Medical Aspects of Chemical Warfare (2008) - The Black Vault

Medical Aspects of Chemical Warfare (2008) - The Black Vault Medical Aspects of Chemical Warfare (2008) - The Black Vault

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History of the Chemical ThreatAmmunition. Although the conference was unsuccessfulin curbing the international arms trade, a subtextto these negotiations became the well-known GenevaProtocols. In addition to setting international rulesgoverning the protection of civilians and woundedand captured combatants, the Geneva conventionsincluded the first multinational agreement banningthe use of chemical weapons. 90During negotiations, efforts to implement a ban onthe export of chemical agents forwarded by the USdelegation were ultimately foundered by issues such asdifficulty of import and export verification, extensiveand dual use in the chemical industry, and the concernsof inequity raised by nonpossessor nations or thosewith a less-advanced chemical infrastructure. 90 Theseconcerns led to the adoption of compromise language,which limited chemical warfare agent use:Whereas the use in war of asphyxiating, poisonousor other gases, and of all analogous liquids, materialsor devices, has been justly condemned by thegeneral opinion of the civilized world; and Whereasthe prohibition of such use has been declared in Treatiesto which the majority of Powers of the World areParties; and To the end that this prohibition shall beuniversally accepted as a part of International Law,binding alike the conscience and the practice of nations.. . . 91Signed June 17, 1925, for implementation on February8, 1928, the Geneva prohibition was ultimatelysigned by 133 “states parties.” Many signatories,including the United States, ratified the treaty on a nofirst-usebasis. Other nations reserved for themselvesthe right of first use against a nonsigning nation.Finally a number of nations, including Iraq, a 1931signatory, limited their application of the protocolto international conflicts, retaining their internalsovereignty.An inevitable weakness of the Geneva Protocol asa ban is that multinational agreements are difficult toenforce. Chemical weapons use by a weaker nationmay elicit intervention by superior external forces, butresponding to militarily powerful offenders would bedifficult or impossible. Italy’s use of mustard gas in itsinvasion of Abyssinia (Ethiopia) in 1935–1936 drew nosignificant repercussions from the League of Nationsnor from other signatories, even though both Ethiopiaand Italy had ratified the protocol prior to the invasion.The International Red Cross, wishing to retain neutralityduring the conflict, declined to testify on the issuebefore the League of Nations, 92 and sanctions from thelatter were ineffectual.Excepting the United States and Japan, mostmajor powers ratified the treaty soon after its development.Despite being favorably reviewed bythe Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 1926, thetreaty was kept from reaching a vote by opposition,and it was withdrawn from consideration by PresidentHarry S Truman after World War II. However,like many unratified treaties, signatories generallyabide by them without ratification. Warned thatthe Axis powers might employ chemical weapons,President Franklin D Roosevelt reaffirmed the USno-first-use policy in June 1943. Subsequent USrejections of ratification were based on a stated preferencein favor of verifiable disarmament. 91 The USuse of defoliant herbicides and riot control agentsduring the Vietnam War led to further conflictsin interpretation of the protocol and a continuedreluctance to sign.In 1969 President Nixon resubmitted the protocol,affirming a no-first-use policy and offering to banincapacitating agents under the treaty. Ultimatelythe US Senate delayed ratification of the treaty untilJanuary 22, 1975, when the Ford administration proposeda version that retained a more limited use ofherbicides and riot control agents, promising neitherwould be employed in first use in war. 91 Herbicideapplication was limited to defensive perimetersaround military installations, and riot agents weregenerally limited to quelling prisoner disturbances,reducing civilian injuries, implementing rescues,and supporting rear echelon defensive responses bybesieged convoys.The United Nations Disarmament CommitteeNuclear, chemical, and biological stockpile accumulationin the context of the political and armedconflicts of the Cold War created momentum for thedevelopment of effective dialogue toward the eventualnegotiation of disarmament treaties. Although conventionalweapons issues and nuclear proliferation andtesting took precedent over chemical weapons armscontrol, the implementation of the Eighteen-NationDisarmament Committee by the UN General Assemblyin 1962 provided a forum for discussions addressingall aspects of disarmament, including chemical weapons.This body, initially composed of eight nonalignedand five aligned nations each from the Eastern Blocand Western sides, was renamed several times asmembership expanded, and became instrumental indeveloping workable positions in support of chemicaland biological arms control. 93The Biological Weapons ConventionBecause military biological capabilities were much137

Medical Aspects of Chemical Warfareless developed than chemical ones, negotiating atreaty for biological pathogens and toxins posed amuch greater probability of success. Chemical weaponswere already widely distributed among largeand small nations as a valued retaliatory deterrentin the event of a chemical weapons attack or an attackby a stronger aggressor. Extensive and intrusiveverification and assurance mechanisms would haveto be developed, a challenging demand for hostileand mistrusting Cold War adversaries. Linking theseemingly intractable problem of chemical armsto the more manageable biological weapons issuecaused considerable deliberative conflict, althoughtreaty negotiations ultimately arrived at the SovietUnion’s position: chemical and biological arms controlwould be linked as they had been in the GenevaProtocol.In 1969 and 1970 President Nixon facilitated discussionsby declaring a unilateral ban on the offensivedevelopment of biological warfare agents, includingtoxins. Deliberations leading up to the BiologicalWeapons Convention of 1972 resulted in formal languagethat provided an impetus for discussions towardeliminating the much more extensively developedchemical warfare capabilities of Eastern Bloc andWestern nations:Article IX: Each State Party to this Convention affirmsthe recognized objective of effective prohibitionof chemical weapons and, to this end, undertakes tocontinue negotiations in good faith with a view toreaching early agreement on effective measures forthe prohibition of their development, production andstockpiling and for their destruction, and on appropriatemeasures concerning equipment and means ofdelivery specifically designed for the production oruse of chemical agents for weapons purposes. 94The treaty, negotiated by the UN, called forconfidence-building measures through the exchangeof technical and scientific information and materialsupport. It also set the framework for the provisionof future data exchanges and negotiations toward theelimination of chemical weapons.US-Soviet Weapons Destruction AgreementWith the fall of many of the communist governmentsin Eastern Europe and improved relations withthe Soviet Union, the United States and Soviet Unionsigned a bilateral chemical weapons destruction agreementon June 1, 1990. In support of this agreement,the secretary of defense canceled most of the newchemical retaliatory program and the Army decidedto suspend its new binary chemical production facilitiesin 1990. 76,95,96The Chemical Weapons ConventionThe Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee wasexpanded in 1969 and renamed the “Conference of theCommittee on Disarmament,” and in 1984 renamed the“Conference on Disarmament.” In 1980 a Conferenceof the Committee on Disarmament working groupwas tasked to design an acceptable text for a conventionbanning chemical weapons. 97 Over the 12-yearperiod of its development, the CWC treaty involvedconsultation with military and chemical industry representatives,which led to carefully defining regulatedchemicals and working out effective inspection andverification procedures.A high-level state department meeting in 1989formalized mechanisms allowing for visits, dataexchanges, and challenge inspections required for ademilitarization treaty, including that for chemicalweapons. On May 13, 1991, US President GeorgeBush advanced his 1989 plan before the UN to destroy98% of the US stockpile of chemical weapons inthe first 8 years of a new, proposed treaty. Under thenew treaty’s conditions, Bush pledged to destroy allUS chemical weapons within 10 years and never touse chemical weapons again. 98 However, anticipateddifficulties in chemical weapon demilitarization anddestruction might prolong the presence of chemicalweapon depots. This message sent a clear challenge toother nations to eliminate their chemical weapons. TheBilateral Verification Experiment and Data ExchangeAgreement, nicknamed the “Wyoming MOU” (Memorandumof Understanding), called for visits and dataexchanges in 1990, followed by further data transferand a limited number of challenge inspections in 1994.A final chemical weapons treaty draft was submittedto the UN General Assembly in June of 1992. The Organizationfor the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons(OPCW), located in The Hague, was to be responsiblefor overseeing the CWC treaty. The CWC was convenedin Paris in 1993 and the treaty was implementedin April 1997. The United States ratified the treaty onApril 24, 1997, a few days before it went into effect. 87By April 2006 178 nations, or “states parties,” hadratified the CWC. Eight nonsignatory states remain,including the Syrian Arab Republic, Egypt, Iraq, Somalia,Lebanon, and North Korea (Democratic People’sRepublic of Korea). Eight states have signed but notratified the treaty, including Burma (Myanmar) andIsrael. 99 The treaty leaves in doubt the developmentand use of chemical warfare agents by developing nationsor nonsigners of such agreements, most notablyLibya, Iraq, and North Korea. Chemical warfare treaty138

History <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Chemical</strong> ThreatAmmunition. Although the conference was unsuccessfulin curbing the international arms trade, a subtextto these negotiations became the well-known GenevaProtocols. In addition to setting international rulesgoverning the protection <strong>of</strong> civilians and woundedand captured combatants, the Geneva conventionsincluded the first multinational agreement banningthe use <strong>of</strong> chemical weapons. 90During negotiations, efforts to implement a ban onthe export <strong>of</strong> chemical agents forwarded by the USdelegation were ultimately foundered by issues such asdifficulty <strong>of</strong> import and export verification, extensiveand dual use in the chemical industry, and the concerns<strong>of</strong> inequity raised by nonpossessor nations or thosewith a less-advanced chemical infrastructure. 90 <strong>The</strong>seconcerns led to the adoption <strong>of</strong> compromise language,which limited chemical warfare agent use:Whereas the use in war <strong>of</strong> asphyxiating, poisonousor other gases, and <strong>of</strong> all analogous liquids, materialsor devices, has been justly condemned by thegeneral opinion <strong>of</strong> the civilized world; and Whereasthe prohibition <strong>of</strong> such use has been declared in Treatiesto which the majority <strong>of</strong> Powers <strong>of</strong> the World areParties; and To the end that this prohibition shall beuniversally accepted as a part <strong>of</strong> International Law,binding alike the conscience and the practice <strong>of</strong> nations.. . . 91Signed June 17, 1925, for implementation on February8, 1928, the Geneva prohibition was ultimatelysigned by 133 “states parties.” Many signatories,including the United States, ratified the treaty on a n<strong>of</strong>irst-usebasis. Other nations reserved for themselvesthe right <strong>of</strong> first use against a nonsigning nation.Finally a number <strong>of</strong> nations, including Iraq, a 1931signatory, limited their application <strong>of</strong> the protocolto international conflicts, retaining their internalsovereignty.An inevitable weakness <strong>of</strong> the Geneva Protocol asa ban is that multinational agreements are difficult toenforce. <strong>Chemical</strong> weapons use by a weaker nationmay elicit intervention by superior external forces, butresponding to militarily powerful <strong>of</strong>fenders would bedifficult or impossible. Italy’s use <strong>of</strong> mustard gas in itsinvasion <strong>of</strong> Abyssinia (Ethiopia) in 1935–1936 drew nosignificant repercussions from the League <strong>of</strong> Nationsnor from other signatories, even though both Ethiopiaand Italy had ratified the protocol prior to the invasion.<strong>The</strong> International Red Cross, wishing to retain neutralityduring the conflict, declined to testify on the issuebefore the League <strong>of</strong> Nations, 92 and sanctions from thelatter were ineffectual.Excepting the United States and Japan, mostmajor powers ratified the treaty soon after its development.Despite being favorably reviewed bythe Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 1926, thetreaty was kept from reaching a vote by opposition,and it was withdrawn from consideration by PresidentHarry S Truman after World War II. However,like many unratified treaties, signatories generallyabide by them without ratification. Warned thatthe Axis powers might employ chemical weapons,President Franklin D Roosevelt reaffirmed the USno-first-use policy in June 1943. Subsequent USrejections <strong>of</strong> ratification were based on a stated preferencein favor <strong>of</strong> verifiable disarmament. 91 <strong>The</strong> USuse <strong>of</strong> defoliant herbicides and riot control agentsduring the Vietnam War led to further conflictsin interpretation <strong>of</strong> the protocol and a continuedreluctance to sign.In 1969 President Nixon resubmitted the protocol,affirming a no-first-use policy and <strong>of</strong>fering to banincapacitating agents under the treaty. Ultimatelythe US Senate delayed ratification <strong>of</strong> the treaty untilJanuary 22, 1975, when the Ford administration proposeda version that retained a more limited use <strong>of</strong>herbicides and riot control agents, promising neitherwould be employed in first use in war. 91 Herbicideapplication was limited to defensive perimetersaround military installations, and riot agents weregenerally limited to quelling prisoner disturbances,reducing civilian injuries, implementing rescues,and supporting rear echelon defensive responses bybesieged convoys.<strong>The</strong> United Nations Disarmament CommitteeNuclear, chemical, and biological stockpile accumulationin the context <strong>of</strong> the political and armedconflicts <strong>of</strong> the Cold War created momentum for thedevelopment <strong>of</strong> effective dialogue toward the eventualnegotiation <strong>of</strong> disarmament treaties. Although conventionalweapons issues and nuclear proliferation andtesting took precedent over chemical weapons armscontrol, the implementation <strong>of</strong> the Eighteen-NationDisarmament Committee by the UN General Assemblyin 1962 provided a forum for discussions addressingall aspects <strong>of</strong> disarmament, including chemical weapons.This body, initially composed <strong>of</strong> eight nonalignedand five aligned nations each from the Eastern Blocand Western sides, was renamed several times asmembership expanded, and became instrumental indeveloping workable positions in support <strong>of</strong> chemicaland biological arms control. 93<strong>The</strong> Biological Weapons ConventionBecause military biological capabilities were much137

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