall the tribes of eastern Canada, they still refuse todevote themselves to agriculture. Editor.14Modern Lake Athabasca. Editor.15The same with Kristinaux, Killistinoes, Criqs,Cris, Crees, etc., etc., etc. Author.206

Crafeeig anfcatitoenturcare to be regarded as strong traits by which thesorrows and calamities of the country admitof being characterized, rather than as parts ofan accurate delineation of its more ordinarystate.Among such of these Indians as I knew, oneof them was married to his own daughter, whohad brought him several children; and I wastold by his companions that it was commonamong them for a man to have at the sametime both a mother and her daughter forwives.To the ten lodges I advanced goods to a largeamount, allowing every man credit for a hundredbeaver-skins, and every woman for thirty.In this I went beyond what I had done for theto which I was em-Chippewa, a proceedingboldened by the high character for honestywhich issupported by this otherwise abjectpeople. Within a few days after their departure,others arrived; and by the fifteenth ofOctober I had seen, or so I was informed, allthe Indians of this quarter, and which belongto a thousand square miles. They were comprisedin no more than eighteen families; andeven these, in summer, could not find food inthe country were it not for the fish in thestreams and lakes.The country immediately contiguous to mywintering ground was mountainous in everydirection, and the mountains were separatedfrom each other rather by lakes than valleys,207

the quantity of water everywhere exceedingthat of the land. On the summits of some ofthe mountains there were sugar-maple trees;but with these exceptions, the uplands hadno other growth than spruce-firs and pines,nor the lowlands than birch and poplar.Occasionally, I saw a few cariboux, and haresand partridges supplied my Sunday dinners.By Christmas day the lake was covered withice.208

Chapter 5A TEMPESTUOUS VOYAGEthe beginning of April I prepared to makeINmaple sugar, building for this purpose ahouse in a hollow dug out of the snow. Thehouse was seven feet high but yet was lowerthan the snow.On the twenty-fourth I began my manufacture.On the twenty-eighth the lands belowwere covered with a thick fog. All was calm,and from the top of the mountain not a cloudwas to be discovered in the horizon. Descendingthe next day, I found half a foot of newfallensnow and learned that it had blown hardin the valleys the day before; so that I perceivedI had been making sugar in a regionabove the clouds.Sugar-making continued till the twelfth ofMay. On the mountain we eat nothing but oursugar during the whole period. Each manconsumed a pound a day, desired no other food,and was visibly nourished by it.After returning to the banks of the river,wild fowl appeared in such abundance that aday's subsistence for fifty men could withoutdifficulty be shot daily by one; but all this wasthe affair of less than a week, before the end ofwhich the water which had been covered was209

left naked, and the birds had fled away to thenorthward.On the twentieth day of the month the firstparty of Indians came in from their winter'shunt. During the season some of them hadvisited one of the factories of the Hudson'sBay Company. Within a few days followingI had the satisfaction of seeing all those towhom I had advanced goods return. Out oftwo thousand skins, which was the amount ofmy outstanding debts, not thirty remained unpaid;and even the trivial loss which I didsuffer was occasioned by the death of one of theIndians, for whom his family brought, as theysaid, all the skins of which he died possessed,and offered to pay the rest from among themselves;his manes, they observed, would notbe able to enjoy peace, while his name remainedin my books and his debts were leftunsatisfied.In the spring, at Michilimackinac, I metwith a Mr. Alexander Baxter, recently arrivedfrom England on report of the ores existing inthis country. To this gentleman, I communicatedmy mineralogical observations andspecimens, collected both on my voyages andat my wintering ground; and I was thus introducedinto a partnership which was soon afterwardformed for working the mines of LakeSuperior.Meanwhile, I prepared to pass a secondwinter at Michipicoten, which I reached at the210

Ctataelg anfr%frtacnturegusual season. In the month of October, all theIndians being supplied and at the chase, Iresolved on indulging myself in a voyage to theSault de Ste. Marie, and took with me threeCanadians and a young Indian woman, whowished to see her relations there. As the distancewas short and we were to fish by the way,we took no other provision than a quart ofmaize for each person.On the first night we encamped on the islandof Nanibojou and set our net. We certainlyneglected the customary offerings, and anIndian would not fail to attribute it to thiscause that in the night there arose a violentstorm which continued for three days, in whichit was impossible for us to visit our net. Inconsequence we subsisted ourselves on ourmaize, the whole of which we nearly finished.On the evening of the third day the stormabated and we hastened to examine the net.It was gone. To return to Michipicoten wasimpossible, the wind being ahead; and westeered, therefore, for the Sault. But in theevening the wind came round and blew a galeall that night and for the nine following days.During all this time the waves were so high andbroke so violently on the beach that a canoecould not be put into the water.When we first disembarked we had notenough maize to afford a single day's provisionfor our party, consisting as it did of five persons.What there was we consumed on the211

first evening, reckoning upon a prosperousvoyage the next morning. On the first andsecond days I went out to hunt, but afterranging for many miles among the mountainsI returned in both instances without success.On the third day I found myself too weak towalk many yards without stopping to rest myself;and I returned in the evening with no morethan two snowbirds. 16On my arrival one of my men informed methat the other two had proposed to kill andfeed upon the young woman; and on myexamining them as to the truth of this accusationthey freely avowed it, and seemed to bemuch dissatisfied at my opposition to theirscheme.The next morning I ascended a lofty mountain,on the top of which I found a very highrock and this covered with a lichen which theChippewas call waac, and the Canadians11tripe de roche. I had previously been informedthat on occasions of famine this vegetable has16Emberiza hyemalis. Author.17This is an edible lichen often mentioned by earlyexplorers. Father Menard and his companions, winteringat Keweenaw Bay in 1660-61, used it to preservetheir lives through the winter. "They would put ahandful of it into their kettle, which would thickenthe water ever so little, forming a kind of foam or slimelike that of snails, and feeding their imagination morethan their bodies." Father Andre records that "Itis necessary to close one's eyes when one begins to eatit." Wis. Hist. Colls., XVI, 24. Editor.212

anfcoften been resorted to for food. No sooner,therefore, had I discovered it than I began todescend the mountain to fetch the men and theIndian woman. The woman was well acquaintedwith the mode of preparing the lichen forthe stomach, which is done by boiling it downinto a mucilage, as thick as the white of an egg.In a short time we obtained a hearty meal, forthough our food was of a bitter and disagreeabletaste, we felt too much joy in finding it and toomuch relief in eating it not to partake of itwith much appetite and pleasure. As to therest, it saved the life of the poor woman; forthe men who had projected to kill her wouldunquestionably have accomplished their purpose.One of them gave me to understand thathe was not absolutely a novice in such anaffair; that he had wintered in the Northwest,and had been obliged to eat human flesh.On the evening of the ninth day the windfell and our canoe was launched, though notwithout difficulty from the weakly state of thecrew. We paddled all night, but continuallyfell asleep, and whenever my own eyes wereclosed I dreamed of tempting food.The next morning we discovered two canoesof Indians on their way from the Sault. Oninforming them of our condition they suppliedus with as many fish as we were willing toaccept; and no sooner were we possessed of thistreasure than we put ashore, made a fire, andrefreshedourselves with a plentiful breakfast.213

At night we reached the Sault. Our changeof diet had very serious effects upon our health,so that for myself I had nearly fallen a victim;but after a few days we recovered, and returnedsafely to Michipicoten.314

CljaptcrTHE ISLAND OF YELLOW SANDSthe spring of 1769 as soon as the lake wascleared of ice I embarked with two IndiansINto visit the Island of Michipicoten, orlie de Maurepas, distant ten leagues. As weapproached it, it appeared large and mountainous.The Indians had informed me that itcontained shining rocks and stones of raredescription. I found it one solid rock, thinlycovered with soil except in the valleys, butgenerally well wooded. Its circumference istwelve leagues. On examining the surface Isaw nothing remarkable, except large veins oftransparent spar, and a mass of rock at thesouth end of the island which appeared to becomposed of iron ore.Disappointed in my expectations here, mycuriosity was raised anew by the account givenme by my companions of another island almostas large as that on which I was, and lying alittle farther to the southward. This theydescribed as covered with a heavy yellow sandwhich I was credulous enough to fancy must begold. All they knew, however, of the islandand its heavy yellow sand was from the reportof some of their ancestors, concerning whom atradition had come down to them that being215

Jjjenrpblown upon the former by a storm, they hadescaped with difficulty from the enormoussnakes by which it is inhabited, and which arethe guardians of the yellow sand. 18 I was eagerto visit so remarkable a spot, and being toldthat in clear weather it was visible from thesouthward of the He de Maurepas, I waitedthere two days; but the weather continuinghazy, I returned unsatisfied to my post.18Captain Carver, who visited Lake Superior aboutthe year 1766, learned something of the fables of theyellow sand, though he places the treasure upon the Hede Maurepas, and falls into other errors. His observationsare as follows: "There are many islands in thislake, two of which are very large; and if the land ofthem is proper for cultivation, there appears to besufficient to form on each a considerable province;especially on He Royale, which cannot be less than ahundred miles long and in many places forty broad.But there is no way at present of ascertaining theexact length or breadth of either. Even tfye French,who. always kept a small schooner on this lake whilstthey were in possession of Canada, by which theycould have made this discovery, have only acquired aslight knowledge of the external parts of these islands:at least, they have never published any account of theinternal parts of them that I could get intelligence of."Nor was I able to discover, from any of the conversationswhich I had with the neighboring Indians,that they had ever made any settlements on them, oreven landed there on their hunting excursions. Fromwhat I could gather by their discourse, they supposethem to have been, from the first formation, theresidence of the Great Spirit; and relate many magicaltricks that had been experienced by such as wereobliged through stress of weather to take shelter onthem.216

antiThis year I attempted to cultivate culinaryvegetables at Michipicoten but without success.It was not at this time believed that thepotato could thrive at Michilimackinac. AtMichipicoten the small quantity of this rootwhich I raised was destroyed by the frost, inthe ensuing winter.In 1770 Mr. Baxter, who had sailed forEngland, returned bringing with him papers bywhich, with Mr . Bostwick and himself I wasconstituted a joint agent and partner in and fora company of adventurers for working the minesof Lake Superior. We passed the winter togetherat the Sault de Ste. Marie and built abarge fit for the navigation of the lake, at the"One of the Chipeways told me that some of theirpeople were once driven on the Island de Maurepas,which lies to the northeast part of the lake, and foundon it large quantities of heavy, shining yellow sand,that from their description must have been gold dust.Being struck with the beautiful appearance of it, in themorning when they re-entered their canoe they attemptedto bring some away; but a spirit of amazing size,according to their. account sixty feet in height, strodeinto the water after them, and commanded them to deliverback what they had taken away. Terrified at hisgigantic stature, and seeing that he had nearly overtakenthem, they were glad to restore their shiningtreasure; on which they were suffered to depart withoutfurther molestation. Since this incident, no Indianthat has ever heard of it will venture near the samehaunted coast. Besides this, they recounted to memany other stories of these islands, equally fabulous. "Three Years' Travels through the Interior Parts ofNorth America, etc. By Captain Jonathan Carver, ofthe Provincial Troops, etc. Author.217

same time laying the keel of a sloop of fortytons. Early in May, 1771, the lake becomingnavigable, we departed from Point aux Pins,our shipyard, at which there is a safe harborand of which the distance from the Sault isthree leagues. We sailed for the Island ofYellow Sands, promising ourselves to makeour fortunes in defiance of its serpents.218

Chapter 7OPERATIONS OF THE COPPER COMPANYA~TERa search of two days we discoveredthe island with our glass; and on thethird morning, the weather being fair,steered for it at an early hour. At two o'clockin the afternoon we disembarked upon thebeach.I was the first to land, carrying with me myloaded gun and resolved to meet with couragethe guardians of the gold. But as we had nothappened to run our barge upon the yellowsands in the first instance, so no immediateattack was to be feared. A wood was before usat some little distance from the water's edge;and I presently discovered the tracks ofcariboux.Soon after I entered the woods three of theseanimals discovered themselves and, turninground, gazed at me with much apparent surprise.I fired at one of them and killed it; andat a mile farther I killed a second. Their sizewas equal to that of a three-year-old heifer.The day following I killed three.The island is much smaller than I had beenled to suppose it, its circumference not exceedingtwelve miles. It is very low and containssmall lakes. These latter I conjecture tomany219

.Ahave been produced by the damming up of thestreams by beaver, though those animals musthave left the island or perished after destroyingthe wood. The only high land is toward theeast.stay of three days did not enable us to findgold nor even the yellow sands. At the sametime no serpents appeared to terrify us; noteven the smallest and most harmless snake.But to support the romance, it might be inferredthat the same agency which hid the onehad changed the other; and why should not themagic of the place display itself in a thousandvaried exhibitions ? Why should not the serpentshave been transformed into hawks?And why should not the demons delight inbelying every succeeding visitor by nevershowing the same objects twice ? Sure I am,that the hawks abounded when we were there.They hovered around us, and appeared evenangry at our intrusion, pecking at us andkeeping us in continual alarm for our faces.One of them actually took my cap from offmy head.On one of the lakes we saw geese; and therewere a few pigeons. The only four-footedanimal was the caribou and this, it is probable,was firstconveyed to the island on some massof drifting ice. It was, however, no new inhabitant;for in numerous instances I foundthe bones of cariboux, apparently in entireskeletons, with only the tops of their horns

anfcprojecting from the surface, while moss orvegetable earth concealed the rest. Skeletonswere so frequent as to suggest a belief thatwant of food in this confined situation hadbeen the destruction of many; nor is anythingmore probable; and yet the absence of beasts ofprey might be the real cause. In forests moreordinarily circumstanced the graminivorousanimals must usually fall a prey to the carnivorouslong before the arrival of old age;but in an asylum such as this, they may awaitthe decay of nature.The alarm of these animals during our staywas manifested in the strongest manner. Atour first arrival they discovered mere surprise,running off to a distance and then returningas if out of curiosity to examine thestrangers. Soon, however, they discoveredus to be dangerous visitors, and then tookto running from one place to another in confusion.In the three days of our stay we killedthirteen.The island is distant sixty miles from thenorth shore of Lake Superior. There is no landvisible to the south of it except a small islandon which we landed. 19On the fourth day, after drying our caribouxmeat,we sailed for Nanibojou which we19The reader is not to look into any gazetteerIsland of Yellow Sands. It is perhaps that which theFrench denominated the He de Pontchartrain. Author.The island, now called Caribou, may be found onmodern maps about twenty-five miles due south of221for the

eached in eighteen hours, with a fair breeze.On the next day the miners examined the coastof Nanibojou and found several veins of copperand lead; and after this returned to Point auxPins, where we erected an air-furnace. Theassayer made a report on the ores which we hadcollected, stating that the lead-ore containedsilver in the proportion of forty ounces to aton; but the copper-ore only in very small proportionindeed.From Point aux Pins we crossed to the southside of the lake and encamped on Point auxIroquois.20Mr. Norburg, a Russian gentleman acquaintedwith metals and holding a commissionin the Sixtieth Regiment, and then ingarrison at Michilimackinac, accompanied uson this latter expedition. As we rambled,examining the shods or loose stones in search ofminerals, Mr. Norburg chanced to meet withone of eight pounds weight, of a blue colorand semi-transparent. This he carried toEngland, where itproduced in the proportionof sixty pounds of silver to a hundred weight ofore. It was reposited in the British Museum.Michipicoten Island. Editor.20John Nordberg became lieutenant in the SixtiethRegiment in 1758 and captain in 1773. At the openingof the Revolution he was commandant at Fort Georgeon Lake George, and surrendered this post to the Colonistsin April. 1775. After several months imprisonmenthe was permitted, on account of ill-health, to returnto England. Editor.

Crafcclg anD &DtoentureThe same Mr. Norburg was shortly afterwardappointed to the government of Lake Georgein the province of New York.Hence we coasted westward, but foundnothing till we reached the Ontonogan, where,besides the detached masses of copper formerlymentioned, we saw much of the same metalbedded in stone. Proposing to ourselves tomake a trial on the hill till we were better ableto work upon the solid rock, we built a houseand sent to the Sault de Ste. Marie for provisions.At the spot pitched upon for the commencementof our preparations a green-coloredwater, which tinged iron of a copper color,issued from the hill; and this the minerscalled a leader. In digging they found frequentmasses of copper, some of which were of threepounds weight. Having arranged everythingfor the accommodation of the miners during thewinter, we returned to the Sault.Early in the spring of 1772 we sent a boatloadof provisions, but it came back on thetwentieth day of June, bringing with it, toour surprise, the whole establishment ofminers. They reported that in the course ofthe winter they had penetrated forty feet intothe hill; but that on the arrival of the thaw, theclay, on which on account of its stiffness theyhad relied and neglected to secure it by supporters,had fallen in; that to recommence theirsearch would be attended with much labor andcost; that from the detached masses of metal,223

which to the last had daily presented themselves,they supposed there might be ultimatelyreached some body of the same, but could formno conjecture of its distance, except that it wasprobably so far off as not to be pursued withoutsinking an airshaft: and lastly, that thiswork would require the hands of more menthan could be fed in the actual situation of thecountry.Here our operations in this quarter ended.The metal was probably within our reach;but if we had found it the expense of carryingit to Montreal must have exceeded its marketablevalue. It was never for the exportationof copper that our company was formed; butalways with a view to the silver which it washoped the ores, whether of copper or lead,might in sufficient quantity contain. Thecopper ores of Lake Superior can never beprofitably sought for but for local consumption.The country must be cultivated andpeopled before they can deserve notice. 2121The copper mines of Lake Superior have been morethan once represented to the world in colors capable ofdeceiving fresh adventurers; and the statement in thetext will not have been uselessly made, if it should atany time serve as a beacon to the unwary. The authorof Voyages from Montreal, &*c. has recently observed,that the "Americans, soon after they got possession ofthe country, sent an engineer"; and that he "shouldnot be surprised to hear of their employing people towork the mine. Indeed," he adds, "it might be wellworthy the attention of the British subjects to work themines on the north coast though they are not supposed224

antiThe neighboring lands are good. I distributedseed-maize among the Indians here, which theyplanted accordingly. They did the same thefollowing year, and in both instances had goodcrops. Whether or not they continued thepractice I cannot say. There might be muchdanger of their losing their seed; for their waywas to eat the maize green and save only asmall quantity for sowing.In the following month of August welaunched our sloop and carried the miners to thevein of copper ore on the north side of the lake.Little was done during the winter, but byto be so rich as those on the south"; and CaptainCarver has given the following account of the identicalundertaking above described: "A company of adventurersfrom England began, soon after the conquestof Canada, to bring away some of this metal; but thedistracted situation of affairs in America has obliged themto relinquish their scheme. It might in future times bemade a very advantageous trade; as the metal, "whichcosts nothing on the spot and requires but little expenseto get it on board, could be conveyed in boats or canoesthrough the Falls of Sainte Marie to the Isle of SaintJoseph, which lies at the bottom of the strait, near theentrance into Lake Huron; from thence it might be puton board larger vessels, and in them transported acrossthat lake to the Falls of Niagara; then being carried byland across the portage, it might be conveyed withoutmuch more obstruction to Quebec. The cheapness andease with which any quantity of it may be procured willmake up for the length of way that is necessary totransport it before it reaches the sea coast; and enablethe proprietors to send it to foreign markets on as goodterms as it can be exported from other countries."Three Years' Travels, Etc. Author.225

dint of labor performed between the commencementof the spring of 1773 and the ensuingmonth of September they penetratedthirty feet into the solid rock. The rock wasblasted with great difficulty; and the vein,which at the beginning was of the breadth offour feet, had in the progress contracted intofour inches. Under these circumstances wedesisted, and carried the miners back to theSault. What copper ore we had collected wesent to England; but the next season we wereinformed that the partners there declinedentering into further expenses. In the interimwe had carried the miners along the northshore as far as the river Pic, making, however,no discovery of importance. This year, therefore,1774, Mr. Baxter disposed of the sloopand other effects of the Company, and paidits debts.The partners in England were his RoyalHighness the Duke of Gloucester, Mr. SecretaryTownshend, Sir Samuel Tutchet,Baronet; Mr. Baxter, Consul of the Empressof Russia; and Mr. Cruickshank: in America,Sir William Johnson, Baronet; Mr. Bostwick,Mr. Baxter and myself.A charter had been petitioned for and obtained,but owing to our ill success it was nevertaken from the seal-office.226

sJOURNEY TO LAKE WINNIPEGthis enterprise I had still pursuedthe IndianPENDING trade, and on its failure Iapplied myself to that employment withmore assiduity than ever, and resolved onvisiting the countries to the northwest of LakeSuperior.On the tenth day of June, 1775, I left theSault with goods and provisions to the valueof three thousand pounds sterling on boardtwelve small canoes and four larger ones. Theprovisions made the chief bulk of the cargo ;nofurther supply being obtainable till we shouldhave advanced far into the country. Eachsmall canoe was navigated by three men andeach larger one by four.On the twentieth we passed the Tete de laLoutre, or Otter's Head, so named from arock of about thirty feet in height and fifteenin circumference, and which stands verticallyas if raised by the hand of man. What increasesthe appearance of art is a hollow in the adjacentmass of rock, which its removal mightbe thought to have left. In the evening weencamped at the mouth of the Pijitic, a river aslarge as that of Michipicoten, and which inlike manner takes its rise in the high lands227

&iejcantierlying between Lake Superior and Hudson Bay.From Michipicoten to the Pijitic the coast ofthe lake is mountainous; the mountains arecovered with pine and the valleys with sprucefir.It was by the river Pijitic 22 that the Frenchascended in 1750, when they plundered oneof the factories in Hudson Bay and carried offthe two small pieces of brass cannon which fellagain into the hands of the English at Michilimackinac.23 On the river are a band of WoodIndians, who are sometimes troublesome tothe traders passing.On the twenty-first I left the Pijitic andcrossing a bay three leagues in breadth landedon Pic Island. From Pic Island I coasted tenleagues, and then encamped on an islandopposite the Pays Plat, or Flat Country, aname borrowed from the Indians, and occasionedby the shoal-water, which here extendsfar into the lake, and by the flat and low lands22According to Carver it was by the Michipicoten.If he is correct, it must have been from Moose Fort, inJames Bay, and not from Fort Churchill, that they tookthe cannon. Author.The raid by the French upon the Hudson's BayCompany posts here alluded to actually took place in1686, and the affair had long since become legendaryamong the voyageurs of the Northwest. Henry is alsoin error as to the route taken by the raiding party,whichwas by the Ottawa, Lake Abitibi, Abitibi and Mooserivers.Editor.23The Pijatic is now known as White River. Editor.228

Cratoelg anfc&tJfoenturegwhich lie between the water and the mountain.The Pays Plat is intersected by several largerivers, and particularly the Nipigon, so calledafter Lake Nipigon, of which it is the discharge.By this river the French carried on aconsiderable trade with the Northern Indians.They had a fort or trading-ho*use.at its mouth,and annually drew from it a hundred packs ofbeaver of a quality more in esteem than thatfrom the Northwest. They had another trading-houseat Caministiquia. 24 'As we proceednorthwest along the lake the mountains recedewidely from the beach.On the twenty-fourth I left the northernshore and in four days reached the GrandPortage. 25 The intervening islands consist24At the mouth of the Kaministiquia River, whereFort William now stands. The latter fort was erectedby the North West Company in 1804. Here yearlymeetings of the factors of the Company were held, theproceedings at which have been charmingly narratedby Washington Irving in Astoria. Editor.25Grand Portage was at the beginning of the Pigeon-Rainy River route from Lake Superior to Lake Winnipeg,a few miles south of the mouth of Pigeon River.The place was well known during the French period, andat the beginning of the British regime it became animportant center of fur-trade activities. Jonathan Carverfound many traders here in 1767. From about thistime until the establishment of Fort William in 1804Grand Portage was the center of the fur trade of the farNorthwest. Its decay was owing to the discovery thatit lay south of the boundary between Canada and theUnited States; since British traders were not permittedto operate in the latter country, upon this discovery they229

almost entirely of rock. The largest, calledHe au Tonnerre, or Thunder Island, is saidby the Indians to be peculiarly subject tothunder storms. At the Grand Portage Ifound the traders in a state of extreme reciprocalhostility, each pursuing his interests inruch a manner as'might most injure his neighbor.The consequences were very hurtful tothe morals of the Indians.The transportation of the goods at thisgrand portage, or great carrying-place, was awork of seven days of severe and dangerousexertion, at the end of which we encamped onthe River aux Groseilles. 26 The Grand Portageconsists in two ridges of land, between which isa deep glen or valley with good meadow lands,and a broad stream of water. The lowlandsare covered chiefly with birch and poplar, andthe high with pine. I was now in what istechnically called the Northwest; that is, thecountry northwest of Lake Superior. Thecanoes here employed are smaller than thosewere forced to seek headquarters and a trade route to theWest farther north. As a consequence the route by theKaministiquia River was opened, and Fort Williambuilt at its outlet. Editor.26The same with what a recent traveler describes asthe "river du Tourt" (Tourtre) Dove or PigeonRiver. Author.Modern Pigeon River was first named Groseilliers,in honor of the first French explorer in this region. Theform of the name given in Henry's text is, of course, acorruption of this name. Editor.230

which are used between Montreal and Michilimackinacand in Lake Superior, being onlyfour fathoms and a half in length. It is theduty of the head and stern men to carry thecanoe. I engaged two of these to winter withme, at the wages of four hundred dollars eachand an equipment of the value, at the GrandPortage, of one hundred more.On the eighth we ascended the Groseilles tothe carrying-placecalled the Portage du Perdrix,where the river falls down a precipiceof the height of a hundred feet. At the placewhere, after passing the Grand Portage, wefirst launched our canoes on the Groseilles thestream is thirty yards wide. From this spot itproceeds with numerous falls to Lake Superior,which it enters about six leagues to the northwardof the Grand Portage.Next day at the Portage aux Outardes weleft the Groseilles, and carrying our canoes andmerchandise for three miles over a mountain,came at length to a small lake. This was thebeginning of a chain of lakes extending forfifteen leagues and separated by carryingplacesof from half a mile to three miles inlength. At the end of this chain we reached theheads of small streams which flow to the northwestward.The region of the lakes is called theHauteur de Terre, or Land's Height. It is anelevated tract of country, not inclining in anydirection, and diversified on its surface withsmall hills. The wood is abundant but consists231

principally in birch, pine, spruce, fir,and asmall quantity of maple.By the twelfth we arrived where the streamswere large enough to float the canoes with theirlading, though the men walked in the waterpushing them along. Next day we found themsufficiently navigable, though interrupted byfrequent falls and carrying-places. On thetwentieth we reached Lake Sagunac, or Saginaga,27 distant sixty leagues from the GrandPortage. This was the hithermost post in thenorthwest established by the French, and therewas formerly a large village of the Chipewahere, now destroyed by the Nadowessies. Ifound only three lodges filled with poor, dirty,and almost naked inhabitants, of whom Ibought fish and wild rice, 28 which latter theyhad in great abundance. When populous, thisvillage used to be troublesome to the traders,obstructing their voyages and extorting liquor27This lake lies much nearer Lake Superior than hereindicated. Apparently modern Lake Nequaquon, onthe boundary of St. Louis County, Minnesota, is thepoint reached by Henry. Editor.28 Folle avoine, avenafatua, zizania aquatica. Author.The wild rice plant, here mentioned, was widelydistributed over the continent of North America, andwas an important article of sustenance for many tribes.It is still widely used by the natives, and has* evenbecome an article of civilized commerce, being handledregularly by the jobbing houses of Chicago and othercities. For an exhaustive study of the wild rice and its-use see Albert E. Jenks, "Wild Rice Gatherers of theUpper Lakes, " in Nineteenth Annual Report of Ameri-.232

an&and other articles. 29 Lake Sagunac is eightleagues in length by four in breadth. Thelands, which are everywhere covered withspruce, are hilly on the southwest but on thenortheast more level. My men were by thistime almost exhausted with fatigue, but thechief part of the labor was fortunately past.We now entered Lake a la 30 Pluie, which isfifteen leagues long by five broad. Its banksare covered with maple and birch. Our encampmentwas at the mouth of the lake, wherethere is a fall of water of forty feet called theChute de la Chaudiere. The carrying-place istwo hundred yards in length. On the nextevening we encamped at Les Fourches, on the31River a la Pluie, where there was a village ofcan Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1902), 1013-1137. Editor.28In a memorial of 1784 Benjamin and JosephFrobisher state that the first "adventurer" who wentwest from Mackinac in 1 765 was " "stopt and plunderedby the Rainy Lake Indians. The second attempt wasmade in 1767, when the traders, on leaving a portion oftheir goods at Rainy Lake, were permitted to proceedwith the remainder. In 1769 the Frobishers entered thecountry for the first time, and were themselves plunderedby the " "stillungovernable and rapacious nativesof Rainy Lake. From 1770 onward, however, the traderswere more successful; the reason for the cessation ofthe hindrance to their trade is evidently suggested hereby Henry. Editor.30Modern Rainy Lake. Editor.31Modern Rainy River, on the boundary betweenCanada and the United States.Editor.233

SUcjranfcerJ^enrpChippewa of fifty lodges, of whom I boughtcanoes. They insisted further on having goodsgiven to them on credit, as well as on receivingsome presents. The latter they regarded as anestablished tribute, paid them on account ofthe ability which they possessed to put a stopto all trade with the interior. I gave them rum,with which they became drunk and troublesome;and in the night I left them.The River a la Pluie is forty leagues long, ofa gentle current, and broken only by one rapid.Its banks are level to a great distance, andcomposed of a fine soil, which was covered withluxuriant grass. They were perfect solitudes,not even a canoe presenting itself along mywhole navigation of the stream. 32 I was greatlystruck with the beauty of the stream as well aswith its fitness for agricultural settlements,in which provisions might be raised for theNorthwest.On the thirtieth we reached the Lake of theWoods, or Lake des lies, at the entrance ofwhich was an Indian village of a hundred souls,where we obtained a further supply of fish.Fish appeared to be the summer food.From this village we received ceremoniouspresents. The mode with the Indians is first32The scarcity of animal life in this vicinity at thisseason of the year has been remarked by many explorers.Thus, Keating, in 1823, did not meet with a singlequadruped from Rainy Lake to Lake Superior, the onlyanimals seen being thirty or forty birds, chiefly ducks.Editor.234

to collect all the provisions they can spare andplace them in a heap; after which they send forthe trader and address him in a formal speech.They tell him that the Indians are happy inseeing him return to their country; that theyhave been long in expectation of his arrival;that their wives have deprived themselves oftheir provisions in order to afford him a supply;that they are in great want, being destituteof everything, and particularly ofammunition and clothing, and that what theymost long for is a taste of his rum, which theyuniformly denominate milk.The present in return consisted in one kegof gunpowder of sixty pounds weight; a bagof shot and another of powder of eighty poundseach; a few smaller articles, and a keg of rum.The last appeared to be the chief treasure,though on the former depended the greaterpart of their winter 's subsistence.In a short time the men began to drink,while the women brought me a further andof rice.very valuable present of twenty bagsThis I returned with goods and rum, and atthe same time offered more for an additionalquantity of A rice. trade was opened, thewomen bartering rice while the men weredrinking. Before morning I had purchased ahundred bags of nearly a bushel measure each.Without a large quantityof rice the voyagecould not have been prosecuted to its completion.The canoes, as I have already observed,235

are not large enough to carry provisions,leaving merchandise wholly out of the question.The rice grows in shoal water, and theIndians gatheritby shaking the ears into theircanoes.When morning arrived ajl the village wasinebriated; and the danger of misunderstand-*ing was increased by the facility with whichthe women abandoned themselves to myCanadians. In consequence I lost no time inleaving the place.On the first day of August we encamped on asandy island in the Lake of the Woods, wherewe were visited by several canoes, of whom wepurchased wild rice. On the fourth we reachedthe Portage du Rat.The Lake of the Woods is thirty-six leagueslong. On the west side is an old French fort33or trading-house, formerly frequented bynumerous bands of Chippewa, but these havesince been almost entirely destroyed by theNadowessies. When strong they were troublesome.On account of a particular instance ofpillage they have been called Pilleurs.^ TheThis was Fort St. Charles, built by the French in1732. It stood on the north bank of the inlet of theNorthwest Angle, west of Famine (or Buckett) Island.Editor.4In Warren's History of the Ojibways, Chapter XVIis devdted to an account of the event by which this bandof the Chippewa won the designation of "Pillagers,"and the affair is described as having taken place in 1781.Evidently the affair had become a matter of tribal236

Crabrig anfrglfrtocntutcgpelican is numerous on tjiis lake. One whichwe shot agreed entirely with the description ofM. de Buffon.On the fifth we passed the 35Portage du Rat,which is formed by a rock of about twentyyards long. Here we met several canoes ofIndians, who all begged for rum; but theywere known to belong to the band of Pilleurs,also called the rogues, and were on that accountrefused.From the Portage du Rat we descended thegreat river Winipegon which is there from onemile to two in breadth and at every leaguegrows broader. The channel is deep, but obstructedby many islands, of which some arelarge. For several miles the stream is confinedbetween perpendicular rocks. The current isstrong and the navigation singularly difficult.Within the space of fifteen leagues there areseven falls of from fifty feet to a hundred inheight. At sixty leagues from our entrance ofthe Winipegon we crossed a carrying-placeinto the Pinawa, 36 below which the dangerstraditions for Henry's narrative discloses that the namewas in use at a somewhat earlier date. Editor.35The name is said to have originated from the fact ofmuskrats crossing here in large numbers. Rat Portageis near the northern end of Lake of the Woods. Herethe main line of the Canadian Pacific Railway crossesfrom the town of Rat Portage to Keewatin on the oppositeside of the river. Editor.36The Pinawa River is a branch of the Winnipegwhich was commonly followed by the traders as far asBonnet Lake, who avoided thereby seven dangerous237

I^enrpof the Winipegon are still further increased.The adjacent lands are mountainous and rocky,but some of the high hills are well covered withbirch and maple.The stream of the Pinawa is shallow and itsbed rocky and broken. The carrying-placesare eight in number. The mosquitoes werehere in such clouds as to prevent us from takingaim at the ducks, of which we might else haveshot many.On the thirteenth we encamped at the Carrying-placeof the Lost Child. Here is a chasmin the rock, nowhere more than two yards inbreadth, but of great and immeasurable depth.The Indians relate that many ages past a childfell into this chasm, from the bottom of whichit is still heard at times to cry. In all the wetlands wild rice grows plentifully.The Pinawa istwenty leagues long, and dischargesitself into Lake du Bonnet 37 at threeleagues to the north of the mouth of the Winipegon,which falls into the same lake, or ratherforms it; for Lake du Bonnet is only a broadenedpart of the channel of the Winipegon. Thelake is two leagues broad, and the river in itscourse below continues broader than it isabove, with many islands and deep falls;theportages in this portion of the Winnipeg, and saved, inaddition, several miles of travel. Editor.37Cap Lake, in some maps written Cat Lake. Author.Instead of twenty leagues, the Pinawa is but eighteenmiles long. Editor.238

abrig anfr%frbcnturcgdanger of the navigation, however, is lessened.On the sixteenth we reached Lake Winipegon,at the entrance of which is a largevillage of Christinaux, a nation which I hadnot previously seen. The name is variouslywritten; as, Cristinaux, Kinistineaux, Killistinoes,and Killistinaux. Lake Winipegonissometimes called the Lake of the Killistinons,or Cristinaux. The dress and other exteriorappearances of the Cristinaux are very distinguishablefrom those of the Chippewa andthe Wood Indians.The men were almost entirely naked, andtheir bodies painted with a red ocher, procuredin the mountains and often called vermilion.Every man and boy had his bow strung and inhis hand, and his arrow ready to attack in caseof need. Their heads were shaved or the hairplucked out all over except a spot on the crownof the diameter of a dollar. On this spot thehair grew long and was rolled and gatheredinto a tuft; and the tuft, which is an object ofthe greatest care, was covered with a piece ofskin. The ears were pierced and filled with thebones of fish and of land animals. Such wasthe costume of the young men; but among theold, some let their hair grow on all parts oftheir head without any seeming regard.The women wear their hair of a great lengthboth behind and before, dividing it on the foreheadand at the back of the head, and collectingthe hair of each side into a roll which is fastened239

above the ear; and this roll, like the tuft on theheads of the men, is covered with a piece ofskin. The skin is painted or else ornamentedwith beads of various colors. The rolls withtheir coverings resembled a pair of large horns.The ears of the women are pierced and de-*corated like those of the men.Their clothing is of leather, or dressed skinsof the wild ox and the elk. The dress, fallingfrom the shoulders to below the knee, is of oneentire piece. Girls of an early age wear theirdresses shorter than those more advanced.The same garment covers the shoulders andthe bosom, and is fastened by a strap whichpasses over the shoulders; it is confined aboutthe waist by a girdle. The stockings are ofleather, made in the fashion of leggings. Thearms to the shoulders are left naked, or areprovided with sleeves, which are sometimesput on and sometimes suffered to hang vacantfrom the shoulders. The wrists are adornedwith bracelets of copper or brass, manufacturedfrom old kettles. In general, one personis worth but one dress; and this is worn as longas it will last or till a new one is made, and thenthrown away.The women, like the men, paint their faceswith red ocher, and in addition usually tattootwo lines reaching from the lip to the chin orfrom the corners of the mouth to the ears.They omit nothing to make themselveslovely.246

antiMeanwhile, a favorite employment is that ofwaging war with certain animals, which are inabundance on their persons and which, as theycatch, they eat. To frequent inquiries as tothe motive for eating them I was alwaysanswered that they afforded a medicinal foodand great preventive of diseases.Such are the exterior beauties of the femaleCristinaux; and not content with the powerbelonging to these attractions they condescendto beguile with gentle looks the hearts ofpassing strangers. The men, too, unlike theChippewa (who are of a jealous temper)eagerly encourage them in this design. Oneof the chiefs assured me that the childrenborne by their women to Europeans werebolder warriors and better hunters than themselves.The Cristinaux have usually two wives each,and often three; and make no difficulty inlending one of them, for a length of time to afriend. Some of my men entered into agreementswith the respective husbands in virtueof which they embarked the women in theircanoes, promising to return them the nextyear. The women so selected consider themselvesas honored, and the husband who shouldrefuse to lend his wife would fall under thecondemnation of the sex in general.The language of the Cristinaux is a dialectof the Algonquin, and therefore bears someaffinity to that of the Chippewa, which is241

another dialect of the same. In the Northwestit iscommonly called Cree or Cris.242

Chapter 9FROM LAKE WINNIPEG TO BEAVER LAKETHE Cristinaux made me the usual presentsof wild rice and dried meat, andaccompanied them with the usual formalities.I remained at their village two daysrepairing my canoes; and though they weredrunk the whole time they behaved very peaceablyand gave me no annoyance. I observedthat two men constantly attended us, and thatthese individuals could not be prevailed uponto taste liquor. They had been assigned us fora guard, and they would not allow any drunkenIndian to approach our camp.On the eighteenth of August I left theseamicable people, among whom an intercoursewith Europeans appeared to have occasionedless deviation from their primitive mannersthan in any instance which I had previouslydiscovered. I kept the north side of the lake,and had not proceeded far before I was joinedby Mr. Pond, a trader of some celebrity in theNorthwest. 38 Next day we encountered a38 Peter Pond was a native of Milford, Connecticut,born in 1740. He enlisted for the Seven Years' War,and at its conclusion, turned his attention to the sea.Before long, however, he engaged in the Indian trade atDetroit and other points, and in 1773 came out toWisconsin and Minnesota on a new venture. In 1 775 he243

severe gale, from the dangers of which weescaped by making the island called the Buffalo'sHead; but not without the loss of acanoe and four men. The shores from theentrance of this lake to the island with exceptionof the points are rocky and lofty; thepoints are rocky, but low. The wood is pineand fir. We took pouts, cat-fish, or catheads, ofsix pounds weight.On the twenty-first we crossed to the southshore and reached Oak Point, so called from afew scrub oaks which here begin to diversifythe forest of pine and fir. The pelicans, whichwe everywhere saw, appeared to be impatientof the long stay we made in fishing. Leavingthe island, we found the lands along the shorewent into the Lake Winnipeg region for the first time,where he encountered Henry. Three years later all thetraders of this district, including Pond, met at SturgeonLake and agreed to pool their interests. This was thebeginning of the famous North West Company. Pondwas a man of pugnacious disposition. In the Detroitperiod of his trading career he fought a duel in whichhis opponent fell, and which caused Pond to leave thecountry. In 1782 he shot and killed a trader namedWadin, with whom he had had a quarrel. Wadin'swidow applied for a trial and Pond was sent to Quebecto stand trial, but was acquitted for lack of jurisdiction.Returning to the Northwest, he killed John Ross, a wellknowntrader, in a duel fought at Great Slave Lake in1787. The next year he sold his interest in the NorthWest Company and retired to the United States, dyingat his native Milford in 1807. Pond's journal of hisearlier years in the army and the fur trade is printed inWis. Hist. Colls., XVIII, 314-54. Editor.244

antilow and wooded with birch and marsh mapleintermixed with spruce-fir. The beach isgravelly, and the points rocky.To the westward of Pike River, which wepassed on the first of September,is a rock ofgreat length, called the Roche Rouge, andentirely composed of a pitrre & calumet, orstone used by the Indians for making tobaccopipebowls. It is of a light red color, interspersedwith veins of brown, and yields veryreadily to the knife.On the seventh of September we were overtakenby Messrs. Joseph and Thomas Frobisher39 and Mr. Patterson. 40 On the twentiethwe crossed the bay together, composing a fleetof thirty canoes and a hundred and thirty men.We were short of provisions.On the twenty-first it blew hard and snowbegan to fall. The storm continued till the39The brothers Frobisher, Joseph, Thomas, andBenjamin, were among the early British traders tocome into the Northwest. Joseph and Thomas foundedthe firm of Frobisher Brothers, but in 1778 Thomasretired and Benjamin succeeded him. Joseph andBenjamin were active in the formation of the NorthWest Company. Joseph was a noted explorer of westernCanada. He retired from the fur trade in 1798, livingthereafter at Montreal. Editor.40 Charles Patterson was another early British traderin the Northwest, and one of the founders of the NorthWest Company. In 1788 he was drowned with hisentire crew in Lake Michigan near a place still knownas Patterson's Point, in western Mackinac County,Michigan. Editor.245

twenty-fifth, by which time the small lakeswere frozen over and two feet of snow lay onlevel ground in the woods. This early severityof the season filled us with serious alarm, forthe country was uninhabited for two hundredmiles on every side of us and if detained bywinter our destruction was certain. In thisstate of peril we continued our voyage dayand night. The fears of our men were a sufficientmotive for their exertions.On the first of October we gained themouth of the River de Bourbon, Pasquayah, orSascatchiwaine 41 and proceeded to ascend itsstream. The Bourbon is a large river and hasits sources to the westward. 42 The lands whichwe passed after the twenty-first of Septemberare more hilly and rocky than those describedbefore. The trees are poplar and spruce. Therocks are chiefly of limestone. Our course fromthe entrance of Lake Winipegon was northwestnortherly. The lake contains sturgeon,but we were not able to take any. At fourleagues above the mouth of the river is theGrand Rapide, two leagues in length, up whichthe canoes are dragged with ropes. At the endof this is a carrying-place of two miles, through41The lower part of the Sascatchiwaine was oncecalled the River de Bourbon. Pasquayah is the nameof an upper portion of the Sascatchiwaine. Author.42The river is the modern Saskatchewan, whichgives name to a province of Canada and drains a vastarea between the Rocky Mountains and Lake Winnipeg.Editor.246

anfca forest almost uniformly of pine trees.Herewe met with Indians fishing for sturgeon.Their practice is to watch behind the pointswhere the current forms an eddy, in which thesturgeon, coming to rest themselves, areeasily speared. The soil is light and sandy.A vessel of any burden might safely navigateLake Winipegon from its southwest corner tothe Grand Rapide.Lake Winipegon, or Winipic, or the Lakeof the Killistinons; or Cristinaux, empties itselfinto Hudson's Bay at Fort York by a riversometimes called Fort Nelson River. Itslength is said to be one hundred and twentyleagues. Its breadth is unknown. I saw noland in any direction after leaving Oak Point.On the second we continued our voyageagainst the current of the Bourbon, which wasstrong and interrupted by several rapids. Onthe third we entered Lake de Bourbon, calledby the English after the Indians Cedar Lake.This name is derived from the cedar tree(thuya) which covers its banks, and which isnot found to the northward of this region.On the fourth we reached the opposite extremityof Lake de Bourbon. This lake iseighteen leagues in length and has many deepbays receding to the northward. The land bywhich they are bordered is in almost all instancesout of sight. Several islands, some ofwhich are large, are also in this lake. Theshores are generally rocky. At the north end247

there was in the French time a fort, or tradinghouse,called Fort de Bourbon and built byM. de Saint Pierre, a French officer, who wasthe first adventurer into these parts of thecountry. 43At and adjacent to this fort are several ofthe mouths of the river Sascatchiwaine. Herewe took several sturgeon, using a seine themeshes of which were large enough to admit thefish's head and which we made fast to two canoes.On the sixth we ascended the Sascatchiwaine,the current of which was here only moderatelystrong; but the banks were marshy and overflowedso that it was with difficulty we founda dry space large enough to encamp upon.Beaver lodges were numerous, and the riverwas everywhere covered with geese, ducks, andother wild fowl. No rising ground was to beseen and the wood, which was chiefly willow,nowhere exceeded a man's wrist in thickness.On the eighth we resumed our voyage beforedaylight, making all speed to reach a fishingplace,since winter was very fast approaching.Meeting two canoes of Indians, we engagedthem to accompany us as hunters. The numberof ducks and geese which they killed wasabsolutely prodigious.43In 1766 Carver calls Lake de Bourbon " the mostnorthward of those yet discovered." Author.Pierre Gaultier de Varennes, Sieur de la Vrendrye,notable explorer of the Canadian Northwest, establishedFort Bourbon here in 1 749. The Lake is nowknown as Cedar Lake. Editor.248

anfeSlfctotturc^At eighty leagues above Fort de Bourbon, atthe head of a stream which falls into the Sascatchiwaineand into which we had turned, wefound the Pasquayah village. 44 It consisted ofthirty families, lodgedin tents of a circularform and composed of dressed ox-skins,stretched upon poles twelve feet in length, andleaning against a stake driven into the groundin the center.On our arrival the chief, named Chatique, orthe Pelican, came down upon the beach attendedby thirty followers, all armed with bowsand arrows and with spears. Chatique was aman of more than six feet in height, somewhatcorpulent and of a very doubtful physiognomy.He invited us to his tent, and we observed thathe was particularly anxious to bestow hishospitalities on those who were the ownersof the goods. We suspected an evil design butjudgedit better to lend ourselves to thetreachery than to discover fear. We enteredthe lodge accordingly, and soon perceived thatwe were surrounded by armed men.Chatique presently rose up and told us thathe was glad to see us arrive; that the youngmen of the village as well as himself had longbeen in want of many things of which we werepossessed in abundance; that we must be wellaware of his power to prevent our going farther;44At the junction of the Pasquia River with theSaskatchewan. Here the French built Fort Paskoyacbefore 1755. It is the site of modern Pas Mission orCumberland Station. Editor.249

that if we passed now he could put us all todeath on our return; and that under these circumstanceshe expected us to be exceedinglyliberal in our presents: adding, that to avoidmisunderstanding he would inform us of whatit was that he must have. It consisted inthree casks of gunpowder, four bags of shot andball, two bales of tobacco, three kegs of rum,and three guns, together with knives, flints,and some smaller articles. He went on to saythat he had before now been acquainted withwhite men and knew that they promised morethan they performed; that with the number ofmen which he had, he could take the whole ofour property without our consent; and that,therefore, his demands ought to be regarded asvery reasonable: that he was a peaceable manand one that contented himself with moderateviews, in order to avoid quarrels; finally, thathe desired us to signify our assent to his propositionbefore we quitted our places.The men in the canoes exceeded the Indiansin number, but they were unarmed and withouta leader; our consultation was, therefore,short, and we promised to comply. This done,the pipe was handed round as usual and theomission of this ceremony on our entrance hadsufficiently marked the intentions of Chatique.The pipe dismissed, we obtained permissionto depart, for the purpose of assorting thepresents; and these bestowed, or rather yieldedup, we hastened away from the plunderers.250

anfcWe had supposed the affair finished, butbefore we had proceeded two miles we saw acanoe behind us. On this we dropped astern togive the canoes that were following us anopportunity of joining, lest, being alone, theyshould be insulted. Presently, however, Cha-canoe rushed into the midsttique in a solitaryof our squadron and boarded one of our canoes,spear in hand, demanding a keg of rum andthreatening to put to death the first that opposedhim. We saw that our only alternativewas to kill this daring robber or to submitto his exaction. The former part would havebeen attended with very mischievous consequences,and we therefore curbed our indignationand chose the latter. On receiving the rum,he saluted us with the Indian cry, and departed.Every day we were on the water before dawnand paddled alongtill dark. The nights werefrosty and no provisions, excepting a few wildfowl, were to be procured. We were in daily fearthat our progress would be arrested by the ice.On the twenty-sixth we reached CumberlandHouse, one of the factories of the Hudson'sBay Company, seated on Sturgeon Lake inabout 54 north latitude and 102 longitudewest from Greenwich. This house had beenbuilt the year before by Mr. Hearne, who wasnow absent on his well-known journey ofdiscovery. 45 We found it garrisoned by High-45Samuel Hearne made his notable voyages ofexploration from Prince of Wales Fort to the Arctic251

landers from the Orkney Islands, and under46the command of a Mr. Cockings, by whom,though unwelcome guests, 47 we were treatedwith much civility. The design in buildingthis house, was to prevent the Indians fromdealing with the Canadian merchants, andto induce them to go to Hudson's Bay. It isOcean in the years 1769-72. He established CumberlandHouse, as Henry states, but this was two yearsafter, rather than before his famous exploration to theArctic. Cumberland House, says Elliott Coues, was at"the focus of a vast network of waters whose strandsradiate in every direction. A canoe could start fromthis house, and with no portage of more than a day'slength could be launched on the Arctic Ocean, Hudson'sBay, Gulf of St. Lawrence, or Gulf of Mexico;and without much greater interruption could be floatedon to the Pacific Ocean. "Editor.46Matthew Cocking was a trader of the Hudson's BayCompany who in 1 772-73 had conducted an explorationfrom York Factory southwestward into the country ofthe Blackfeet. The discoveries made on this journeydetermined the Company to establish CumberlandHouse the following year, and Cocking was placed incommand. His journal of his journey of 1772-7313printed in Royal Society of Canada, Proceedings andTransactions, Third Series, Vol. II, 91-121. Editor.47Cumberland House was a post of the Hudson'sBay Company, by whom Henry and the other Canadiantraders were regarded as interlopers. The North WestCompany, which these traders were shortly to create,conducted, throughout its entire history, a fierce traderivalry with the older firm, which reached the height,finally, of open warfare between the partisans of thetwo. This was terminated by the amalgamation of theNorth West with the Hudson's Bay Company in 1821.Editor.252

anfcdistant one hundred leagues from Chatique'svillage, and of this space the first fifty leaguescomprise lands nearly level with the water; butin the latter the surface is more lofty, rising ahundred feet above the river, and increasingin height as we advanced. The soil is a white clay,mixed with sand. The wood is small arid scanty.At Cumberland House the canoes separated,M. Cadotte going with four to Fort des Prairies,Mr. Pond with two to Fort Dauphin,and others proceeding on still different routes.Messrs. Frobisher retained six and myself four,and we resolved on joining our stock and winteringtogether. We steered for the river Churchill,Missinipi, to the east of Beaver Lake, ororLake aux Castors.Sturgeon Lake, 48 which we now crossed, istwenty leagues in length. On the east are highlands, and on the west low islands. The riverMaligne 49 falls into it. This we ascended, butnot without much labor from 'the numerousrapids, on account of which the Canadians intheir vexation have given it the name it bears.We crossed Beaver Lake 60 on the first dayof November, and the very next morning it48 Now known as Cumberland Lake. Its principalnortheastern offset, known as Namew Lake, is theinitial one of the great chain of lakes which, says Coues,"offer a practicable thoroughfare" to Hudson Bayand the Arctic Ocean. Editor.49Modern Sturgeon Weir River. Editor.50 Now called Amisk Lake, in eastern Saskatchewan.Editor.253

was frozen over. Happily we were now at aplace abounding with fish, and here, therefore,we resolved on wintering.Our first object was to procure food. Wehad only three days' stock remaining and wewere forty-three persons in number. Our fortymen were divided into three parties, of which51two were detached to the River aux Castors,on which the ice was strong enough to allow ofsetting the nets, in the manner heretoforedescribed. The third party was employed inbuilding our house, or fort; and in this withinten days we saw ourselves commodiouslylodged. Indeed, we had almost built a village;or, in soberer terms, we had raised buildingsround a quadrangle such as really assumed inthe wilds which encompassed it a formidableappearance. In front was the house designedfor Messrs. Frobisher and myself; and the menhad four houses, of which one was placed oneach side and two in the rear.Our canoes were disposed of on scaffolds,for the ground being frozen we could not burythem, as is the usual practice, and which isdone to protect them from that severity of coldwhich occasions the bark to contract and split.The houses being finished, we divided themen anew, making four parties of nine each.51 Still known by the English equivalent of BeaverRiver. It was early an important trade route, since byits headwaters there is an easy portage to Lac la Biche,which drains into the Athabasca River. Editor.254

Crafcelg an&Four were retained as wood cutters; and eachparty was to provide for its own subsistence.Our fishing was very successful. We tooktrout of the weight of from ten to fifty pounds,whitefish of five pounds, and pike of the usualsize. There were also pickerel, called poissonsdores (gilt fish) and sturgeon, but of the lastwe caught only one. The Indians soon afterour arrival killed two elks, otherwise calledmoose-deer. &2Lake aux 'Castors, or Beaver Lake, is sevenleagues in length and from three to five inbreadth. It has several islands, of which thelargest does not exceed a mile in circumference.The lands on either shore are mountainous androcky.Messrs. Frobisher and myself were continuallyemployed in fishing. We made holesin the ice and took trout with the line in twentyand thirty fathoms water, using whitefish of apound weight for our bait, which we sunk tothe bottom, or very near it.In this manner I have at times caught morethan twenty large trout a day, but my moreusual mode was that of spearing. By onemeans or other fish was plenty with us, but wesuffered severely from the cold in fishing. Onthe twenty-fifth the frost was so excessive thatwe had nearly perished. Fahrenheit's thermometerwas at 32 below in the shade; the62Cerws dices. Author.255

aicranbcrmercury contracted one-eighth, and for fourdays did not rise into the tube.Several Indians brought beaver and bears'meat, and some skins for sale. Their practicewas to remain with us one night and leave usin the morning.256

THEChapter 10FROM BEAVER LAKE TO .THE PRAIRIESplains, or as the French denominatethem the prairies, or meadows, composean extensive tract of country which iswatered by the Elk or Athabasca, the Sascatchiwaine,the Red River and others, and runssouthward to the Gulf of Mexico. On my firstsetting out for the Northwest I promised myselfto visit this region, and I now preparedto accomplish the undertaking. Long journeyson the snow are thought of but as trifles inthis part of the world.On the first day of January, 1776, 1 left ourfort on Beaver Lake, attended by two men andprovided with dried meat, frozen fish, and asmall quantity of praline, made of roastedmaize rendered palatable with sugar, and whichI had brought from the Sault de Ste. Marie forthis express occasion. The kind and friendlydisposition of Mr. Joseph Frobisher inducedhim to bear me company as far as CumberlandHouse, a journey of a hundred and twentymiles. Mr. Frobisher was attended by oneman.Our provisions were drawn by the men uponsledges made of thin boards, a foot in breadthand curved upward in front after the Indian257

fashion. Our clothing for night and day wasnearly the same; and the cold was so intensethat, exclusively of warm woolen clothes, wewere obliged to wrap ourselves continually inbeaver blankets, or at least in ox skins, whichthe traders call buffalo robes. At night we madeat the head of the Ma-our first encampmentligne, where one of our parties was fishing withbut very indifferent success.On the following evening we encamped atthe mouth of the same river. The snow wasfour feet deep, and we found it impossibleto keep ourselves warm even with the aid of alarge fire.On the fourth day as well of the month asof our journey, we arrived at CumberlandHouse. Mr. Cockings received us with muchhospitality, making us partake of all he had,which however was but little. Himself and hismen subsisted wholly upon fish, in which sturgeonbore the largest proportion, and this wascaught near the house. The next morning Itook leave of Mr. Frobisher, who is certainlythe first man that ever went the same distancein such a climate and upon snowshoes to convoya friend.From Cumberland House I pursued a westerlycourse on the ice, following the southernbank of Sturgeon Lake till I crossed the neck ofland by which alone it is separated from thegreat river Pasquayah, or Sascatchiwaine. Inthe evening I encamped on the north bank of258

Cratoefce?aniithis river at the distance of ten leagues fromCumberland House.The depth of the snow and the intensenessof the cold rendered my progress so muchslower than I had reckoned upon that I soonbegan to fear the want of provisions. The sundid not rise till half past nine o'clock in themorning and it set at half past two in the afternoon;it is, however, at no time wholly darkin these climates, the northern lights and thereflection of the snow affording always sufficientlight for the traveler. Add to this thatthe river, the course of which I was ascending,was a guide with the aid of which I could notlose my way. Every day's journey was commencedat three o'clock in the morning.I was not far advanced before the countrybetrayed some approaches to the characteristicnakedness of the plains. The wood dwindledaway both in size and quantity, so that it waswith difficulty that we could collect sufficientfor making a fire, and without fire we couldnot drink, for melted snow was our only resource,the ice on the river being too thickto be penetrated by the axe.On the evening of the sixth, the weathercontinuing severely cold, I made my two mensleep on the same skin with myself, one oneach side; and though this arrangement wasparticularly beneficial to myself, it increasedthe comfort of all. At the usual hour in themorning we attempted to rise, but found that259

a foot of snow had fallen upon our bed, as wellas extinguished and covered our fire. In thissituation we remained tilldaybreak, when withmuch exertion we collected fresh fuel. Proceedingon our journey, we found that the useof our sledges had become impracticablethrough the quantity of newly fallen snow, andwere now constrained to carry our provisionson our backs. Unfortunately, they were adiminished burden.For the two days succeeding the depth of thesnow and the violence of the winds greatlyretarded our journey; but from the ninth tothe twelfth the elements were less hostile, andwe traveled rapidly. No trace of anythinghuman presented itself on our road, exceptthat we saw the old wintering-ground of53Mr. Finlay, who had left it some years beforeand was now stationed at Fort des Prairies.This fort was the stage we had to make beforewe could enter the prairies, or plains; and onexamining our provisions we found only sufficientfor five days, while even at the swiftestrate we had traveled, a journey of twelve dayswas before us. My men began to fear beingstarved, as seeing no prospect of relief; butI endeavored to maintain their courage by63James Finlay, one of the earliest English traders topenetrate to this portion of Canada. Matthew Cocking'sjournal shows that he was here as early as 1767.He later retired to Montreal, where he became aprominent citizen. Finlay River is named for his sonJames, who entered the fur trade in 1785. Editor.260

anfcrepresenting that I should certainly kill reddeer and elk, of which the tracks were visiblealong the banks of the river and on the sides ofthe hills. What I hoped for in this respect itwas not easy to accomplish, for the animalskept within the shelter of the woods and thesnow was too deep to let me seek them there.On the fifteenth our situation was renderedstill more alarming by the commencement of afresh fall of snow, which added nearly two feetto the depth of that which was on the groundbefore. At the same tune, we were scarcely ableto collect enough wood for making a fire tomelt the snow. The only trees around us werestarveling willows, and the hills which discoveredthemselves at a small distance werebare of every vegetable production, such ascould rear itself above the snow. Their appearancewas rather that of lofty snow-banks,than of hills. We were now on the borders ofthe plains.On the twentieth the last remains of ourprovisions were expended, but I had taken theprecaution to conceal a cake of chocolate inreserve for an occasion like that which wasnow arrived. Toward evening my men, afterwalking the whole day, began to lose theirstrength, but we nevertheless kept on our feettill it was late; and when we encamped I informedthem of the treasure which was still instore. I desired them to fill the kettle withsnow, and argued with them the while that the261

chocolate would keep us alive for five days atleast, an interval in which we should surelymeet with some Indian at the chase. Theirspirits revived at the suggestion, and the kettlebeing filled with two gallons of water, I putinto it one square of chocolate. The quantitywas scarcely sufficient to alter the color of thewater; but each of us drank half a gallon of thewarm liquor, by which we were much refreshed,and in its enjoyment felt no more the fatiguesof the day. In the morning we allowedourselves a similar repast, after finishing whichwe marched vigorously for six hours. But nowthe spirits of my companions again desertedthem and they declared that they neitherwould nor could proceed any farther. For myself,they advised me to leave them and accomplishthe journey as I could, but for themselvesthey said that they must die soon andmight as well die where they were as anywhereelse.While things were in this melancholy postureI filled the kettle and boiled another square ofchocolate. When prepared, I prevailed uponmy desponding companions to return to theirwarm beverage. On taking it they recoveredinconceivably, and after smoking a pipe consentedto go forward. While their stomachswere comforted by the warm water theywalked well; but as evening approached,fatigue overcame them and they relapsed intotheir former condition; and the chocolate now262

anfcbeing almost entirely consumed I began to fearthat I must really abandon them; for I wasable to endure more hardship than they; andhad it not been for keeping company with themI could have advanced double the distancewithin the time which had been spent. Tomy great joy, however, the usual quantity ofwarm water revived them.For breakfast the next morning I put thelast square of chocolate into the kettle, andour meal finished, we began our march in butvery indifferent spirits. We were surroundedby large herds of wolves, which sometimescame close upon us, and who knew, as we wereprone to think, the extremity in which we wereand marked us for their but I carried a prey; gunand this was our protection. I fired severaltimes but unfortunately missed at each, for amorsel of wolf 's flesh would have afforded usa banquet.Our misery, nevertheless, was still nearer itsend than we imagined, and the event was suchas to give one of the innumerable proofs thatdespair is not made for man. Before sunset wediscovered on the ice some remains of the bonesof an elk, left there by the wolves. Havinginstantly gathered them, we encamped, andfilling our kettle, prepared ourselves a meal ofstrong and excellent soup. The greater part ofthe night was passed in boiling and regaling onour booty, and early in the morning we feltourselves strong enough to proceed.263

This day, the twenty-fifth, we found theborders of the plains reaching to the verybanks of the river, which were two hundredfeet above the level of the ice. Water markspresented themselves at twenty feet above theactual level.Want had lost its dominion over us. At noonwe saw the horns of a red deer standing in thesnow on the river. On examination we foundthat the whole carcass was with them, theanimal having broken through the ice in thebeginning of the winter ia^attempting to crossthe river too early in the season; while hishorns, fastening themselves in the ice, hadprevented him from sinking. By cutting awaythe ice we were enabled to lay bare a part ofthe back and shoulders and thus procure astock of food amplysufficient for the rest ofour journey. We accordingly encamped andemployed our kettle to good purpose, forgotall our misfortunes, and prepared to walk withcheerfulness the twenty leagues which, as wereckoned, still lay between ourselves and Fortdes Prairies.Though the deer must have been in thissituation ever since the month of November,yet its flesh was perfectly good. Its horns alonewere five feet high or it will thereforenot appear extraordinary that they shouldmoreyandbe seen above the snow.On the twenty-seventh, in the morning, wediscovered the print of snowshoes, demon-264

antistrating that several persons had passed thatway the day before. These were the first marksof other human feet than our own which wehad seen since our leaving Cumberland House;and it was nuich to feel that we had fellowcreaturesin the wide waste surrounding us.In the evening we reached the fort. 54At Fort des Prairies I remained several days,hospitably entertained by my friends, whocovered* their table with the tongues and marrowof wild bulls. The quantity of provisionswhich I found collected here exceeded everythingof which I had previously formed anotion. In one heap I saw fifty tons of beef,so fat that the men could scarcely find a sufficiencyof lean.I had come to see the plains, and I had yet aserious journey to perform in order to gratifymy curiosity. Their southern boundary Ihave already named; and I understood thatthey stretched northward to the sixtieth degreeof north latitude and westward to the feet ofthe Rocky Mountains, or Northern Andes, ofwhich the great chain pursues a northwesterlydirection. The mountains seen in high latitudeswere regarded as part of this chain, and said tobe inhabited by numerous bands of Indians.64This fort was "about twelve miles in an air line"below the forks pf the Saskatchewan, on the site of anolder fort established by the French in 1753. Here acentury later the Hudson's Bay Company had Fort a laCorne, named in honor of the builder of the originalFrench fort, M , de la Corne. Editor.265

The Plains cross the River Pasquayah, Kejeechewon,Sascatchiwaine, or Shascatchiwan, alittle above Fort des Prairies.The Indians who inhabit them immediatelyto the southward are called psinipoillesorAssiniboins. 65 At the fort I met with a womanwho was a slave among the Osinipoilles, takenfar to* the westward of the mountains in acountry which the latter incessantly ravage.She informed me that the men of the countrynever suffer themselves to be taken, but alwaysdie in the field rather than fall into captivity.The women and children are made slaves, butare not put to death nor tormented. 56 Hernation lived on a great river running to thesouthwest, and cultivated beans, squashes,maize, and tobacco. The lands were generallymountainous and covered with pine and fir.She had heard of men who wear their beards.She had been taken in one of the incursionsof the Osinipoilles. Of the men who were inthe village, the greater part were killed, but afew escaped by swimming across the river.55The Assiniboin tribe is closely related to the Sioux,having seceded from the latter in the seventeenthcentury, according to Perrot. Editor.b6The Five Nations, and others, are known to havetreated their prisoners with great cruelty; but there istoo much reason to believe that the exercise of thiscruelty has been often encouraged, and its malignityoften increased, by European instigators and assistants.Author.266

Cratoefe? atifcThe woman belonged to a numerous band ofOsinipoilles which was at the fort selling itsmeat and skins. I resolved on traveling withthese people to their village, and accordinglyset out on the fifth of February, accompaniedby Messrs. Patterson and Holmes, 57 and attendedby my two Canadians.67William Holmes, a prominent Northwestern trader,and one of the stockholders in the North West Company.A partner of Holmes, James Grant, was also active inthe fur trade of the interior. Grant River and Countyin southwestern Wisconsin are probably named afterthis man. Editor.267

Chapter nA JOURNEY ON THE PLAINSdepartedWE at an early hour and after amarch of about two miles ascended thetable land which lies above the river,and of which the level is two hundred feethigher than that of the land on which the fortis built. From the low ground upward the soilis covered with poplar of a large growth, butthe summit of the ridge is no sooner gained thanthe wood is found to be smaller and so thinlyscattered that a wheel carriage might pass inany direction. At noon we crossed a small rivercalled Moose River, flowing at the feet of verylofty banks. Moose River is said to fall intoLake Dauphin.Beyond this stream the wood grows stillmore scanty and the land more and more level.Our course was southerly. The snow lay fourfeet deep. The Indians traveled swiftly, andin keeping pace with them my companionsand myself had too much exercise to sufferfrom the coldness of the atmosphere; but oursnowshoes being of a broader make than thoseof the Indians, we had much fatigue in followingtheir track. The women led and wemarched till sunset when we reached a smallof whichcoppice of wood, under the protection268

antiwe encamped. The baggage of the Indians wasdrawn by dogs, who kept pace with the womenand appeared to be under their command. Assoon as we halted the women set up the tents,which were constructed and covered like thoseof the Christinaux.The tent in which I slept contained fourteenpersons, each of whom lay with his feet to thefire, which was in the middle; but the night wasso cold that even this precaution, with the assistanceof our buffalo robes, was insufficientto keep us warm. Our supper was made on thetongues of the wild ox, or buffalo, boiled in mykettle, which was the only one in the camp.At break of day, or rather before that time,we left our encampment, the women stillpreceding us. On our march we saw but littlewood, and that only here and there and atgreat distances. We crossed two rivulets stealingalong the bottom of very deep channels,which, no doubt, are better filled in the seasonof the melting of the snow. The banks here ason the Pasquayah or Sascatchiwaine are composedof a whitish clay, mingled with sand.On the sixth of February we had a fine clearsky, but the air was exceedingly cold and bleak,no shelter from woods being afforded us oneither side. There was but little wind, andyet at times enough to cause a slight drift ofsnow. In the evening we encamped in a smallwood, of which the largest trees did not exceeda man's wrist in thickness. On the seventh we269

left our encampment at an early hour.Tracksof large herds of animals presented themselves,which the Indians said were those of red deer.Our course was southwest and the weathervery cold. The country was one uninterruptedplain, in many parts of which no wood, not eventhe smallest shrub, was to be seen; a continuedlevel without a single eminence; a frozensea, of which the little coppices were the islands.That behind which we had encamped the nightbefore soon sunk in the horizon, and the eyehad nothing left, save only the sky and snow.The latter was still four feet in depth.At noon we discovered, and presentlypassed by, a diminutive wood, or island. Atfour in the afternoon another was in sight.When I could see none I was alive to the dangerto be feared from a storm of wind, whichwould have driven the snow upon us. TheIndians related that whole families often perishin this manner.It was dark before we reached the wood.A fire, of which we had much need, was soonkindled by the women. Axes were uselesshere, for the largest tree yielded easily to thehand. It was not only small, but in a stateof decay, and easily extracted from the loosesoil in which it grew. We supped on wild beefand snow-water. In the night the wind changedto the southward and the weather becamemilder. I was still asleep, when the womenbegan their noisy preparations for our march.270

Crafcelg attfcThe striking of the tents, the tongues of thewomen, and the cries of the dogs were allheard at once. At the first dawn of day werecommenced our journey. Nothing wasvisible but the snow and sky; and the snow wasdrifted into ridges resembling waves.Soon after sunrise we descried a herd ofoxen, extending a mile and a half in length andtoo numerous to be counted. They traveled,not one after another, as in the snow otheranimals usually do, but in a broad phalanx,slowly, and sometimes stopping to feed. Wedid not disturb them, because to have attackedthem would have occasioned much delay to ourprogress; and because the dogs were alreadysufficiently burdened not to need the additionof the spoil.At two o'clock we reached a small lake surroundedwith wood, and where the trees wereof a size somewhat larger than those behind.There were birch trees among the rest. Iobserved that wherever there was water therewas wood. All the snow upon the lake wastrodden down by the feet of wild oxen. Whenthis was the case on the land an abundance ofcoarse grass discovered itself beneath. Wewere unable to penetrate to the water in thelake, though we cut a hole in the ice to thedepth of three feet. Where we cleared the groundfor our encampments no stones were to be seen.This evening we had scarcely encampedwhen there arrived two Osinipoilles, sent by271

the great chief of the nation, whose name wasthe Great Road, to meet the troop. The chiefhad been induced to send them through his anxiety,occasioned by their longer absence thanhad been expected. The messengers expressedthemselves much pleased at finding strangerswith their friends, and told us that we werewithin one day's march of their village, andthat the great chief would be highly gratifiedin learning the long journey which we had performedto visit him. They added that inconsequence of finding us they must themselvesreturn immediately, to apprise him of ourcoming and enable him to prepare for ourreception.Fortunately they had not been able to takeany refreshment before a storm of wind andsnow commenced which prevented their departure,and in which they must have beenlost, had ithappened later. The storm continuedall the night and part of the next day.Clouds of snow, raised by the wind, fell on theencampment and almost buried it. I had noresource tut in my buffalo robe.In the morning we were alarmed by theapproach of a herd of oxen, who came from theopen ground to shelter themselves in the wood.that we dreadedTheir numbers were so great lest they should fairly trample down the camp;nor could it have happened otherwise but forthe dogs, almost as numerous as they, whowere able to keep them in check. The Indians272

anH a&toenturekilled several when close upon their tents; butneither the fire of the Indians nor the noise ofthe dogs could soon drive them away. Whateverwere the terrors which filled the wood, theyhad no other escape from the terrors of thestorm.In the night of the tenth the wind fell. Theinterval had been passed in feasting on thetongues of the oxen. On the morning of theeleventh the messengers left us before day-We had already charged them with alight.present for the chief, consisting in tobacco andvermilion. Of these articles, the formerexceeds all others in estimation; for the Indiansare universally great smokers, men, women andchildren, and no affair can be transacted, civilor religious, without the pipe.Our march was performed at a quick pacein the track of the messengers. All the forepart of the day escaped without discovering tous a single wood, or even a single twig, withfthe exception of a very small island, lying onour right; but at four o'clock in the afternoonwe reached a little scrub, or bushy tract, onwhich we encamped. We were at no greatdistance from the village; but the Indians, asis their custom, delayed their entrytill themorning.On the twelfth at ten o'clock in the forenoonwe were in sight of a wood, or island, as theterm not unnaturally is, as well with theIndians as others; itappeared to be about a273

mile and a half long. Shortly after, we observedsmoke arising from it, and were informed thatit was the smoke of the village. The morningwas clear and the sun shining.At eleven o'clock two fresh messengers camefrom the village, by whom the strangers wereformally welcomed on the part of the chief.They told us that they were directed to conductus and our servants to a lodge, which hadbeen prepared for our reception.At the entrance of the wood we were met bya large band of Indians, having the appearanceof a guard, each man being armed with his bowand spear and having his quiver filled witharrows. In this, as in much that followed, therewas more of order and discipline than in anythingwhich I had before witnessed amongIndians. The power of these guards appearedto be great, for they treated very roughly someof the people who, in their opinion, approachedus too closely. Forming themselves in regularfile on either side of us, they escortedus to the lodge, or tent, which was assigned us.It was of a circular form, covered with leather,and not less than twenty feet in diameter. Onthe ground within, ox-skins were spread forbeds and seats.274

12HOSPITALITY OF THE ASSINIBOINof the tent was appropriatedto our use. Several women waited uponus to make a fire and bring water, whichONE-HALFlatter they fetched from a neighboring tent.Shortly after our arrival these women broughtus water, unasked for, saying that it was forwashing. The refreshment was exceedinglyfor on our march we had become soacceptable,dirty that our complexions were not very distinguishablefrom those of the Indians themselves.The same women presently borrowed ourkettle, telling us that they wanted to boilsomething for us to eat. Soon after we heardthe voice of a man passing through the villageand making a speech as he went. Our interpreterinformed us that his speech contained aninvitation to a feast, accompanied by a proclamationin which the people were required tobehave with decorum toward the strangers,and apprised that the soldiers had orders topunish those who should do otherwise.While we were procuring this explanation anIndian, who, appeared to be a chief, came intoour tent and invited us to the feast, addingthat he would himself show us the way. We275

followed him accordingly, and he carried us tothe tent of the great chief, which we foundneither more ornamented nor better furnishedthan the rest.At our entrance the chief arose from his seat,saluted us in the Indian manner by shakinghands, and addressed us in a few words, inwhich he offered his thanks for the confidencewhich we had reposed in him in trusting ourselvesso far from our own country. After wewere seated, which was on bear skins spreadon the ground, the pipe, as usual, was introducedand presented in succession to each personpresent. Each took his whiff and then let itpass to his neighbor. The stem, which wasfour feet in length, was held by an officerattendant on the chief. The bowl was of redmarble or pipestone.When the pipe had gone its round the chief,without rising from his seat, delivered a speechof some length, but of which the general purportwas of the nature already described inspeaking of the Indians of the Lake of theWoods. 58 The speech ended, several of theIndians began to* weep, and they were soonjoined by the whole party. Had I not previouslybeen witness to a weeping-scene of thisdescription I should certainly have been apprehensiveof some disastrous catastrophe; butas it was I listened to it with tranquillity. Itlasted for about ten minutes, after which all68See Part Two, chapter 8. Author.276

tears were dried away, and the honors of thefeast were performed by the attending chiefs.This consisted in giving to every guest a dishcontaining a boiled wild ox's tongue, for preparingwhich my kettle had been borrowed.The repast finished, the great chief dismissedus by shaking hands, and we returned to ourtent.Having inquired among these people whythey always at their ^weep feasts, and sometimesat their councils, I was answered thattheir tears flowed to the memory of those deceasedrelations who formerly assisted both atthe one and the other; that their absence onthese occasions necessarily brought them freshinto their minds, and at the same time ledthem to reflect on their own brief and uncertaincontinuance. 59The chief to whose kindly reception we wereso much indebted was about five feet ten incheshigh, and of a complexion rather darker than59The Ossinipoiles are the Issati of the older travelers,and have sometimes been called the Weepers.Author.This is an error on the part of Henry. Before theSioux obtained firearms from Europeans they used flintknives and arrowheads, made from flint which theyfound on the banks of the Thousand Lakesthem Isan-ta-mde, or "Lake of Knives."called byFrom thiscircumstance the eastern Sioux were called Isan-ya-ti,which has in time been corrupted into modern Santee.The Santee include the Wahpetans and the Wazikute;the Siouan division from which the Assiniboin separatedare the Yankton. Editor.277

that of the Indians in general. His appearancewas greatly injured by the condition of hishead of hair, and this was the result of anextraordinary superstition.The Indians universally fixupon a particularobject as sacred to themselves; as thegiver of their prosperity, and as their preserverfrom evil. The choice is determined either bya dream, or by some strong predilection offancy, and usually falls upon an animal, orpart of an animal, or something else which is towater: but the Greatbe met with by land or byRoad had made choice of his hair placing,like Sampson, all his safety in this portion ofhis proper substance! His hair was the fountainof all his happiness; it was his strength andhis weapon, his spear and his shield. It preservedhim in battle, directed him in the chase,watched over him in the march, and gave lengthof days to his wives and children. Hair of aquality like this was not to be profaned by thetouch of human hands. I was assured that ithad never been cut nor combed from his childhoodupward; and that when any part of itfell from his head he treasured up that partwith care: meanwhile, it did not escape allcare, even while growing on the head; but wasin the special charge of a spirit, who dressed itwhile the owner slept. All this might be: butthe spirit's style of hair dressing was at leastpeculiar, the hair being suffered to remainit received no dressing at all,very much as if278

anfcand matted into ropes which spread themselvesin all directions.The same evening we were invited to asecond feast. Everything was nearly as before,except that in the morning all the guests weremen, and now half were women. All the womenwere seated on one side of the floor of the tent,and all the men on the other, with a fire placedbetween them. The fire rendering the tentwarm, the men, one after another, dropped theskins which were their garments, and leftthemselves entirely naked. The appearanceof one of them in particular having led us, whowere strangers, into an involuntary and illstifledlaugh, the men calmly asked us theoccasion of our mirth; but one of the womenpointing to the cause, the individual restoredthe covering of his robe.The women are themselves perfectly modest,both in dress and demeanor, and those whowere now present maintained the first rankin the village; but custom had rendered thescene inoffensive to their eyes.Our repast concluded, we departed, takingwith us our dishes, in which the greater partof the ox tongues which had been laid uponthem remained unconsumed.All night in our tent we had a guard of sixsoldiers; and when I awoke, as several timesI did, I always found them smoking their pipesin silence.We rose at daybreak, according to the279

custom of the Indians, who say that they followit in order to avoid surprises, this being thehour at which the enemy uniformly makes hisattack.Our waiting-women arrived early, bringingwood and water. Washing appeared to me tobe a ceremony of religion among the Osinipoilles;and I never saw anything similaramong other Indians.Leaving our tent, we made a progressthrough the village, which consisted of abouttwo hundred tents, each tent containing fromtwo to four families. We were attended byfour soldiers of our guard, but this was insufficientfor keeping off the women and children,who crowded around us with insatiable curiosity.Our march was likewise accompaniedby a thousand dogs, all howling frightfully.From the village I saw for the first time oneof those herds of horses which the Osinipoillespossess in numbers. It was feeding on theskirts of the plain. The masters of these herdsprovide them with no fodder; but leave themto find food for themselves by removing thesnow with their feet tillthey reach the grass,which iseverywhere on the ground in plenty.At ten o'clock we returned to our tent, andin a short time the great chief paid us a visit,attended by nearly fifty followers of distinction.In coming in he gave his hand to each ofus, and all his attendants followed his example.When we were seated one of the officers went280

antithrough the ceremony of the pipe, after whichthe great chief delivered a speech, of which thesubstance was as follows: That he was glad tosee us; that he had been, some time since, informedof a fort of the white men's beingestablished on the Pasquayah, and that it hadalways been his intention to pay a visit there;that we were our own masters, to remain at ourpleasure in his village, free from molestation,and assured of his especial protection; that theyoung men had employed themselves in collectingmeat and furs, for the purpose of purchasingcertain articles, wherewith to decoratetheir wives; that within a few days he proposedto move, with his whole village, on this errand;that nothing should be omitted to make ourstay as agreeable as possible; that he had alreadyordered a party of his soldiers to guardus, and that ifanything should occur to displeaseus, his ear was always open to ourcomplaints.For all these friendly communications weoffered our thanks. His visit to the fort it hadbeen a principal object to invite.After the speech the chief presented us withtwenty beaver skins, and as many wolf. Inreturn we gave two pounds of vermilion, and afew fathoms of twisted tobacco, assuring himthat when he should arrive at our habitationwe would endeavor to repay the benefits whichwe were receiving from him, and at the sametime cheerfully exchange our merchandise for281

lljenrpthe dried meat and skins of his village. Itwas agreed that he should strike his camp atthe end of five days, and that we should remainin it so long, and accompanyit to the fort.The chief now departed; and I believe that wewere reciprocally pleased with each other.A short time after he was gone we receivedan invitation to a feast from a subordinatechief. Our dishes were again filled with tongues,but roasted and not boiled. To furnish us withwater we saw an ox's paunch employed as akettle. This being hung in the smoke of afire, was filled with snow, and as the snowmelted more was added till the paunch was fullof water. The lower orifice of the organ wasused for drawing off the water, and stoppedwith a plug and string.During our whole stay we never had occasionfor cookery at home; but my kettle was inconstant use, and for the most part in preparationof the feasts at which we were dailyguests. In our tent we were regularly suppliedwith water, either by the women or by theguards.The guards were changed daily. They frequentlybeat the people for disobedience oforders, and the offenders made no resistance tothe chastisement. We were informed thatthere was at both extremities of the camp, orvillage, a picket of two men, whose dutyit wasnot to allow any person to go beyond thebounds. The intention of this was to prevent282

anfeSlttecuturcsstragglers from falling a prey to the enemy.General orders were issued by the chiefmorning and evening, and published by a crierin every part of the camp.In the course of the day the great chief informedus that he proposed hunting the wild oxon the following morning, and invited us to beof the party.283

INChapter 13CUSTOMS OF THE RED MENthe morning we went to the hunt accordingly.The chief was followed by aboutforty men and a great number of women.We proceeded to a small island on the plain, atthe distance of five miles from the village. Onour way we saw large herds of oxen at feed,but the hunters forbore to molest them, lestthey should take the alarm.Arrived at the island, the women pitched afew tents while the chief led his hunters to itssouthern end where there was a pound, orenclosure. The fence was about four feet high,and formed of strong stakes of birchwood,wattled with smaller branches of the same.The day was spent in making repairs, and bythe evening all was ready for the hunt.At daylight several of the more experthunters were sent to decoy the animals into thepound. They were dressed in ox skins, withthe hair and horns. Their faces were covered,and their gestures so closely resembled thoseof the animals themselves that had I not beenin the secret I should have been as much deceivedas the oxen.At ten o'clock one of the hunters returned,bringing information of the herd. Immediately284

Cratoelg andall the dogs were muzzled and, this done, thewhole crowd of men and women surroundedthe outside of the pound. The herd, of whichthe extent was so great that I cannot pretend toestimate the numbers, was distant half a mile,advancing slowly and frequently stopping tofeed. The part played by the decoyers wasthat of approaching them within hearing andthen bellowing like themselves. On hearingthe noise the oxen did not fail to give it attention,and whether from curiosity or sympathy,advanced to meet those from whom it proceeded.These, in the meantime, fell back deliberatelytoward the pound, always repeatingthe call whenever the oxen stopped. This wasreiterated till the leaders of the herd had followedthe decoyers into the jaws of the pound,which, though wide asunder toward the plain,terminated Hke a funnel in a small aperture,or gateway, and within this was the pounditself. The Indians remark that in all herds ofanimals there are chiefs, or leaders, by whom themotions of the rest are determined.The decoyers now retired within the poundand were followed by the oxen. But the formerretired still farther, withdrawing themselves atcertain movable parts of the fence, while thelatter were fallen upon by all the hunters, andpresently wounded and killed by showers ofarrows. Amid the uproar which ensued theoxen made several attempts to force the fence,but the Indians stopped them, and drove them285

ack by shaking skins before their eyes. Skinswere also made use of to stop the entrance,being let down by strings as soon as the oxenwere inside. The slaughter was prolongedtillthe evening, when the hunters returned to theirtents. Next morning all the tongues were presentedto the chief, to the number of seventytwo.The women brought the meat to the villageon sledges drawn by dogs. The lumps on theshoulders, and the hearts, as well as thetongues were set apart for feasts, while the restor dried forwas consumed as ordinary food,sale at the fort.The time was now passed indancing andfestivity in all quarters of the village. On theevening of the day after the hunt the chiefcame to our tent, bringing with him abouttwenty men and as many women, who separatelyseated themselves as before; but theynow brought musical instruments, and soonafter their arrival began to play. The instrumentsconsisted principally in a sort of tambourine,and a gourd filled with stones, whichseveral persons accompanied by shaking twobones together; and others with bunches ofdeer hoofs, fastened to the end of a stick.Another instrument was one that was no morethan a piece of wood of three feet with notchescut on its edge. The performer drew a stickbackward and forward along the notches, keepingtime. The women sang; and the sweetness286

anfcof their voices exceeded whatever I had heardbefore.This entertainment -lasted upward of anhour; and when it was finished a dance commenced.The men formed themselves into arow on one side, and the women on the other,and each moved sidewise, firstup and thendown the room. The sound of bells and otherjingling materials attached to the women'sdresses enabled them to keep tune. The songsand dances were continued alternatelytillnear midnight, when all our visitors departed.These amusements were given to us complimentarilyby the chief. He took no partin the performances himself, but sat smokingwhile they proceeded.It had been my wish to go farther on thePlains, till I should have reached the mountains,at the feet of which, as I have already observed,they lie; but the chief informed me thatthe latter were still at the distance of many days'journey, and that the intervening country wasa tract destitute of the least appearance ofwood. In the winter, as he asserted, this tractcannot be crossed at all, and in the summer thetraveler is in great danger of perishing forwant of water; and the only fuel to be met withis the dung of the wild ox. It is intersected bya large river, which runs to the sun's rising,and which has its sources in the mountains.With regard to the country of the Osinipoilleshe said that it lay between the head of the287

Pasquayah, or Sasca,tchiwaine, and the countryof the Sioux, or Nadowessies, who inhabitthe heads of the Missisipi. On thewest, near the mountains, were the SnakeIndians and Blackfeet, troublesome neighbors,by whose hands numbers of his warriorsfell.The Osinipoilles have many villages composedof from one to two hundred tents each.Few exceed the latter number. They often goto the mountains on war parties, and always onhorseback. When the great chief intends to goto war he sends messengers to the severalvillages directing the warriors to meet him at anappointed place and time. With regard tothe latter, it is described by the moon, as thebeginning, full, or end. In obedience to thesummons they assemble in greater numbers60than can be counted, armed with the bow,sling, and spear, and with quivers full of arrows.They have still another weapon, formedof a stone of about two pounds weight, whichis sewed in leather and made fast to a woodenhandle two feet long. In using it the stone iswhirled round the handle by a warrior sittingon horseback and attacking at full speed.Every stroke which takes effect brings down aman or horse; or, if used in the chase, an ox.To prevent the weapon from slipping out of thehand a string, which is tied to the handle, isalso passed round the wrist of the wearer. The60This was the chief's expression. Author.288

aniihorses of the Osinipoilles were originally procuredfrom white people with beards who liveto the southward; that is, the Spanish colonistsin New Mexico.The animals which I saw alive on the plainsare oxen, red deer and wolves; but I saw alsothe skins of foxes, bears and a small number ofpanthers, sometimes called tigers and, mostproperly, cougars. 61In their religious notions as well as in theirdress, arms, and other particulars, there is ageneral agreement between the Osinipoillesand the Cristinaux. 62They believe in a creatorand governor of the world, in a future life, andin the spirits, gods, or manitos, whom theydenominate wakons. Their practices of devotionconsist in the singing of songs, accompaniedby the drum, or rattle, or both; and thesubjects of which are prayers and praises: insmoking feasts, or feasts of the pipe, or calumet,held in honor of the spirits, to whom the smokeof tobacco issupposed to be a most acceptableincense: and in other feasts, as well as in fastsand in sacrifices. The victims of sacrifice areusually dogs, which being killed and hungupon poles are left there to decay.61 Felis concolor. Author.62Such of the Christinaux as inhabit the plains havealso their horses, like the Osinipoilles. By language theOsinipoilles are allied to the Nadowessies, but they arealways at war with them. Of the language of the Nadowessies,Carver has given a short vocabulary. Author.289

Many travelers have described the marriagesof the Indians, but as they have greatly disagreedin their delineations, I shall ventureto set down such particulars as have presentedthemselves to my immediate view. Thoughinserted here, they have no exclusive relationto the Osinipoilles, all the Indians whomI have seen having similar customs on thishead.A young man, desirous of marrying a particularyoung woman, visits the lodge in which shelives at night and when all the family, or ratheron their mats around.families, are sleepingHe comes provided with a match, or splintthe embers ofof wood, which he lights amongone of the fires which are in the middle ofthe lodge. The only intention of this is the veryobvious one of finding by the help of the lightthe young woman whom he means to visit, andwhom, perhaps, he has to awaken. This done,he extinguishes the light. In speaking to herhe whispers, because it is not necessary todisturb all the lodge, and because somethinglike privacy and secrecy belong to the natureof the occasion.If she makes no reply to hisaddress, he considers his attempts at acquaintanceas repulsed, and in consequence retires.If the young woman receives him with favorhe takes part of her mat. He brings with himhis own blanket.I consider this practice asof Newprecisely similar to the bundlingEngland and other countries; and, to say the290

anfc63least, as not more licentious. Children bornout of wedlock are very rare among the Indians.The lover who is permitted to remain retiresbefore daybreak. When the young womanhas consented to be his wife he opens the affairto his own mother, by whom it is communicatedto her's; and if the two mothers agreethey mutually apply to their husbands.The father of the young man then invitesthe father of the young woman to a stew, orsudatory, prepared for the occasion, and atwhich he communicates the wishes of his son.The father of the young woman gives nothe day following, when in his ownreply tillturn he invites the other to the sweating house.If he approves of the match, the terms uponwhich it is to be made are now settled.Stews, sudatories, or sweating houses areresorted to for cure of sickness, for pleasure,or for giving freedom and vigor to the facultiesof the mind when particular deliberation andsagacity are called for. To prepare them for aguest is, therefore, to offer every assistance tohis judgment, and manifest the reverse of adisposition to take an unfair advantage ofhim: it is the exact opposite of offering himliquor. They are constructed of slenderbranches of trees, united at the top and closelycovered with skins or blankets. Within, water63 On the custom of bundling, see H. R. Stiles,Bundling; its Origin, Progress, and Decline in America(Albany, 1869). Editor.291

SUejtanberispoured upon a red-hot stone, tillthe steaminduces perspiration.The terms are either that the young man, aswas most usual in older times, shall serve thefather of the young woman for a certain period(as for three years) or that he shall redeemhimself from this obligation by a present.If he be to serve, then, at the time fixed, hegoes, accompanied by his father and mother,to the lodge of the young woman's family.There he is desired by her mother to sit downon the same mat with her. A feast is usuallyserved, and the young woman's father deliversa suitable speech. The young man is thenceforwardregarded as one of his wife's family,and remains in the lodge accordingly.If, on the other hand, he redeems himself bya present, then his father and mother go aloneto the lodge of the young woman's family,carrying a present. If the present be accepted,they leave it and return home; and shortlyafter the father and mother, accompanied bytheir daughter, go to the lodge of the bridegroom'sfamily, where the bride is desired tosit down beside her husband. The feast andspeech are now made by the young man'sfather, and the young woman is received intohis family.Every man marries as many wives as hepleases, and as he can maintain; and the usualnumber is from one to five. The oldest inmost cases is the mistress of the family, and292

Cratorig anfcof the other wives among the rest. Theyappear to live in much harmony. Polygamyamong the Indians conduces little to population.For the number of adults the childrenare always few.In naming a child the father officiates, andthe ceremony is simple. The relations areinvited to a feast, when he makes a speech, informingthe guests of the name by which thechild is to be called, and addresses a prayer tothe Great Spirit, petitioning for the child'slife and welfare.With respect to the burial of the dead, if thedeath happen in the winter season and at adistance from the burial ground of the family,the body invariably accompanies all the wanderingsand journeys of the survivors till thespring, and till their arrival at the place ofinterment. In the meantime it iseverywhererested on a scaffold, out of the reach of beastsof prey. The graveis made of a circular form,about five feet deep, and lined with bark of thebirch or some other tree, or with skins. A seatis prepared, and the body is placed in a sittingposture, with supporters on either side. Ifthe deceased be a man, his weapons of warand of the chase are buried with him, as alsohis shoes, and everything for which as a livingwarrior or hunter he would have occasion, and,indeed, all his property; and I believe thatthose whose piety alone may not be strongenough to ensure to the dead the entire293

inventory of what is supposed to be necessaryfor them, or is their own, are compelled to dothem justice by another argument, and whichis the fear of their displeasure. A defrauded orneglected ghost, although invisible, can dispersethe game of the plains or forests so thatthe hunter shall hunt in vain; and either in thechase or in the war, turn aside the arrow, orpalsy the arm that draws the bow: in the lodgeit can throw a child into the fire.The body and its accompaniments are coveredwith bark, the bark with logs, and thelogs with earth. This done, a relation standsup and pronounces an eulogium on the deceased,extolling his virtues and relating hisexploits. He dwells upon the enemies whom heslew, the scalps and prisoners which he took, hisskill and industry in the chase, and his deportmentas a father, husband, son, brother,friend, and member of the community. Ateach assertion which he makes the speakerstrikes a post which is placed near the grave,a gesture of asseveration, and which enforcesthe attention of the audience and assists incounting up the points delivered. The eulogiumfinished, the post is painted, 64 and on itare represented the number of prisoners taken,by so many figures of men; and of killed andscalped, by figures without heads. To theseare added his badge, called, in the Algonquin64Hence The Painted Post, the name of a village inPennsylvania.Author.294

an&tongue, a totem, and which is in the nature of anarmorial bearing. It informs the passing Indianof the family to which the deceased belonged.A serious duty at the grave is that of placingfood for the use of the dead on the journey tothe land of souls. This care is never neglected,even under every disadvantage of molestation.In the neighborhood of the traders, dishes ofcooked venison are very commonly placed onthe graves of those long buried and as commonlyremoved by Europeans, even withoutoffense to those who placed them there. Insituations of great want I have more than onceresorted to them for food.The men among the Osinipoilles are wellmade, but their color is much deeper than thatof the more northern Indians. Some of thewomen are tolerably handsome, consideringhow they live, exposed to the extremes of heatand cold and placed in an atmosphere of smokefor at least one-half of the year. Their dress isof the same materials and of the same form withthat of the female Cristinaux. The marriedwomen suffer their hair to grow at random,and even hang over their eyes. All the sex isfond of garnishing the lower edge of the dresswith small bells, deer hoofs, pieces of metal, oranything capable of making a noise. Whenthey move the sounds keep time, and make afantastic harmony.The Osinipoilles treat with great crueltytheir slaves. As an example, one of the295

principal chiefs, whose tent was near that whichwe occupied, had a female slave of abouttwenty years of age. I saw her always on theoutside of the door of the tent, exposed tothe severest cold; and having asked theI was told that she was a slave. Thereason,information induced me to speak to her masterin the hope of procuring some mitigation of thehardships she underwent; but he gave me foranswer that he had taken her on the other sideof the western mountains; that at the sametime he had lost a brother and a son in battle;and that the enterprise had taken place inorder to release one of his own nation who hadbeen a slave in her's, and who had been usedwith much greater severity than that whichshe experienced. The* reality of the last ofthese facts appeared to me to be impossible.The wretched woman fed and slept with thedogs, scrambling with them for the boneswhich were thrown out of the tent. When hermaster was within she was never permitted toenter; at all seasons the children amusedthemselves with impunity in tormenting her,thrusting lighted sticks into her face, and ifshe succeeded in warding off these outragesshe was violently beaten. I was not successfulin procuring any diminution of her sufferings,but I drew some relief from the idea that theirduration could not be long. They were tooto be sustained.heavyIt is known that some slaves have the good296

anfeSltsbcnturcs?fortune to be adopted into Indian families,and are afterward allowed to marry in them,-but among the Osinipoilles this seldom happens;and even among the Chippewa, wherea female slave is so adopted and married Inever knew her to lose the degrading appellationof wakan, a slave* 565This word wakan, which in the Algonquin languagesignifies a slave, is not to be confounded with wakan orwakon, which in the language of the Nadowessies andOsinipoilles signifies a spirit or manito. Author.297

Chapter 14THE RETURN TO FORT DES PRAIRIESON the nineteenth of February the chiefapprised us that it was his design to departthe next morning for the fort. Inconsequence we collected our baggage, which,however, was but small, consisting in abuffalo robe for each person, an axe, and akettle. The last was reluctantly parted withby our friends, who had none left to supply itsplace.At daybreak on the twentieth all was noiseand confusion in the camp, the women beatingand loading the dogs, and the dogs howlingand crying. The tents were speedily struck,and .the coverings and poles packed up to bedrawn by the dogs.Soon after sunrise the march began. In thevan were twenty-five soldiers, who were tobeat the path so that the dogs might walk.They were followed by about twenty men,apparently in readiness for contingent services;and after these went the women, each drivingone or two, and some five, loaded dogs. Thenumber of these animals actually drawingloads exceeded five hundred. After the baggagemarched the main body of the men, carryingonly their arms. The rear was guarded by298

ant)about forty soldiers. The line of march certainlyexceeded three miles in length.The morning was clear and calm. Our roadwas a different one from that by which we hadreached the camp. We passed several herdsof wild oxen, which betrayed some alarm atthe noise of the dogs and women resoundingon every side.Our march was pursued till sunset, when wereached a small wood, the first that we had seenall day. The great chief desired Mr. Pattersonand myself to lodge in his own tent, and weaccordingly became part of his family. Wesaw that his entire and numerous householdwas composed of relations. The chief, aftersmoking his pipe, determined the line of marchfor the next day; and his dispositions in thisregard were immediately published through thecamp.At daybreak our tents were again struck, andwe proceeded on our march in the same orderas the day before. Today (to follow the phraseologyof the plains) we had once land in sight,consisting in two small islands, lying at a greatdistance from our road. On our march thechief informed us that he proposed reachinganother camp of his people that evening, andwould take it with him to the fort. Accordingly,at about four o'clock in the afternoon we discovereda wood and presently afterward sawsmoke rising from it. At sunset we encampednear the wood, where we found a hundred299

tents. We were not long arrived before thechiefs of this second camp paid a visit to theGreat Road, who informed them of his intentionto visit the fort and recommended tothem to join his march. They consented,and orders were given as usual by a publicofficer.The night afforded me but little sleep, sogreat was the disturbance from noises of allkinds; feasting and dancing; the women chastisingthe dogs; the dogs of the two campsmeeting and maintaining against each otherthe whole night long a universal war.In the morning the two camps united in oneline of march, which was now so far extendedthat those in the rear could not descry thefront. At noon we passed a small wood, wherewe saw horses feeding. The Indians informedme that they belonged to one of their camps,or villages; and that it was their uniform customto leave their horses in the beginning ofthe winter at the first wood where they werewhen the snow fell, at which the horses alwaysremain through the season, and where theirmasters are sure to find them in the spring.The horses never go out of of the islandsightassigned them, winter or summer, for fear ofwanting its shelter in a storm.We encamped this evening among somesmall brushwood. Our fire went out accidentallyin the night, and I was kept awake by thecold and by the noise of the dogs.300

In the course of the next day, the twentythirdof the month, we passed several coppices,and saw that the face of the country waschanging and that we had arrived on the marginof the Plains. On the twenty-seventh weencamped on a large wood, where the Indiansresolved on leaving the old women and childrentill their return from the fort, from which weOnwere now distant only one day's march.the twenty-eighth they halted for the wholeday; but we engaged two of them to lead usforward, and thus arrived in the evening at thefort, where we found all well. A large band ofCristinaux had brought skins from the BeaverRiver.Next day the Indians advanced their campto within half a mile of the fort, but leftthirty tents behind them in the wood. Theycontinued with us three days, selling theirskins and provisions for trinkets.It is not in this manner that the northernIndians dispose of the harvest of the chase.With them the principal purchases are ofnecessaries; but the Osinipoilles are less dependenton our merchandise. The wild oxalone supplies them with everything whichthey are accustomed to want. The hide of thisanimal, when dressed, furnishes soft clothingfor the women; and dressed with the hair on, itclothes the men. The flesh feeds them; thesinews afford them bowstrings; and even thepaunch, as we have seen, provides them with301

that important utensil, the kettle. The amazingnumbers of these animals prevent all fearof want, a fear which is incessantly present tothe Indians qf the North.On the fourth morning the Osinipoilles departed.The Great Road expressed himselfmuch satisfied with his reception, and he waswell deserving of a good one; for in no situationcould strangers have been treated more hospitablythan we were treated in his camp. Thebest of everything it contained was given us.The Osinipoilles at this period had hadno acquaintance with any foreign nationsufficient to affect their ancient and pristinehabits. Like the other Indians, they werecruel to their enemies, but as far as the experienceof myself and other Europeansauthorizes me to speak, they were a harmlesspeople, with a large share of simplicity ofmanners and plain dealing. They lived in fearof the Cristinaux, by whom they were not onlyfrequently imposed upon, but pillaged whenthe latter met their bands in smaller numbersthan their own.As to the Cristinaux, they are a shrewd raceof men, and can cheat, lie, and sometimessteal; yet even the Cristinaux are not so muchaddicted to stealing as is reported of theIndians of the South Sea; their stealing ispilfering; and they seldom pilfer anything butrum, a commodity which tempts them beyondthe power of resistance.302

antiI remained at Fort des Prairies till thetwenty-second of March, on which day Icommenced my return to Beaver Lake.Fort des Prairies, as already intimated, isbuilt on the margin of the Pasquayah, or Sascatchiwaine,which river is here two hundredyards across and flows at the depth of thirtyfeet below the level of its banks. The fort hasan area of about an acre, which is enclosed bya good stockade, though formed only of poplar,or aspen wood, 66 such as the country affords.It has two gates, which are carefully shut everyevening, and has usually from fifty to eightymen for its defense.Four different interests were struggling forthe Indian trade of the Sascatchiwaine; butfortunately they had this year agreed to jointheir stock, and when the season was over, todivide the skins and meat. This arrangementwas beneficial to the merchants, but not directlyso to the Indians, who, having no otherplace to resort to nearer than Hudson's Bay orCumberland House, paid greater prices than ifa competition had subsisted. A competition,on the other hand, afflicts the Indians with avariety of evils in a different form.The following were the prices of goods atFort des Prairies:A gun ................. 20 beaver skins66This fort, or one which occupied a contiguous site,was formerly known by the name of Fort aux Trembles.Author.303

A stroud blanket10 beaver skinsA white blanket8 beaver skinsAn axe of one pound weight 3 beaver skinsHah a pint of gunpowderi beaver skinTen balls i beaver skin,but the principal profits accrued from the saleof knives, beads, flints, steels, awls, and othersmall articles,Tobacco, when sold, fetched one beaver skinper foot of Spencer's twist; and rum, not verystrong, two beaver skins per bottle: but agreat proportion of these commodities was disposedof in presents. 67The quantity of furs brought into the fortwas very great. From twenty to thirty Indiansarrived daily, laden with packs of beaver skins.67The tobacco supplied by the traders to the Indianswas commonly twisted in the form of a rope, and thequantity of a given portion was indicated by itslength; the rum, before being sold to the natives wasdiluted with water, the degree of dilution dependingupon such factors as the rapacity of the trader, theeagerness of the native to procure the rum, and theextent of his sophistication with respect to the use ofthis beverage. Editor.304

15JOURNEY TO MONTREALATAHE days being now lengthened and thesnow capable of bearing the foot, wetraveled swiftly; and the weather, thoughcold, was very fine.On the fifth of April we arrived withoutaccident at Cumberland House. On our waywe saw nothing living except wolves, whofollowed us in great numbers, and againstwhom we were obliged to use the precaution ofmaintaining large fires at our encampments.On the seventh we left Cumberland House,and on the ninth, in the morning, reached ourfort on Beaver Lake, where I had the pleasureof finding my friends well.In my absence the men had supported themselvesby fishing; and they were all in healthwith the exception of one, who was hurt at theGrand Portage by a canoe's falling upon him.On the twelfth Mr. Thomas Frobisher withsix men was despatched to the River Churchill,where he was to prepare a fort, and informsuch Indians as he might see on their way toHudson's Bay of the approaching arrival ofhis partners.The ice was still in the same state as inJanuary; but as the season advanced the305

quantity of fish diminished, insomuch thatMr. Joseph Frobisher and myself were obligedto fish incessantly; and often, notwithstandingevery exertion, the men went supperless tobed. In a situation like this the Canadians arethe best men in the world; they rarely murmurat their lot, and their obedience is yieldedcheerfully.We continued fishing till the fifth of May,when we saw swans flying toward the Maligne.From this circumstance and from our knowledgeof the rapidity of the current of thatriver, we supposedit was free from ice. Inconsequence I proceeded thither, and arrivingin the course of a day's journey, found itcovered with swans, geese, and other waterfowl,with which I soon loaded my sledge, andthen returned to the fort.The passage toward the Churchill beingthus far open, we left our fort on the twentyfirstof May, forty in number, and with nogreater stock of provision than a single supper.At our place of encampment we set our netsand caught more fish than we had need of, andthe same food was plenty with us all the way.The fish were pickerel and whitefish.On the twenty-second we crossed two carrying-placesof half a mile each, through a levelcountry, with marshes on the border of theriver. The sun now appeared above the horizonat half -past eight o 'clock in the morning,6868Editor.Apparently a misprint for half -past three306

Crafcefe'anfcand there was twilight all the time that he wasbelow it. The men had but few hours for rest,for after encamping a supper was not only tobe cooked, but caught, and it was thereforelate before they went to sleep. Mr. Frobisherand myself rose at three; and the men werestirring still earlier, in order to take up thenets, so that we might eat our breakfast andbe on our journey before sunrise.On the sixth of June we arrived at a largelake, which, to our disappointment, was entirelyfrozen over, and at the same time theice was too weak to be walked upon. We werenow fearful of detention for several days, buthad the consolation to find our situation wellsupplied with fish. On the following nightthere was a fall of snow, which lay on the groundto the depth of a foot. The wind was from thenortheast. The Indians who were of our partyhunted, and killed several elks, or moose deer. 69At length the wind changed into the southernquarter, on which we had rain, and the snowmelted. On the tenth, with some difficultywe crossed the lake, which istwenty milesin length, through a channel opened in the ice.On the fifteenth, after passing several carryingplaces,we reached the River Churchill, Missinibi,or Missinipi, where we found Mr.Thomas Frobisher and his men, who were in69This was, of course, the moose; Henry uses theterm "red deer" to designate the American elk.Editor.307

threegood health and had built a house for our reception.The whole country from Beaver Lake to theMissinipi is low near the water, with mountainsin the distance. The uplands have a growth ofsmall pine trees, and the valleys, of birch andspruce. The river is called the ChurchillRiver, from Fort Churchill in Hudson 'Bay, themost northerly of the company's factories ortrading-houses, and which is seated at itsmouth. By Mr. Joseph Frobisher it wasnamed English River. At the spot where ourhouse was built the river is five miles wide andvery deep. We were estimated by the Indiansto be distant hundred miles from the.sea. Cumberland House was to the southwardof us, distant four hundred miles. Wehad the light of the sun in sufficient quantityfor all purposes during the whole twenty-fourhours. The redness of his rays reached farabove the horizon.We were in expectation of a particular bandof Indians, and as few others made their appearancewe resolved on ascending the riverto meet them, and even, in failure of thatevent, to go as far westward as Lake Arabuthcow,70 distant according to the Indiansfour hundred and fifty miles.With these views we embarked on the sixteenthwith six Canadians and also one Indian70 Called also Athapuscow, and Athabasca. Author.Modern Lake Athabasca.308Editor.

anliwoman, in the capacity of a guide, in whichservice Mr. Frobisher had previously employedher.As we advanced we found the river frequentlywidening into lakes thirty miles longand so broad, as well as so crowded with islands,that we were unable to distinguish themainland on either side. Above them we founda strait, in which the channel was shallow,rocky, and broken, with the attendant featuresof rapids and carrying-places. The countrywas mountainous and thinly wooded, and thebanks of the river were continued rocks.Higher up, lofty mountains discovered themselves,destitute even of moss, and it was onlyat intervals that we saw afar off a few stuntedpine trees.On the fifth day we reached the Rapidedu Serpent, which issupposed to be threehundred miles from our point of departure.We found whitefish so numerous in all therapids that shoals of many thousands werevisible with their backs above the water. Themen supplied themselves by killing them withtheir paddles. The water is clear and transparent.The Rapide du Serpentis about three mileslong and very swift. Above this we reachedanother rapid, over the carrying-place ofwhich we carried our canoe. At this placevegetation began to reappear, and the countrybecame level and of an agreeable aspect.309

Nothing human had hitherto discovered itself,but we had seen several bears and two caribouxon the sides of the mountains, withoutbeing able to kill anything.The course of the river was here from southto north. We continued our voyagetill thetwenty-fourth, when, a large opening beingbefore us, we saw a number of canoes filledwith Indians on their voyage down the stream.71We soon met each other in the most friendlymanner.We made presents of tobacco to the chiefs,and were by them requested to put to shorethat we might encamp together and improveour acquaintance. In a short time we werevisited by the chiefs, who brought us beaverskins, in return for which we gave a secondpresent; and we now proposed to them toreturn with them to our fort, where we wereprovided with large quantities of such goodsas they wanted. They received our proposalwith satisfaction.On the twenty-fifth of June we embarkedwith all the Indians in our company, andcontinued our voyage day and night, stoppingonly to boil our kettle. We reached our houseon the first of July.The Indians comprised two bands, or parties,each bearing the name of its chief, of whomone was caUed the Marten, and the other the71The traders had reached Lake He a la Crosse onthe upper Churchill River. Editor.310

Crabcis anti&DtocnturrRapid. They had joined for mutual defenseagainst the Cristinaux, of whom they were incontinual dread. They were not at war withthat nation, but subject to be pillaged by itsbands.While the lodges of the Indians were settingup the chiefs paid us a visit, at which theyreceived a large present of merchandise, andagreed to our request that we should be permittedto purchase the furs of their bands.They inquired whether or not we had anyrum; and, being answered in the affirmative,they observed that several of their young menhad never tasted that liquor, and that if itwas too strong it would affect their heads.Our rum was in consequence submitted totheir judgment; and after tasting it severaltimes they pronouncedit to be too strong, andrequested that we would order a part of thespirit to evaporate. We complied by addingmore water to what had received a large proportionof that element before; and this beingdone, the chiefs signified their approbation.We remarked that no other Indian approachedour house while the chiefs were in it. Thechiefs observed to us that their young men,while sober, would not be guilty of any irregularity,but that lest when in liquor theyshould be troublesome, they had ordered acertain number not to drink at all, but maintaina constant guard. We found their orderspunctually obeyed, and not a man attempted

to enter our house during all the night. I sayall the night because it was in the course ofthis night, the next day, and the night following,that our traffic was pursued and finished.The Indians delivered their skins at a smallwindow made for that purpose, asking at thesame time for the different things they wishedto purchase, and of which the prices had beenpreviously settled with the chiefs. Of thesesome were higher than those quoted from Fortdes Prairies.On the third morning this little fair wasclosed, and on making up our packs we foundthat we had purchased twelve thousand beaverskins, besides large numbers of otter andmarten.Our customers were from Lake Arabuthcow,of which and the surrounding country theywere the proprietors, and at which they hadwintered. They informed us that there was atthe farther end of that lake a river, called72Peace River, which descended from the Stonyor Rocky Mountains, and from which mountainsthe distance to the salt lake, meaning thePacific Ocean, was not great; that the lakeemptied itself by a river which ran to the north-72Henry was on the eve of making a great discovery,for the Peace River was first explored by AlexanderMackenzie in 1792. It takes its name, according toMackenzie from Peace Point, a place where a treaty wasconcluded between the Christinaux and the BeaverIndians. Editor.312

anfcward, which they called Kiratchinini Sibi* 774or Slave River, and which flows into anotherlake, called by the same name; but whetherthis lake was or was not the sea, or whether itemptied itself or not into the sea they wereunable to say. They were at war with theIndians who live at the bottom of the riverwhere the water is salt. They also made waron the people beyond the mountains towardthe Pacific Ocean, to which their warriors hadfrequently been near enough to see it.Thoughwe conversed with these people in the Cree, orCristinaux language, which is the usual mediumof communication, they were Chepewyans,or Rocky Mountain Indians.They were in possession of several ultramontaneprisoners, two of whom we purchased;one, a woman of twenty-five years of age,and the other a boy of twelve. They had bothbeen recently taken, and were unable to speakthe language of their masters. They conversedwith each other in a language exceedinglyagreeable to the ear, composed of short words,and spoken with a quick utterance. We gavefor each a gun.The dress of the Chepewyans nearly resembledthat of the Cristinaux, except that itwas composed of beaver and marten skinsinstead of those of the ox and elk. We found73Or Yatchinini Sipi. Author.74These are the rivers which have since been exploredby Sir Alexander Mackenzie. Author.313

The women were dirty,these people orderly and unoffending, and theyappeared to consider the whites as creatures ofa superior order, to whom everything is known.and very inattentiveto their whole persons, the head excepted,which they painted with red ocher, in defectof vermilion. Both themselves and their husbandsfor them were forward in seeking a looseintercourse with the Europeans. The formerappeared vain of solicitation, and havingfirst obtained the consent of their husbands,afterward communicated to them their success.The men, who no doubt thought withthe Cristinaux on this subject, 75 were the firstto speak in behalf of their wives; and were evenin the practice of carrying them to HudsonBay, a journey of many hundred miles, on noother errand.Having been fortunate enough to administermedical relief to one of these Indians duringtheir stay, I came to be considered as a physician,and found that this was a characterheld in high veneration. Their solicitude andcredulity as to drugs and nostrums had exposedthem to gross deceptions on the partof the agents of the Hudson's Bay Company.One of the chiefs informed me that he hadbeen at the Bay the year before, and there purchaseda quantity of medicines, which he wouldallow me to inspect. Accordingly, he brought75 See page 249. Author. Page 241 of this volume.Editor.314

antiSl&fcenturega bag containing numerous small papers, inwhich I found lumps of white sugar, grains ofcoffee, pepper, allspice, cloves, tea, nutmegs,ginger and other things of this kind, sold asspecifics against evil spirits, and against thedangers of battle; as giving power over enemies,and particularly the white bear, 76 of which theIndians in these latitudes are much afraid:others were infallible against barrenness inwomen; against difficult labors; and againsta variety of other afflictions. In a secondparcel I found small prints; the identical oneswhich in England are commonly sold in sheetsto children, but each of which was here transformedinto a talisman, for the cure of someevil, or obtention of some delight: No. i. "Asailor kissing his mistress, on his return fromsea"; this, worn about the person of a gallant,attracted, though concealed, the affections ofthe sex! No. 2. "A soldier in Arms"; thispoured a sentiment of valor into the possessor,and gave him the strength of a giant!76Apparently the grizzly bear. Although TheodoreRoosevelt has rather made light of the danger of huntingthe grizzly, to meet him with a modern high-powerrifle is a different matter than it was to meet him withthe inferior weapons possessed by the natives a centuryor more ago. Moreover, the grizzly himself has learnedsomething by his hundred years of contact with thewhite man, and is, apparently, a far less pugnaciousanimal than he was in former times. Lewis and Clark,dauntless seekers of adventure as they were, found thegrizzly a foe to be dreaded; "I must confess," recordsLewis, "that I ido not like the gentlemen, and had315

By means of these commodities many customerswere secured to the company; and eventhose Indians who shortened their voyage bydealing with us sent forward one canoe, ladenwith beaver skins, to purchase articles of thiskind at Cumberland House. I did not ventureto dispute their value.This part of our commercial adventurecompleted, Mr. Frobisher and myself left theremainder of our merchandise in the care ofMr. Thomas Frobisher, who was to proceedwith them to Lake Arabuthcow, and on thefourth of July, set out on our return to theGrand Portage.In recrossing Beaver Lake the wind obligedus to put into a bay which I had not visitedbefore. Taking my gun I went into the woodsin search of game; but I had not advancedmore than half a mile when I found the countryalmost inaccessible by reason of masses ofrock which were scattered in all directions:some were as large as houses, and lay as iftheyhad been first thrown into the air and thensuffered to fall into their present posture. Bya circuitous route I at last ascended the mountain,from one side of which they had fallen;the whole body was fractured, and separatedby large chasms. In some places parts of themountain of half an acre in surface were raisedabove the general level. It was a scene for therather fight two Indians than one bear." Editor.316

attfcwarfare of the Titans, or for that of Milton'sangels!The river, which, when we first arrived atCumberland House, had run with a swift currentinto the Sascatchiwaine, now ran in acontrary direction, toward the lake. This wasowing to the rise of water in the Sascatchiwaine,from which same cause all the lowlandswere at this time overflowed.Our twilight nights continued till we wereto the southward of Lake Winipegon. Theweather was so favorable that we crossed thatlake in six days, though in goingit took usthirty.On an island in- the Lake of the Woods wesaw several Indians, toward whom we made inhopes to purchase provisions, of which we weremuch in want; and whom we found full of astory that some strange nation had enteredMontreal, taken Quebec, killed all the English,and would certainly be at the Grand77Portage before we arrived triere.On my remarking to Mr. Frobisher that Isuspected the Bastonnais (Bostonians, orEnglish colonists) had been doing some mischiefin Canada, the Indians directly exclaimed,"Yes, that is the name! Bastonnais." They77General Montgomery captured Montreal November12, 1775, and was killed while vainly assaultingQuebec on the last day of the year. In May, 1776, theAmerican force raised the siege and retreated to NewEngland. Editor.317

t)cnrpwere lately from the Grand Portage, and appearedseriously apprehensive that the Bastonnaiswere coming into the Northwest.78At the Forks of the River a la Pluie therewere a large number of Indians under a friendlychief, with which latter I had had a previousacquaintance. On nfy visiting him he told methat there was bad news; and then repeated thestory which we had heard on the Lake of theWoods, adding that some of his young men wereevil inclined, and that he wished us immediatelyto depart. We were not deaf to the admonition,of the grounds of which we stayed long enoughto be convinced. We were roughly importunedfor rum; and one of the Indians, after we hadand fired at usembarked, fetched his guntwice, but without effect.No further accident attended our voyageto the Grand Portage, from which place wepursued the route to Montreal, where wearrived on the fifteenth of October. We foundthe province delivered from the irruption ofthe colonists, and protected by the forces ofGeneral Burgoyne.78Bastonnais (Bostonnais, Bostonians) is the nameby which the Canadians describe all the inhabitants ofthe English colonies, now the United States; and in theNorthwest the English traders commonly use theFrench language. Author.

Index

ABITIBI Lake, route by, 228.Abitibi River, route by, 228.Albany, Henry procures goods at, 4, 12.Allouez, Claude Jean, mission station at ChequamegonBay, 184.Amherst, Gen. Sir Jeffrey, expedition against Montreal,xii,3; captures Montreal, 80.Amikoue (Amicway, Amicwac) Indians, on ManitoulinIsland, 36.Amisk Lake, see Beaver Lake.Anderson, Capt. Thomas G., reports Indian legend,204.Andre, Louis, at Keweenaw Bay, 212.Anse a la Peche, see Oak Bay.Ashland (Wis.), on Chequamegon Bay, 184.Aspen trees, food for beaver, 126.Assiniboin Indians, treatment of slaves, 266, 295-97;Henry joins, 267; hospitality, 274-83, 302; customof weeping, 276-77; buffalo hunt described,284-86; boundaries, 287-88; methods of warfare,288; procure horses from Spaniards, 289; relationswith Cristinaux, 302.Athabasca (Arabuthcow, Athapuscow) Lake, destinationof Henry, 308.Au Sable River, Henry winters on, 123-46; identified,124.BAGGATIWAY, Indian ball game, played at Fort Michilimackinac,78, 86-87.Bain, James, edits Henry's narrative, xxi.Balfour, Capt. Henry, commands English troops inNorthwest, 52.Barges, Colonel Bradstreet builds, 176.321

Baxter, Alexander, on mineral9gical tour, 210; partnerin mining company, 217; terminates business ofcompany, 226.Baxter, , partner in mining company, 226.Bear, hunts, 138-39, 193; Indian superstitions concerning,139-40; feast, 140; habits, 141; in Nanibojoulegend, 209; meat purchased, 256; on plainsof Saskatchewan, 289; on Churchill River, 310;Grizzly, as fighter, 315-16.Beaujeau de Villemonde, evacuates Michilimackinac,52, 89.Beaver, dams, 30; price of skins at Michilimackinac,56; habits, 125-28; methods of hunting, 125, 127-28; as food, 128; number caught, 132, 196-97;lodge, 137; as medium of exchange, 183-84; atMichilimackinac, 202; on Saskatchewan River,248; meat purchased, 256; skins as presents, 281;purchased, 312.Beaver Islands, historical sketch, 94; destination ofEnglish captives, 94-97.Beaver Lake, Henry winters on, 253-56, 305-306;traverses, 316.Beaver River, see River aux Castors.Bedford- Jones, Henry, attacks Henry's narrative, xviixx;theory concerning Wawatam, 155-56.Big Sable River, Henry winters in vicinity, 1 24.Birch trees, food for Beaver, 126; on Churchill River,308.Blackfoot Indians, country explored, 252; neighborsof Assiniboin, 288.Bodoine, Jean Baptiste, guides Henry to Montreal,5-12.Bostonnais (Bastonnais, Bostonians), sobriquet ofAmerican colonists, 317-18.Bostwick, Henry, visits Michilimackinac, 13; inmassacre, 91, 95, 105; partner in mining company,217, 226.Bourbon, Fort, on Cedar Lake, 248.Bourbon, Lake de, see Cedar Lake.Bourbon River, see Saskatchewan River.322

Boutchitaouy Bay, arm of Lake Huron, 37; route by,68; Henry at, 115, 151.Braddock's defeat, 52, 80.Bradstreet, Col. John, career, 174; expedition toDetroit, 174-79.British Museum, specimens presented, 222.Buffalo, skins as tents, 249; as clothing, 258; numbers,265, 273; tongues eaten, 273; uses subservedamong Assiniboin, 282, 301-302; hunt described,284-86.Buffalo's Head Island, in Lake Winnipeg, 244.Burgoyne, Gen. John, in Revolutionary War, 318.Burial customs, 108, 144-45, 293-95.CADOTTE, Jean Baptiste Jr., fur trader, 6p.Cadotte, Jean Baptiste, Sr., interpreter at Sault Ste.Marie, 60; influence over Indians, 151, 156; protectsHenry, 157-58; partner of Henry, 184; goesto Fort des Prairies, 253.Cadotte, Madame, rescues Henry, 154-56.Cadotte, Michel, fur trader, 60.Cahokia (111.), Pontiac slain at, 179.Campion, Etienne, enters employ of Henry, 12-13;Henry entrusts business to, 39; brings news, 51.Canadians, relations with Indians, 34; hostilitytoward English, 40; monopoly of fur trade, 54;onlookers at massacre, 80; prisoners entrusted to,91-92; in Captain Howard's expedition, 179-80;contemplate cannibalism, 212-13.Cannibalism, prisoners eaten, 71, 98, 104-105; amongIndians, 199-201; proposed, 212-13.Canoes, of traders described, 15-16; method of making,172; of Northwest described, 230-31; dispositionin winter, 254.Caribou, on island of Yellow Sands, 219-21 ;on ChurchillRiver, 310.Caribou Island, see Island of Yellow Sands.Carver, Capt. Jonathan, account of rites of medicinemen, 166; death of Pontiac, 178-79; legends ofIsland of Yellow, Sands, 216-17; mines of LakeSuperior. 224-25; French raid, 228-323

Cass, Gov. Lewis, holds peace council, 189-90.Castor, Isles du, see Beaver Islands.Castors, River aux, trade route by, 254.Catfish, in Lake Winnipeg, 244.Cat Lake, see Lake du Bonnet.Cave of the Bones, at Michilimackinac, 109-112.Cedar trees, on Cedar Lake, 247.Cedres, Rapides des, boats wrecked, xiii, 4.Champlain, Samuel de, account of rites of medicinemen, 166.Chatique (Pelican), Indian chief, plunders traders,249-51.Chats, Lake des, described, 24.Chaudiere Francaise, Portage, La, on French River,3i-3 2 -Chines, Portage des, described, 23.Chepeweyan Indians, intercourse with Henry, 310-16;women, 314; medical ideas, 314-16.Chequamegon (Chagouemig, Chagouemigon) Bay,Henry winters at, 184-97; historical sketch, 184-85; Chippewa of, 189-90.Chippewa Indians, capture Henry Bostwick, 13;village on Michilimackinac Island, 37-38; councilwith Henry, 41-46; of Lake Superior, Henry planstrading expedition to, 47; village at Sault Ste.Marie, 61; language spoken by Cadottes, 62;Henry learns, 62; massacre English, 78-82; influenceof J. B. Cadotte, Sr., over, 151; enmity ofIroquois, 159; Great Turtle as guardian spirit,160-66; make peace, 180; tradition concerningdefeat of Iroquois, 185-86; of Chequamegon Bay,189-99; warfare with Sioux, 189-90, 195-96;Wood Indians derive language from, 206; of LakeSagunac, plunder traders, 232-33; destroyed bySioux, 232; of Rainy River, exact tribute, 233-34;Pillager band destroyed, 236.Churchill (Missinibi, Missinipi) River, Henry andparty visit, 305-16; origin of name, 308.Claies, Lake aux, see Lake Simcoe.324

Cocking, Matthew, explorations of, 252; hospitality totraders, 258.Copper, on Ontonagon River, 186-87, 197; on northshore of Lake Superior, 203, 205; on NanibojouIsland, 222; attempts to mine, 218-24.Copper Rock, sketch of 197.Corne, Fort a la, location, 265.Corne, M. de la, builds fort, 265.Cougars, see panthers.Court Oreilles Indians, sobriquet for Ottawa, 192.Court Oreilles, Lac, refuge of Ottawa, 191-92.Cristinaux (Christinaux, Kristinaux, Killistinoes, Cree)Indians, language of Wood Indians derived from,206; of Lake Winnipeg described, 239-43; resemblancesto Assiniboin, 289; relations with, 302;visit Fort des Prairies, 301; thievery among, 302;language as trade medium, 313.Cruickshank, , partner in mining company, 226.Cuchoise, John, befriends Henry, 93-94.Cumberland House, Henry visits, 258, 305.Cumberland Lake, see Sturgeon Lake.Cumberland Station, see Pas Mission.DAMS, beaver, 30.Dancing, among Assiniboin, 287.Dauphin, Fort, Peter Pond goes to, 253.Davers, Sir Robert, English traveler, visits Sault Ste.Marie, 70; killed, 71.Deluge, myth of, 209.Detour, Point du, in Lake Huron, 36; Henry passes,59; encamps at, 66-67.Detroit, siege of, 174; expedition of Bradstreet to,174-79; Peter Pond at, 243-44.Deux Montagnes, Lake des, Henry reaches, 19.Devil's Hole, massacre, 175.Dogs, sacrificed, 107, 125, 144, 170, 289; as beasts ofburden, 269, 298; numbers among Assiniboin. 280.Dreams, of Indian women, 147; of Wawatam's wife,151-Ducharme, Jean Marie, fur trader, 72.Ducharme, Laurent, fur trader, 72.325

Duels, by Peter Pond, 244.Duluth, Daniel Greysolon, on Chequamegon Bay, 185.EDWARD AUGUSTUS, Fort, at Green Bay, 106.Elk, see red deer.English, Indian hostility toward, 34;prisoners slain,104-105; Indians fear vengeance, 147-48.English River, see Churchill River.Erie, see Presqu'isle.Erie, Fort, Bradstreet's army at, 176.Etherington, Capt. George, commandant at Michilimackinac52, 68; discredits reports of Indian disaffection,72-73; in massacre of Fort Michilimackinac,91-92, 95.FALLS, of the Rideau, described, 21; of La GrandeChaudire, 21-22.Famine, at Sault Ste. Marie, 198-202; overtakes.Henry's party, 211-13; threatened, 261-63.Farley, Jacques Phillipe, interpreter at Michilimackinac,41; relations with English traders, 50-51.Feasts, on prisoners, 71, 98, 104-105; of maize, 130-31;of bear meat, 140, 194-95; to Great Spirit, 144;Indians propose to eat Henry, 150; at MissisakiRiver, 167; of buffalo tongues, 273; among Assiniboin,275-79, 282.Finlay, James, Jr., fur trader, 260.Finlay, James, Sr., in Northwest, 260.Finlay River, name, 260.Fish, in Lake Nipissing, 30; food supply at Sault Ste.Marie, 63, 198; methods of taking, 65-66; atChequamegon Bay, 191; in Saskatchewan River,247; in Beaver Lake, 254-55, 305-306. See alsothe several varieties.Fishing Cove, see Oak Bay.Flies, pest of, 29, 62.Fond du Lac, Henry sends goods to, 188; warriors from,189.Fort Nelson River, outlet of Lake Winnipeg, 247.Foxes, on plains of Saskatchewan, 289.Fox Point, see Wagoshense.French River (River des Francais), Henry descends, 32.326

Frobisher, Benjamin, memorial on Northwest trade,233; career, 245.Frobisher, Joseph, memorial on Northwest trade, 237;career, 245; companion of Henry, 257-58, 316.Frobisher, Thomas, career, 245; starts for ChurchillRiver, 305; names Churchill River, 308; takescharge of merchandise, 316.Furs, as medium of exchange, 55-56. See also fur trade.Fur trade, Henry enters upon, xiii, 11-12; canoes andbrigades described, 15-17; Michilimackinac ascenter, 41; food of voyageurs, 54; of Lake Superiorgiven to Henry, 183; disorder threatened, 192;returns from, 196-97, 210; at Grand Portage,229-30; Peter Pond's career, 243-44; NorthwestCompany organized, 244; rivalry in, 303; pricesof goods, 303-309; deception practiced, 314-16.GAGE, Gen. Thomas, grants Henry permission to go toMichilimackinac, 13; condemns conduct of Col.Bradstreet, 178.Geese, on Island of Yellow Sands, 220.Gens de Terre Indians, see Wood Indians.Gladwin, Gen. Henry, career, 174.Gloucester, Duke of, partner in mining company, 226.Goddard, James S., trader, at Michilimackinac, 48.Gold, search for on Michipicoten Island, 215; on Islandof Yellow Sands, 219-20.Grand Calumet, Portage du, described, 25-26.Grand Calumet River, channels of, 25.Grand Portage, Henry plans trading expedition to, 47;as fur trade center, 229-30; passage of, 230.Grand Rapide, on Saskatchewan River, 246.Grand Sable, Le, Indian chief, slays prisoners, 104.Grand Sauteur, see Minavavana.Grand Traverse Bay, Henry crosses, 147-48.Grande Chaudiere, La, falls described, 21-22; portagedescribed, 22-23.Grande Faucille, Portage de la, on French River, 32.Grant, James, in Northwest fur trade, 267.Grant County (Wis.), named, 267.Grant River, named, 267. ,.327

Great Hare, see Nanibojou.Great Road, Indian chief, sends messengers, 272;entertains Henry, 275-78; personal appearance,277-78; speech, 281; visits Fort des Prairies,298-302.Great Spirit, sacrifices to, 107, 125, 144; deprivesbeaver of speech, 128; feasts to, 144, 193-95;Wawatam commends Henry to, 155; invoked byChippewa, 161-66; residence on islands of LakeSuperior, 36, 216-17.Great Turtle, guardian spirit of Chippewa, 160;ceremony of invoking, 161-66.Green Bay, English send garrison to,Ottawa Indians, 106.52; saved byGrondines, Point aux, in Lake Huron, 33; Henryvisits, 167-69.Groseilliers, Medard Chouart, Sieur de, winters atChequamegon Bay, 184.HAMILTON, Gov. Henry, report upon pay due Canadianmilitia, 179-80.Hares, hunted, 55; use by Wood Indians, 62.Hauteur de Terre, see Land's Height.Hawks, on Island of Yellow Sands, 220.Hearne, Samuel, pleads for life of prisoner, 83; explorationsof, 251-52.Hedge hog, see Porcupine.Henry, Alexander, sketch of career, xii-xv; joins armyof Gen. Amherst, xii, 3; enters fur trade, xiii;loses merchandise, xiii, 4; estimate of narrative,xv-xxi; editions of, xxi-xxii; winters at FortLevis, 4; visits Albany, 4, 12; learns use of snowshoes, 5; attacked by Indians, 6-7; journey toMichilimackinac, 15-39, 66-68, 70-71, 114, 147-49,179-80, 201-202; to Sault Ste. Marie, 59, 68-69,151-56; winters at Sault Ste. Marie, 60-66, 180, 198-202; learns Chippewa language, 62, 76; in massacreof Fort Michilimackinac, 78-87; captivity, 88-99;rescued by Wawatam, 99-103; disguised as Indian,113-14; goes to Boutchjtaouy Bay, 115; winterson Au Sable River, 123-46; resigned to savage

life, 129; lost, 132-37; bear hunt, 138-39, 193;proceeds of winter's hunt, 149; life threatened, 150,157; disguised as Canadian, 156; journey to FortNiagara, 159-60, 166-73; commands Indian battalion,175-77; goes to Oak Bay, 198-201; wintersat Michipicoten, 203-17; explores MichipicotenIsland, 215; Island of Yellow Sands, 219-21;mining operations, 219-26; journey to Lake Winnipeg,227-42; from Lake Winnipeg to Beaver Lake,243-53; winters on Beaver Lake, 253-56, 305-306;journey to Fort des Prairies, 257-67;tour of plains,267-87; 298-301; return to Beaver Lake, 303-305;visits Churchill River, 305-16; returns to Montreal,316-18.Henry, Alexander, the Younger, xv.Henry, William, xv.Highlanders, at Cumberland House, 241-2.Hole-in-the-Day, Chippewa chief, 190.Holmes, William, tours plains of Saskatchewan, 267.Horses, Among Assiniboin, 280, 300.Howard, Capt. ,leads expedition to recoverFort Michilimackinac, 179-80.Hudson's Bay Company, posts raided, 228; stationof, 251; rivalry with North-West Company, 252;builds Fort a la Corne, 265 traders deceive;Indians,3H-i6.Huron Indians, village on Detroit River, 180.Huron Lake, islands described, 35-36; Henry traverses,33-38; 166-71, 180.ILE A LA CROSSE Lake, Henry reaches, 310.Indians, drink liquor, 6-7, 109-111; entertain Henry, 8;hostile to English, 34,72-77; slavery among, 81,266, 295-97; sacrifices, 107, 125, 144, 163, 170-171,205, 289; burial customs, 108, 144-45, 293-95;cannibalism, 71, 98, 104-105, 199-201; medicalpractices, 113-22; 161-66; diseases, 116-17; superstitions,139-40, 151, 161-66, ,168-71; belief concerningfuture life, 145-46; ownership of land,144; battalion formed, 175-77; cruelty to prisoners,329

266, 302; use of tobacco, 273; guards among, 274,280, 282-83, 311-12; marriage customs, 290-93.Iroquois Indians, influence of Sir William Johnsonover, 159; hostility to Chippewa, 159; traditionconcerning defeat by Chippewa, 185-86; Ottawaseek asylum from, 192; cruelty to prisoners, 266.Iroquois Point, name, 185-86; Henry camps on, 222.Iron River, in Ontonagon county, 187.JAMET, Ensign John, commandant at Sault Ste.Marie, 62; journey to Michilimackinac, 66-68;slain, 79, 92.Jesuits, missionary at Michilimackinac, 40; missionat L'Arbre Croche, 47 of St.; Ignatius, 1 23.Johnson, Sir William, kindness to prisoners, 57; sendsembassy to western Indians, 158-59; career, 158-59; friendship prophesied, 164-65; kindness toHenry, 173; partner in mining enterprise, 226.KAMINISTIQUIA, trading house at, 229.Keweenaw Bay, Father Mnard at, 212.Kinzie, John, in Fort Dearborn massacre, 83.Kichi Manito, see Great Spirit.LACHINE, head of fur-trade navigation, 17.La Cloche Island, Henry visits, 33-34, 167; name, 33;inhabitants attend peace council, 167.La Crosse, ball game, see Baggatiway.Lake of the Woods, Henry traverses, 234-37.Land, Indian ownership of, 144.Land's Height, described, 231-32.Langlade, Charles, career, 80-81; shelters Henry atMichilimackinac, 80-87; inhumanity, 93-94.L'Arbre Croche, Ottawa village, 47-48; Indians takeprisoners from Chippewa, 96-98; Henry visits,124, 148.La Ronde, Louis Denis, sieur de, at ChequamegonBay, 185.Lead, on Nanibojou Island, 222.Leduc, M.-, gives information on fur trade, u.Legends, of Nanibojou, 203-205; of Island of YellowSands, 215-18; of carrying place of the Lost child,238.330

Les Cedres, Henry visits, n.Leslie, Lieut. William, commandant at Michilimackinac,52; in massacre, 91-92, 95.Le Sueur, Pierre Charles, at Chequamegon Bay, 185.LeVis, Fort, captured, 3; named William Augustus, 4.Levy, , trader, 109.Lewis, Meriwether, opinion of grizzly bear, 315-16.Longue Sault, Henry runs rapids, 8-10; ascends,19-20.Lost Child, carrying place of, legend, 238.Ludington (Mich.) , Henry winters in vicinity, 1 24.MACKENZIE, Alexander, explores Peace River, 312.Madelaine Island, 191.Maize, cultivated at L'Arbre Croche, 47-48, 54, 124;as diet for voyageurs, 54; price at Michilimackinac,55; feast on, 130-31; purchased, 184; as food, 211;cultivated on Lake Superior, 225.Maligne River, name, 253; Henry camps on, 258.Mamance Point, minerals found at, 203.Manitoulin Island, name, 36.Manitous, see Great Spirit.Maple sugar, manufacture, 69-70, 143-44, 193, 209.Marquette, Father Jacques, place of death, 124;on Chequamegon Bay, 184; founds mission ofSt. Ignace, 184.Marriage, customs among Indians, 289-93.Marten, skins purchased, 312.Marten, The, Indian chief, 310.Maskegon Indians, desire trade with English, 27-28.Matawan River, Henry ascends, 28-29.Matchedash Bay, Henry reaches, 171.Matchedash Indians, see Missisaki Indians.Matchekewis (Mutchikiwish) , Chippewa chief, seekslife of Henry, 157; career, 157.Maurepas, He de, see Michipicoten Island.Mayzhuckegeshig, Chippewa chief , 189.Medicine, deceptions practiced, 314-16.Medicine men, practices, 113-22; 161-66.Me"nard, Father Rene", at Keweenaw Bay, 212.

Menominee Indians, escort English garrison to L'ArbreCroche, 106; attitude in Pontiac's War, 107.Merchandise, prices at Michilimackinac, 149; toIndians, 187; at Fort des Prairies, 303-304.Michigan, Lake, Henry plans trading expedition to,47; opening of navigation, 58.chilimad "Michilimackinac, Fort, M. Leduc at, n; Henrydecides to visit, xiii, 11-12; route from Montreal,15; location at different periods, 37; described,40-41; as fur-trade center, 41; Beaujeau evacuates,52;. British reach, 52; disaffection of Indians,72-77; garrison massacred, 78-82; English expeditionsent to recover, 179; peace with Chippewaand Ottawa concluded, 180; Henry returns to,201-202.Michilimackinac Island, name, 37, 109; Chippewavillage on, 37-38; warriors hold council with Henry,41-46; Henry's sojourn on, 107-112.Michipicoten, Henry winters at, 203-17.Michipicoten Island, Henry explores, 215-17.Milford (Conn.), Peter Pond at, 243-44.Minavavana, Chippewa chief, existence denied, xix;speech, 42-45; surrenders Henry, 102-103; advisesHenry, 113.Minnesota River, see St. Pierre River.Miscoutinsaki Rapid, Heavy ascends, 59.Missions, see Jesuits.Missisaki Indians, name, 35; at Lake Simcoe, 171;attend peace council, 171, 175; in Indian battalion,175-77-Missisaki River, name, 35; Henry reaches, 167.Mississagi Point, near Fort Niagara, 173.Money, furs employed as, 55-56; lack of, at FortMichilimackinac, 183-84.Montague, Portage de la, described, 25.Montgomery, Gen. Richard, death, 317.Montreal, captured, 480; Henry arrives at, 318.Moose, on Churchill River journey, 307.Moose River, route by, 228; Henry crosses, 268.Mormons, kingdom on Beaver Islands, 94.332

Mosquitoes, on Matawan River, 29; at Sault Ste.Marie, 62; on Pinawa River, 238.Music, of Assiniboin, 286.NADOWESSIE Indians, see Sioux.Nanibojou, legends, 203-205.Nanibojou Island, Henry camps on, 211; mineralsfound, 222.Nannabojou, Indian chief, 204.Nequaquon Lake, see Lake Sagunac.Niagara, Fort, peace council at, 158-59; Henryreaches, 173.Nipigon River, in French period, 229., .Nipissing Indians, meeting with Henry, 31.Nipissing Lake, Henry traverses, 30-32.Nordberg, John, career, 222; mineralogical tour, 222.Northwest, definition, 230.North West Company, origin, 244; activities ofFrobishers, 245; of Charles Patterson, 245; rivalrywith Hudson's Bay Company, 252.Notepseakan River, Henry winters in vicinity, 124.OAK Bay, Henry at, 198-201.Oak Point, in Lake Winnipeg, 244.Ochibbouy Indians, see Chippewa.Okinochumaki, Ottawa chief, kindness of, 124.Ontonagon River, Henry reaches, 186; explores forcopper, 197; mining operations, 223-24.Opimittish Iniwac Indians, see Wood Indians.Osinipoil Indians, see Assiniboin.Otossalon (Tessalon, Thessalon, des Tessalons) River,36.Ottawa Indians, carry Henry Bostwick to Montreal,13; of L'Arbre Croche, council with traders, 47-50;propose attack on English troops, 52; take prisonersfrom Chippewa, 96-98; raise maize, 124; villageat Lake St. Claire, 180; seek refuge at Lac CourtOreilles, 191-92.Ottawa River, route by, 15, 228; Henry ascends, 19-28.Otter, skins purchased, 312.Otter's Head, described, 227.333

Outaouais, Lake des, see Lac Court Oreilles.Outardes, Isles aux, in Lake Huron, 37; Henry sojournsat, 151-55.Outardes. Portage aux, 231.PAINTED Post, name, 294.Pani, woman conceals Henry, 81-83; name, 81. Seealso Slaves.Panthers, shot, 147; on plains of Saskatchewan, 289.Partridges, at Michilimackinac, 55.Paskogac, Fort, location, 249.Pas Mission, location, 249.Pasquayah River, see Saskatchewan.Pasquayah, village, Henry at, 249-51.Pasquia River, tributary of Saskatchewan, 249.Patterson, Charles, career, 245; on tour of plains, 267.Patterson's Point, location, 245.Pays Plat, described, 228-29.Peace River, information concerning, 312-13.Pelican, The, see Chatique.Pelicans, on Lake of the Woods, 236-37; on LakeWinnipeg, 244.Pentwater River, identified with Au Sable, 124.Perdrix, Portage du, on Pigeon River, 231.Petite Faucille, Pourtage de la, on French River, 32.Pic Island, Henry visits, 228.Pickawillany, captured by Langlade, 80.Pickerel, in Beaver Lake, 255; on Churchill Riverjourney, 306.Pigeon (Groseilles, duTourtre) River, Henry traverses,^230-31.Pijitic River, Henry encamps at, 227; route by, 228.Pike River, pipestone quarry near, 245.Pillager Indians, name, 236-37.Pinawa River, as trade route, 237-38.Pine trees, on Saskatchewan River, 247; on ChurchillRiver, 301, 308.Pins, Point aux, shipyard at, 218; smelting furnace, 222.Pins, Portage des, on French River, 32.Pipe stone, quarry on Lake Winnipeg, 245.Piwatic River, see Iron River334

Plains, of Saskatchewan, extent, 257, 265-66; inhabitants,266; Henry visits, 257-301; use of nauticalterms on, 299.Pluie, Lake a la, see Rainy Lake.Polygamy, among Cristinaux, 241 ; among Indians ingeneral, 292-93.Pond, Peter, describes vows paid at St. Anne's, 18;career, 243-44; goes to Fort Dauphin, 253.Pontiac, leads Indians against English, xiii, 13; besiegesDetroit, 174; makes peace, 178; death, 178-79.Poplar trees, food for beaver, 126; on SaskatchewanRiver, 246, 268; at Fort des Prairies, 303.Porcupine, true name, 141.Potatoes, cultivated at Michilimackinac, 217; atMichipicoten, 217.Prairie des Francais, La, on French River, 33.Prairie du Chien, peace council, 189-90.Prairies, Fort des, destination of J. B. Cadotte, Sr.,253; location, 265; Great Road visits, 298-302;description, 303.Presqu'isle, Bradstreet's army at, 177; council at, 178.Puants, Bay des, see Green Bay.QUEBEC, surrender of, xii, 3; Charles Langlade atsiege of, 80; Montgomery assaults, 317.RACCOONS, method of hunting, 128-29; numberscaught, 132.Radisson, Pierre Esprit, sieur d', winters at ChequamegonBay, 189.Rainy Lake, Henry traverses, 253.Rainy River, Henry traverses, 233-34, 318; scarcity ofgame, 234.Rapid, The, Churchill River chief, 311.Rat, Portage du, Henry passes, 236-37.Rattlesnakes, superstitions concerning, 168-71.Red deer, habitat, 126; hunted, 135, 142; season forhunting, 141; carcass found, 264; on plains ofSaskatchewan, 289.Revolutionary War, news of in Northwest, 317-18.Rideau Falls, described, 21.335

Robinson, Alexander, Potawatomi chief, account ofMatchekewis, 157.Roche Capitaine, Portage du, described, 28.Roche Rouge, pipestone quarry, 245.Roosevelt, Theodore, on grizzly bear hunting, 315Ross, John, Peter Pond kills, 244.Royale, He, Carver's report concerning, 216.Rum, Indian carousal over, 6-7; "English milk," 45;drinking by Lake of the Woods Indians, 235-36;demanded by Chatique, 251; price, 304; diluted forIndian trade, 304, 311.SABLE Point, location, 123.Sacrifices, of dogs, 107, 125, 144, 170, 289; to GreatTurtle, 163; to rattlesnake, 170-71; of Henryproposed, 171; to Nanibojou, 205; among Assiniboin,289.Saginaw Bay, Indians visit Michilimackinac, 150.Sagunac (Saginaga) Lake, Indians of, 232-33.St. Anne, vows offered at Church, 18.St. Anne Rapids, 17-18.St. Charles Fort, location, 236.St. Claire Lake, settlements near, 180;180.St. Francais Lake, Henry reaches, 10.Indian villages,St. Ignace Cape, near St. Martin Island, 123.St. Ignace Mission, established by Marquette, 184.St. Ignace Point, Henry visits, 151.St. James, capital of Mormon kingdom, 94.St. Joseph, Fort, raided, 12; site, 53; Ottawa savegarrison, 106.St. Lawrence River, Gen. Amherst descends, 3-4;Henry navigates rapids, 8-10; character, 17.St. Louis, Pontiac buried at, 179.St. Martin Island, Henry sojourns on, 133.St. Pierre River, trading expedition planned, 47.St. Sulpice, mission, 19.Sand bars, at river mouths, 125.Sandusky Bay, Bradstreet's army at, 177-78.Santee Indians, origin of name, 277.336

Saskatchewan (Bourbon, Pasquayah) River, Henryaspends, 246-53; 259-67; fur trade rivalry, 303.Sauk Indians, play ball with Chippewa, 78, 86-87.Sault du Recolet, Portage du, on French River, 32-33.Sault Ste. Marie, journey from Michilimackinac to, 59;fort, 59-60; fishing, 60-61, 63; Chippewa village at,61; fort burned, 64; garrison withdraws to Michilimackinac,64; Indians friendly .to English, 150-51;Henry winters at, 180; embarks for, 184; barge built,217; sloop, 218.Schlosser, Fort, at Niagara portage, 175-76.Schoolcraft, Henry R., search for Wawatam, xix,ISS-S6.Serpent, Rapide du, on Churchill River, 309.Seven Years' War, xii.Silver, on Iron River, 187; on Nanibojou Island, 222.Simcoe Lake, Henry traverses, 171-72; Indians visitFort Niagara, 1 71 1 , 75 enrolled in; battalion, 1 75-77.Sioux (Nadowessie) Indians, Henry plans expeditionto, 47; warfare with Chippewa, 189-90, 195-96, 232,236; relation to Assiniboin, 266, 289.Slaves, Indian, 81; among Assiniboin, 266, 295-97.Slave River (Kiratchinini Sibi), information concerning,313.Sledges, Indian, described, 257.Snakes, on Island of Yellow Sands, 216, 218-20. Seealso rattlesnakes.Snake Indians, neighbors of Assiniboin, 288.Snowshoe evil, described, 68; cure, 68.Solomon, Ezekiel, at Michilimackinac, 48; in massacre,93. 95> 105-South Chicago, battle near, 13.Spaniards, supply horses to Assiniboin, 289.Spruce trees, on Saskatchewan River, 246; on Churchill,308.Strang, James Jesse, founds Mormon kingdom, 94.Stag, see red deer.Sturgeon, in Ontonagon River, 186; in Lake Winnipeg,246; in Saskatchewan River, 247; in Cedar Lake,337

248; in Beaver Lake, 255; as diet, at CumberlandHouse, 258.Sturgeon Lake, Cumberland House on, 251; described,253; Henry traverses, 258.Sturgeon Weir River, see Maligne River.Sudatpries, see sweating houses.Superior (Wis.), see Fond du Lac.Superior, Lake, mines of, 210; French schooner on,216; company formed to work mines, 217; bargebuilt, 217; sloop, 218, 225-26; mining operations,218-24.Superstitions, concerning fear, 139-40; dreams, 151;Great Turtle, 161-66; rattlesnakes, 168-71; robbingthe Great Spirit, 194-95; of Great Road abouthair, 278.Swans, at Beaver Lake, 306.Sweating houses, among Indians, 291.TETES de Boule Indians, see Wood Indians.Tete de la Loutre, see Otter's Head.Thunder Island, name, 230.Tobacco, Henry uses, 149-50; offered to Great Turtle,163, 165; to rattlesnake, 168-70; use by Indians,273; in Indian trade, 304.Tonnerre, He au, see Thunder Island.Toronto (Toranto), carrying-place, 172.Totems, function of, 295.Townshend, , partner in mining company, 226.Tracy, , trader, at Fort Michilimackinac, 73; inmassacre, 79, 92, 105.Trembles, Fort aux, on Saskatchewan River, 303.Tripe de Roche, substitute for food, 212-13.Trout, at Michilimackinac, 55; spearing described,65-66; at Chequamegon Bay, 191; catch relievesfamine, 202; in Beaver Lake, 255.Tutchef, Sir Samuel, partner in mining company, 226.VARENNES, Pierre Gaultier de, establishes FortBourbon, 248.Vase, Portages a la, on Matawan River, 29-30.Vegetables, cultivated at Michipicoten, 217.338

Venison, method of drying, 132; quantity secured,132, 142.Voyageurs, conditions of employment, 16, 231; cus~toms, 18.WAAC, see tripe de roche.Wadin, in duel,^killed244.Wagoshense Point, near Michilimackinac, 96.Warren brothers, on Chequamegon Bay, 185.Wawatam, existence denied, xix, 155-56; friendshipfor Henry, 73-76, 99-103; attends feast, 104-105;conceals Henry, 109-111; on St. Martin's Island,123; at Au Sable River, 123-25; gives feast, 130-31;kills stag, 132; superstitions, 140; journey to Michilimackinac,147-49; to Sault Ste. Marie, 151; farewellto Henry, 154-55; Schoolcraft seeks, 155.Weeping, among Assiniboin, 276-77.Wenniway, Chippewa chief, captor of Henry, 88-91,93-96.Whitefish, at Michilimackinac, 56-57; at Sault Ste.Marie, 60-61; at Chequamegon Bay 191; inBeaver Lake, 255; at Churchill River, 306, 309.White River, see Pijitic River.Wild rice, as food, 232, 235; gift, 243.William, Fort, erected, 229-30.Willow trees, on Saskatchewan River, 248.Winnipeg Lake, Henry traverses, 239-46, 317; outlet,24. .7 *Winnipeg River, Henry traverses, 237-38.Women, labors performed by, 132, 143, 269-71, 298;dreams, 147; neatness of, at Chequamegon Bay,190-91; of Cristinaux tribe described, 239-41;modesty of Assiniboin, 279; beauty, 295; of Chepewyantribe, 314.Wolfe, Gen. James, captures Quebec, xii, 3.Wolves, bones as feast, 263; skins as presents, 281;on Saskatchewan River, 305.Wood (Gens de Terre, Opimittish Ininiwac), Indiansnear Sault Ste. Marie described, 61-62; country andhabits, 205-207; on Pijitic River, 228.339

YELLOW Sands, Island of, legends concerning, 215-18;Henry explores, 219-21.York, identified with Toronto, 172.York, Fort, on Hudson Bay, 247.340

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