WARTBURG THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY THE CONCEPT ... - Home

WARTBURG THEOLOGICAL SEMINARYTHE CONCEPT OF MEMORYIN THE CHAGGA LIFE CYCLEIN RELATION TOCHRISTIAN EUCHARISTIC TRADITIONSSUBMITTED TO THE FACULTYOFWARTBURG THEOLOGICAL SEMINARIN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTSFOR THE DEGREEMASTER OF SACRED THEOLOGYAARON URIODUBUQUE, LOWANOVEMBER 18, 1986This thesis,THE CONCEPT OF MEMORY IN THE CHAGGA LIFE CYCLEIN RELATION TO CRISTIAN EUCHARISTIC TRADITIONSWitten byAARON URIOIs judged as PASSED WITH HONORSFor the faculty of Wartburg Seminary, as attested by:(Primary Thesis Advisor)_______________________________________________________________________(Secondary Thesis Advisor)NOVEMBER 18, 1986________________________________________________________________________(Date)1

Chagga Traditional Beliefs and Practices as aTool for Propagating the Gospel ………………………… 138The Impact of Christianity on the Chagga Religion ……… 142After – Death Communal Feasts “sherehe za Matanga”As the Church’s Contemporary Problem ………………… 146Summary and Evaluation ……………………………….. 150CHAPTER FIVE: THE ACT OF REMEMBRANCE IN JUDEO CHRISTIANTRADITION ………………………………………………. 155Time and Memory in Jewish Liturgical Tradition …………. 155The Eucharist as a Memorial Meal: Jewish Roots andJesus’ Last Supper …………………………………………. 161The Act of Participation Through Liturgy ………………… 167The Eucharist in the Early church Traditions ………………. 170The Content of Our Eucharistic Celebration Today………… 172CHAPTER SIX: THE CONCEPT OF CHAGGA AFTERLIFECOMMUNAL MEALS IN RELATIONS TOTHE LORD’S SUPPER AS MEMORIAL MEAL…………. 180The Lord’s Supper as ConcreteMeans of Impacting Christian Faith to the Chagga People 180The Lord’s Supper as a Meal of Forgiveness andReconciliation …………………………………………… 185The Lord’s Supper – A Meal of Fellowship ……………. 190The Lord’s Supper as a Meal of Hope ………………… 195The Memorial Aspect of the Lord’s Supper 197CONCLUSION ………………………………………………………… 207SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPH ………………………………………….. 222ABBREVIATIONS …………………………………………………… 228VITA …………………………………………………………………… 2283

ACKNOWLEDGMENTSI wish to express my deepest gratitude to the LWF/DS, LWM.ISE, and WartburgTheological seminary for sponsoring and financing my scholarship. I also extend mygratitude to the ELCT and the Northern Diocese, in particular the Rt. Ve. Bishop E. N.Kweka for his efforts which made in possible for me to pursue my graduate studies inthe USA.I am heavily indebted to my advisor, Professor Ralph Smith, for his constructive andvaluable advice. His interest in, and his commitment to reading and correcting themanuscripts, has helped shape this thesis into its present form. Of course, I do takeresponsibility for any discrepancies or errors. I would also like to thank my secondreader, Professor Winston Persaud, for the help and encouragement he offered me inthe course of writing this thesis. I owe many thanks to Professor James Bailey forbeing my third reader. Finally, I thank Professor Durwood Buchheim, my first facultyadvisor, by whose advice I was able to begin exploring my thesis topic.I also extend appreciation to Professors William Wieblen, Ralph Quere, Wi Jo Kanga,and visiting Professor George Delbrugge. Through their lectures they broadened,challenged, and enlightened my theological perspective in many ways.The Wartburg Seminary Administration, faculty, and staff played an immense andindispensable role during my studies. I wish to thank them all, especially PresidentRoger Field, Dean Duane Priebe, Jim Fish, Kay Fish, and the Library staff.Together they have helped me feel at home here at Wartburg, and thus have made ita good place to study. All the services provided by them were great and I appreciatethe help.I am also indebted to Diane and Mike Burk who tirelessly and competently typed thisthesis. Thanks to them they got it into its present form, and on time;Finally, I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my family, relatives, and thedeaconesses of Ushirika wa Neema, particularly for remembering me in theirprayers. My most special thanks go to my wife Sophia for all her correspondence andfor the extra responsibilities she had to carry during my absence. As a token ofappreciation for the encouragement and support I got from Sophia and our sonsNeechi and Kirama, I dedicate this thesis to them.4

ABSTRACTHaving served as a member of the ELCT in the Eastern Africa Regional and StudyTeam on doing theology in African Context sponsored by the LWF/DCC (Africa Desk)since 1978, I was prompted to think deeply about the way we do theology in Africantoday. There is a dire need for a theology that will shape and give hope to the peopleas they struggle to find the meaning and relevance of Christianity in their lives. Thewell-knitted community lifestyle and culture of the Chagga has been in conflict withChristianity since its introduction in Africa. As a result the Chaggas live in acrossroads where Christian faith and culture seem to function as rivals.The Chagga people have always had a tightly knit community life cycle, and anindividual had no identity outside it. Throughout this entire life cycle the Chaggapeople struggle to keep the community’s identity and structure intact byperpetuating the memory of their departed through the performance of certainrituals. This is done because of the belief in the roll of the “living –dead” (those whohave died who are still actively remembered) in family and community life here andhereafter. Despite the church’s suppression of this tradition it has persisted eversince Christianity came to Kilimanjaro, and it is still a contemporary problem of thechurch.This thesis intends to probe into this problem from a specific perspective: to showhow the Chagga concept of memory in the total life cycle might effectively andcreatively be the means for related means for relating Christianity and Chaggaculture, and thus provide for the integration of both in their total life. This use ofmemory to provide an integrating center is possible because the life in God which ismade real for Christians in the Lord’s Supper through liturgical worship can also bindboth the living and the “Living-dead” (as the “Communion of saints”) to rejoicetogether in the loving and saving care of God.In order for churches in Africa to be relevant to their people and address them withintheir social, economic and political situations, their culture and their traditionalbeliefs and practices must be taken seriously. Instead of seeing these as always inconfrontation with Christianity, we could, to the contrary, ask ourselves how wecould use the culture as a tool for the ministry of Word and Sacrament.Consequently, the task ahead of us as theologians from Africa today is that ofmaking Christianity relevant, dynamic, creative, and able to address our peoples,total lives freeing them from all sorts of enslavements whether physical, spiritual, orpsychological. This will only be possible by giving room to the Holy Spirit to use usand our culture which are also gifts from God to transform the lives of our people.INTRODUCTIONHistory has taught us that dynamic, constructive and relevant theology developswhen the Christian story is in active dialogue with the cultural, political, social oreconomic environments in which it finds itself. People think more deeply about themeaning of life and their existence as a whole when theology is genuinely contextual.God’s revelation in Jesus Christ was not given in a vacuum but within particularhistorical circumstances. The subsequent life of that story has also been nurtured byspecific, ever-changing, new historical situations. Each cultural embodiment of theGospel has generated questions and even crises concerning Christian identity.5

In Africa today, Christianity is faced with such a crisis of identify. This is becausemost of the Christians, even those who are deemed to be very faithful, live in twoworlds, neither of which is well integrated with the other. On the one hand, AfricanChristians hold on to Christianity as taught them by the first missionaries. Yet on theother they adhere to traditional beliefs, particularly concerning their ancestral spirits,which on the surface do not seem compatible with Christian teaching. Donald Jacobspoints out that, “they look to Christ for forgiveness and life eternal and to the localspirits for fertility and daily protection. When these two loyalties come into conflict,and they often do, crises are created which seriously weaken Christianity. “Isituations like this pose questions about the relevance and truth of Christianity amidtraditional African beliefs and practices. This in turn raises the issue of whetherChristianity can become the center of people’s lives without forcing the Africanbeliever to live in two separate worlds, or somehow to choose between them.Churches in Africa today, and particularly church leaders, need to come to grips withthe cultural issues in church life which have remained beneath the surface sinceChristianity’s introduction in Africa. This should include studying and reshaping theform, discipline, and theology of contemporary African Christianity. Genuineinculturation of the Gospel message must take place, as it has not to date, if thatmessage is to be truly lived.Christian history has in some measure been the ongoing story of how the message ofJesus has been made intelligible in different cultural contexts. 2 yet in Africa littleanalysis has been done of the way in which conflicts between the different religiousworld views of traditional African religions and Christianity might be resolved.When Christianity came to Kilimanjaro, the missionaries were in conflict with theChagga traditional beliefs. Without taking time to understand the people’s culture,they challenged the Chagga people to throw away traditional beliefs and practices inexchange for the Christian faith. Consequently, they were undermining the centralfoundation of a whole people’s way of life. For every aspect of Chagga tribal life wasmore or less rooted in traditional beliefs and practices.The first Africans who defied community pressure and decided to accept the religionof these alien people soon discovered that they no longer had a place in theircommunity. The individual’s security was threatened as well as the unity andharmony of the community’s life by the acceptance of Christianity and thecorresponding rejection of traditional beliefs and practices. The existing structures,good or bad, started to be dismantled without a clear understanding of what the fateof such behavior would be. Thee were a few missionaries who perceived thingsdifferently and attempted to preserve part of the culture, but not generally acceptedtheological principles provided a means for the mutual assimilation of Christianity antraditional African religions.The outcome of Christianity’s clash with the Chagga traditional beliefs and practices,particularly the ones concerting keeping memory of their departed, is thatChristianity has not yet been able to embrace the total life of the Chagga people. Ithas remained rather on the surface and thus the Chagga people seem to stand intwo worlds. As an example of this, the concepts of death, the hereafter, and afterdeathmemorial feasts, sherehe za matanga, rooted in the pre-Christian religiousviews still hold a central place in the lives of the Chagga people despite Christianattempts to discourage them. Apparently, even after a period of over eighty years of6

Lutherans in Kilimanjaro, traditions for retaining memory of the departed still persist.In fact, as we shall see in the following chapters, certain practices growing out ofthese traditions are gaining such momentum that the ELCT Northern Diocese isalarmed despite its efforts to discourage it.My intention is not to argue with the missionary methods of the past. This thesis isan attempt to see how positively and effectively the church can shape the present bysaving the African past which is so rapidly being lost. My interest is to explore theaspects of memory embodied in Chagga tradition in light of the understanding ofmemory in Christianity, especially as focused in the Church’s celebration of theLord’s Supper. Christian Eucharistic traditions seem to correlate well with the effortsof the Chagga people to retain the memory of their departed as a way of conqueringdeath and the insecurities of life. Other fundamental themes implicitly in thecelebration of the Lord’s supper such as reconciliation, eschatological hope, andcommunion also relate well with what the Chagga to do retain the memory of theirdeparted. Thus, the broad issue of how Christians have interpreted the community or“communion of saints” (Heb. 12:1) may provide a way to create the kinds of linksthat have been lacking.Concerning the Eucharist, the words of Jesus, “Do this in remembrance of me”, arethe foundation for the Church’s understanding of this sacrament as a means ofexperiencing Jesus, living relationship with us. The living memory of God’s saving actin Jesus’ death and resurrection makes us human by truly uniting us with othersand God. St. Augustine said that “the power of memory is the power of life formemory determines and shapes life. “3 can the Christian church in Africa today beencouraged to find a place within its Eucharistic doctrine and practice for memory asunderstood in the traditional beliefs of African people, as well as within itsunderstanding of itself as a “communion of Saints” extended in time and space?Aywald Shorter raises the former concern when he says: “A concept which, perhaps,the African spiritual writes do not exploit sufficiently is that of memorial, or effectivememory. “4 The latter issue is raised by Harry Sawyer when he points out that “ aChurch which despises the communion of the saints, present and past, here andelsewhere, risks losing itself in individualism and sectarians. “5 Yet he rightlycautions that it is to be stressed that invoking them in our prayers and in theEucharist does not mean or approve of “prayers for the dead.”6The failure of the early missionaries to take Chagga culture seriously made it difficultfor people to think about or perceive how the Christian god could come to them if itmeant rejecting their culture. Is it possible for God to become flesh for the Chaggapeople without being clothed in the indigenous culture which must serve as thecontext for the gospel?When God set out to liberate the Hebrew people from Egypt, a tradition which was inexistence, the Passover became the means for hearing and interpreting the action.In other words an existing tradition provided the means by which the saving act ofGod could be known, accepted and become meaningful. In order to rememberYahweh and the act of liberation, the people were commanded to observe thePassover until the Messiah would come. They were to remember that who they wereas a people was intimately bound up with the activity of God among them. WhenJesus came he fulfilled the promise of Passover. His institution of the Eucharist as amemorial feast cannot be understood apart from the cultural context of Judaism inwhich it occurred. Even such a simplified example indicates that for the Judaeo-7

Christian tradition remembrance and the knowledge of God it brings cannot beseparated from specific historical, culturally embodied action.Thus, the concept of anamnesis in the New Testament must be understood on thebasis of its Old Testament roots in the Jewish paschal words, “this day shall be foryou a memorial day …you shall observe it as an ordinance for ever” (Ex. 12:14). 7This is not an abstract concept, but rather is colosely bound up with an action andwith a cult – a feast, sacrifice, and offering. It is similar with the concept ofanamnesis in the Lord’s Supper. As we share bread and wine we remember andacknowledge the saving act of the death and resurrection of Jesus is to consider theentire history of salvation from creation to the return of Jesus . 8In practical terms the issue at stake here is that of the Lordship of Christ in the dayto day life of the Chagga people. Like most Africans, the Chagga look to theirreligious traditions for help in the midst of life’s perplexities. The question is whetherChristianity has penetrated the life of the chagga in such a way that the traditions towhich they turn are Christian. If Christianity remains a “foreign religion” in the sensethat it has not become part of the day to day reality of Chagga life., then the Chaggawill continue to live in two religious worlds with the inevitable conflict that resultsfrom such bifurcation. As Juergen Moltmann has said, “Whether or not Christianity,in an alienated, divided and oppressive society, itself becomes alienated, divided andan accomplice of oppression, is ultimately decided only by whether the CrucifiedChrist is a stranger to it or the Lord who determines the form of its existence. “9As a contribution to my church in the ELCT Northern Diocese, which is fightingagainst the so-called new tradition of “after death feasts”, kusherehekea matanga, Iattempt to show how the centrality of the Lord’s Supper as a meal of Christ’smemory, fellowship, forgiveness and hope can be set within the lives of ChaggaChristians as they struggle with the meaning of life and the hereafter. In doing so Iaddress myself to a series of related questions.Do Christians, in their sacramental celebration of the presence of the living Christ inthe Lord’s Supper, experience the presence of those who have already departed asbeing in the loving and saving care of God? 10 I s it possible to see the Lord’sSupper as a family celebration of life in god? Can memory of Christi provide anintegrating center which takes both the Gospel and traditional Chagga beliefsseriously? Can the church allow the kind of inculturation that honors the Chagga fearof the spirits, or anxiety about the fate of the deceased and the desire to provide fortheir needs? In other words, can Christ become their Lord and our Lord, all in all?This investigation seeks to answer those questions.The first three chapters describe various facets of the religious traditions of theChagga prior to the arrival of Christianity. Because religion is not a segment of lifefor the Chagga but embraces all of life, such a description must include a variety ofwhat might usually be called social and cultural data. The purpose of these openingchapters is to provide the reader with the opportunity to experience Chagga religiousself-understanding apart from non-African influences.The second task, addressed by chapter four, is to explore the impact of the arrival ofChristianity on the traditions discussed in the preceding chapters. Where were thepoints of contact and the points of conflict? How were these dealt with by earlymissionaries and by the Chagga? In other words, the first four chapters togetherraise the issue of how to understand indigenization, or inculturation. Are there limits8

in the adaptability of Christianity? Can Africans retain the traditions that have shapedand defined their identity as a people and yet be Christian?One way seek answers to such questions is to take a case study approach. In otherwords, to choose a specific area of concern where the issues are engaged andexplore that area in detail. It is clear to me that themes of memory and hope rootedin Chagga religious practices and the identification of memory and identify embodiedin Christian Eucharistic traditions provide such a possibility for case study. Hence, inchapter five I discuss briefly the nature of the Eurcharist as a memorial meal. Thenin chapter six I explore the connections between those findings and the Chaggapractices of after-death memorial feasts.My thesis is that the celebration of the Eucharist can serve as an integrating centerfor the traditional religious concerns and practices of the Chagga by embracing andreinterpreting those concerns and practices in a context of mutually criticalcorrelation. 11 African religious tradition with its emphasis on communal identify andresponsibility has much to offer to Christianity’s understanding of Jesus’ presence inthe Eucharistic meal and of the individual’s acceptance by God through theforgiveness embodied there. Christianity in turn has much to offer the Chaggaconcerning the assurance of life in the midst of death.9

INTRODUCTION1. Donald R. Jacobs, “African Culture and African Church”, in A new Look atChristianity in Africa (Geneva: WSCF Books, Vol. 11, No. 2, Serial 5, 1972),p.4.2. For a discussion of this issue see Anscar Chupungco, Cultural Adptation of theLiturgy (New York: Paulist Press, 1982).3. Choan Seng Song, Third Eye Theology (New York: Orbis Books, 1979), p.145.4. Aywald Shorter, African Spirituality (New York: Orbis books, 1979), P. 245. Harry Sawyer, Creative Evangelism, Towards a New Encounter with African(London: Lutterworth Press, 1968), p. 136.6. Ibid,. P. 1367. Ray C. Jones, “Lord’s Supper and the Concept of Anamnesis”, Word and World(Fall 1986), p. 444.8. Ibid, p. 438.9. Juergen Moltmann, the Crucified God (New York: Harper and Row Publishers,1973), P. 3.10. Song, p. 156.11. The phrase is from David Tracy, Blessed Rage for Order: The New Pluralism inTheology (New York: Seabury Press, 1975).10

CHAPTER ONETHE CHAGGA PEOPLE OF KILIMANJARO IN TANZANIAThe Impact of Mount KilimanjaroOn the Chagga PeopleIn the northeastern part of Tanzania, not far from Kenya, towers the majesticgrandeur of one of the world’s most beautiful mountains—Kilimanjaro. Its glistening,ice – covered summit is only three degrees from the equator. 1 Kilimanjaro, thehighest mountain the African continent, measures more than one hundred miles(160km) around the base and has two peaks: Kibo, which rises out of its surroundingplateau to a height of 19,340 feet (approximately 5,903 meters) with a doublecrater, and jagged Mawenzi, which reaches a height of 17,564 feet (approximately5,320 meters). The two peaks are separated by a broad saddle. 2The glory of Kilimanjaro includes its lower gradual slopes which contain some of thebest soil in the world. On these slopes there are large fields of bananas and coffee.Hjalmar Swanson, a missionary in Tanzania, has observed that ‘in this paradise,anything will grow. “3 Kilimanjaro has a volcanic soil, among the best soil foragriculture, and more rains fall than any other part of Tanzania. According to ParinJon Mohamed, precipitation exceeds fifty inches annually on the middle slopes, whichare not too high for growing crops.Average temperature drops to 55 or 60 degrees Farenheit during the cooler monthsof April through July, and rises to 60 or 70 during the warmer months. 4On the lower slopes are the subsidiary fields, shamba, where today crops like maize,beans, tomatoes, onions and groundnuts are cultivated. A few large sisal plantationsare also found in this area. Higher up on the cooler water ridges, where the peoplelive, the plots surrounding homes are planted with bananas of many varieties (suchas peas, beans, tomatoes, cauliflower, cabbage, carrots), and fruits (such as citrus,guava, avocadoes, and pineapples) are grown.The impact of mount Kilimanjaro on the Chagga people cannot be underestimated. Ithas given them their pride, unity and identity as a tribe. Furthermore, it has mouldedtheir thinking socially, culturally, economically, politically and above all religiously.The Chagga people have taken their whole identify and pride from this mountain.Even in some performances of certain religious rites, the Chagga will invariably facethe mountain. 6 Martin Shao, in his work on missionary methods used in Tanzania,has noted that, “to them, it is a symbol of fertility and prosperity and prosperity. It isa source of life, both physical and spiritual. “7An example of this attachment of the people to the mountain is revealed by apractice of the congregational members of the Masia and Mshiri villages in Marangu,whose people earn most of their living as potters and guides of tourists who come toclimb Kibo peak. Once each year they give an offering of thanksgiving to God forblessing them with this mountain which has been a source of their livelihood. Theybelieve that this mountain, in addition to providing them with rains, firewood andfodder for their animals, provides them with jobs. This example only begins to signifyto what degree this mountain has molded the thinking, customs and religiouspractices of the Chagga people.Origins of the Chagga PeopleIt is impossible to trace the origins and history of the Chagga people with absoluteaccuracy, especially since most of the historical data was transmitted orally. The11

ooks we have about the history of the Chagga people were written early in thetwentieth century. However, according to stories told from one generation to theother, the Chagga people constitute about five major migrant tribes of Kilimanjaro.But one must stop to ask, “What was the main reason behind all these immigrationsto Kilimanjaro?” Dr. Anza Amen Lema, Assistant to General Secretary of Lutheranworld Federation and a Chagga from Kilimanjaro, gives the simplest, yet mostprofound reason forthis by saying that:Fertile Volcanic soil, an abundance of waterAnd a pleasant, invigorating air are theMountain’s gifts to the Chagga people. TheLush, well watered slopes of Kilimanjaro with its mild and delightful climatehave attracted groups of people wandering in from North,East, and South in drought seasons. “8.It is also true that some were forced to migrate into this country because of famine,or due to political instability in their own countries, especially because of the tribalwas which were common in the seventeenth century. These forced people to leavetheir homes searching for food, better pastures, higher rainfall areas and moresecure subsistence farming. 9 Lema points out that when these groups came, eachgroup continued to embrace its own distinctive customs and skills: honey production,hunting, ivory industry, pottery, cultivation, animal husbandry, blacksmithery,elephant trapping and building skills. 10The five major tries which migrated to Kilimanjaro were the Taitas from the coastalarea, the Maasai, the Shambala and the Pare people from the southeast mountains,and the Kikuyu who, based on linguistic evidence, probably came predominantlyfrom north and east of Kilimanjaro. Reports show that each of the main chiefdomsdeveloped their own speech traditions so that what emerged was not a unifiedChagga Language but a cluster of related yet different dialects. All were closelylinked to the language of the Kamba and Taita people of Kenya. Some groups alsomigrated from Pare and Usambaa. 11Each tribe, and more precisely each clan, settled in one particular area andfunctioned as a separate community unit. Charles Dundas, an official in the colonialGerman government in the Kilimanjaro area in the late 19 th century, having made anintensive study of the Chagga people, found out that he could distinguish by theirorigins 300 different clans. These clans were divided as follows:Of Kamba origin113 clansTaita origin106 clansOf Maasai origin101 clansPare Origin22 clansOf Shambala origin16 clansOf Kuafi origin 6 clans 12Of Dorobo (Maasai Derfs)2 clansAccording to Kathleen Stahl, it is recorded that by the early Eighteenth century,there were approximately seven hundred clan groups settled on the slopes ofKilimanjaro. Slowly as these clans grew and had contacts with neighboring clans,larger units known as mitaa (villages) were formed. 13 It is estimated that there were12

one hundred small political villages at the beginning of the Nineteenth century. Eachvillage was ruled by a chief and his or her council elders. Later on, the number ofchiefdoms was reduced due to the emergence of more powerful chiefs under whoseleadership the smaller chieftanships were conquered and brought under control. 14Politically, the Chagga area of Kilimanjaro at the end of the Nineteenth centuryconsisted of not less than twenty-one chiefdoms. All of these were forced torecognize German Colonial rule, although in practice rules still retained most of theirtraditional powers. Over generations of communal living on the fertile slops of MountKilimanjaro, the Chagga, despite their geographical and ethnological divisions,developed traditions of community and family life peculiarly suited to their mountainenvironment. 15 In light of this great attachment to the mountain life, CharlesDundas commented.The chagga has a great love for his country, and is morepossessed of a sense of nationality than any African known tome. In fact one can not expect this, for not only is themagnificence of the mountain such as most compel attachment,but as soon as the mountain dwellers leave it, life becomeintolerable for themAlmost all Chaggas will taken jobs in any part of the country in Tanzania, or outsidethe country, yet the end they will return home – to their motherland of Kilimanjaro.Here they will die and be buried.To ignore these traditional beliefs, attitudesAnd practices can only lead to a lack ofUnderstanding African behavious and problems.Religion is the strongest element in traditional background, andexerts probably the greatest influence upon the thinking andliving of the people concerned. 17What Mbiti wants to stress here is that we cannot separate religion from a people’sway of life. With this in mind, we shall examine the religious beliefs of the Chaggapeople, in order to see how they have influenced their thinking and living.Chagga ReligionIt is almost impossible to understand the contemporary Chagga well withoutfirst digging deep into their religious past. This is because with the Chaggapeople, as well as with almost all Africans, religion is the strongest elementof tradition and exerts the greatest influence upon their thinking and living.Religion embraces almost all spheres of the day to day life of the chaggapeople. This is why John Mbiti says:Because traditional religions permeate allThe departments of life, there is no formalDistinction between the sacred and the secular,Between the religious and non-religious,Between the spiritual and the material areasOf life. Wherever the African is, there isHis religion; he carries it to the fields whenHe takes it with him to the beer party or toAttend a funeral ceremony; and if he or sheIs educated, he or she takes religion withHim/her to the examination room at school or13

uncertain even among the Chaggas themselves whether the sun and Ruwa areidentical, or whether the sun is the dwelling place of God. 23When this author interviewed a number of elderly people in his home village inMarangu concerning the relationship of Ruwa and the sun, all seemed to agree thatthe sun and the God-ruwa are not identical and neither is the sun the dwelling placeof God. According to their belief, the sun the dwelling place of God. According totheir belief, the sun stands as a mighty symbol of that God whom they cannot reacheasily, and who does not disturb them in small matters as the spirits do. 24 ChiefPetro Itosi Marealle tells us that Ruwa is likened to the sun because of its qualitieswhich resemble those of Ruwa.That is to say, ‘as the sun sends its light to every creature and fills the whole earthwith its sunshine, so its is with Ruwa. Ruwa is omnipresent and omnipotent as thesun. “25 . This means there is no creature that is able to hid itself from the sun. Andso it is with Ruwa who, like the sunlight, could penetrate even through theirtraditional huts, despite the fact that they were thatched with grass from top tobottom and without windows. Not only did the Chagga believe that Ruwa is theinhabitant of the heavens but also, they believed that Ruwa is the source of all lightand power.Anza Amen Lema commenting on the same issue says that “the question whether thChagga actually did regard god and the sun as one and the same being can be ascomplicated to explain as the Christian theology of the Triune god. “26 However, herefuses to accept John Mbiti’s view that, Ruwa was used as the name for both Godand the sun chiefly because the sun symbolized so vividly the source of life and light,everlasting power and omniscience and endurance – all qualities which the Chaggaattributed to God. 27Charles Dundas explains that although Ruwa takes little part in the lives of humanbeings, Ruwa is yet supreme above all other power and the ultimate arbiter offate.28 To say that Ruwa takes little part in the lives of human beings does notimply that God is unconcerned with the welfare of the people here on earth. Itimplies, rather, as Merealle argues, “that Chagga people believe that Ruwa’ssupremacy is above all other spirits” and as such, does not disturb people for smallthings like the spirits do when they are deprived of their sacrifices. 29The Chaggas had a very different approach to Ruwa when compared to theirapproach to the spirits and the “living-dead.” Even the sacrifices offered to Ruwawere different from those of the spirits in nature and reason. One reason for thiscould be that Ruwa seemed to be far away from them and also an incomprehensibleBeing. This was the reason why each morning the elder of the family would begin anew day by calling upon this God-ruwa, saying, “Thou man of heaven whose namewe do not know.” According to Lema, names provide us with a clue to the basicchagga ideas about God. 30 In gutmann’s view, this same prayer expressed awe ofthe one who is incomprehensible, because that which one can name, one canmaster. 31In the Chagga traditional thinking, Ruwa was an invisible and spiritual rather than aphysical being. No evidence in oral traditions reveals a Chagga concept of God aspossessing a human body. Nor were there any attempts to portray God visually inpicture or carving. Ruwa was not created and was above all human likeness andorigin, utterly self sufficient and unchangeable. Yet a common expression like “a man15

in the sky” testify that the Chagga did attribute certain bodily functions and humanqualities to God. A good example of this However, as Lema says, “Ruwa’s ability toeat and drink what was offered was never understood literally. “32 God – Ruwa wasnot know outside nature. Consequently, when other creatures ate the sacrificeditems, it was considered that God Consented or accepted it.The Chagga people like all other African people believed that Ruwa the source of alllife. Ruwa heals the sick and for this reason prayers and offerings were made to Godon behalf of the sick, the barren, and those in distress.Although these sacrifices and prayers were not made directly to Ruwa, but to thespirits of their “living-dea, “ the fact remains that when healing came, it was oftenattributed to God, even if medical agents played a part in the healing process. Godwas thanked or God’s help was otherwise acknowledged.The idea of Dundas that God takes little part in human lives still does not intend toisilated Ruwa from people’s day to day life. On the contrary, Ruwa is seen as a moreloving God and one who is slow to be angered by human wrong – doings.That means Ruwa does not relate to us in the same way as the spirits which causepains and sufferings. John Mbiti says:Thus God is involved in the affairs ofMankind and people experience this involvementIn terms of his continuing to create, sustain,Provide, pastor, nurse, heal and save. MostOf these functions on the physical andConcrete level of being and with special reference to the life of human beings. 33While god may use spiritual beings to bring afflictions to people, for examplediseases and other misfourtunes, still the Chagga hold that a person dies only whenRuwa permits it, 34According of chief Petro Marealle, there were four qualities attributed to Ruwa by theChagga people of East Kilimanjaro. The first was the name, Ruwa, which is felt allover the world like the sun from which nothing is hidden. A second attribute wasRuwa matengera, which could be translated, “the one who leads and cares for all thecreatures in a peaceful way.” A third attribute was Ruwa funvu Iya mku, meaning,“the mountain of ages”, which suggested the power and the unchangeable might ofGod. The words of the fourth attribute, Ruwa Molunga soka na mndo, meaning onewho can weld together an axe and a sickle, invoked Ruwa’s mysterious powers tosee that every living creature found a mate and procreation was assured. 35 Thefour attributes of Ruwa are a form of Chagga creed, what they believed Ruwa wasand could do. Eva Stuart-Wart summarizes what she calls the Chagga basicprinciples of faith in the Supreme Being with the following words:Ruwa has all the power. He does not change,And he was in ages past, so he is today.Ruwa never tells a lie. What he says, he performs. If a man sins, though in the darkOf night, Ruwa see him. If a host of warriors attack a man,they can not kill him if a host of warriors attack a man, they can not kill him if ruwadoes not permit. When a sick person goes to the witch – doctor and sacrifices oxenand goats, he will not recover unless it is that Ruwa heals him. The spirits can notcure him. They are but the ministers of the almighty and are sent to do his work – togive fruit to the womb, to spread pestilence and famine, to punish the wicked and todemand sacrifices. He sends them also to care for the poor and the fatherless. The16

thief and murderer can not hide from his face: One day ruwa will put them both alikeinto the hands of the great judge of mankind. 36National calamities such as drought, disease, epidemic, locust invasions, wars andfloods were seen to be beyond any human control. As a result they were seen to bebeyond any human control. As a result they were generally attributed to Ruwa’sactivity, punishing people for their mischief. Lema says that when death wasinvolved in such clamities, the Chagga were left to try and explain how far Ruwa wasto blame. Their nagging question was, since Ruwa is fundamentally the originator ofall good, could ruwa also send suffering and misfortune to people? After speculationsand offering of sacrifices without success, they believed it was Ruwa, for nothing cantake life if Ruwa does not will it. It is hardly surprising, therefore, to find that for theChagga the most difficult thing in life was to understand and accept death as Ruwa’swill.To conclude, one can affirm that the essence of the Chagga belief in God-Ruwa, is tobe found more than anywhere else in the every day behavior or lives of people in thecommunity. Their songs, proverbs, traditional prayers, symbols, music and dance,riddles, beliefs, communal feasts and taboos, all acknowledge the existence of Ruwaas the source of all life. It was their belief in Ruwa which determined all theirthoughts, words and deeds.Gutmann, having recognized this fundamental truth, remarked: “the directness andthe in definitiveness of the concept of God in the primitive religions were almostincomprenensible to the European educated observer. “38 Yet in so many wasys,ruwa also remained a mystery to the Chaggas, a Being beyond the reach of theirminds to imagine or describe.Parents in their every day life used similes and metaphors such as “god watches overbehaviour like an eagle” and others to explain the omniscience of God to theirchildren. This was the only way by which the almighty and the unknown could bebrought within the scope of their experience. Lema warns that “it should also beunderstood that God was not deduced by a process of theoretical or logical reasoningbut had become apparent in the peoples’ concrete experience of Ruwa in their ownlives. “39 Because of this, God could hear, see and know all that happened on earth.In this way, Ruwa served a useful educational function for parents to ensure theright and proper behavior from young children and even from adults.Chagga Concept of SpiritsMost Africans believe that between God and human beings there are other beings,namely the spirits. These spirits have a status between God and people and they arenot identified with either one. Usually the spirits act as God’s ministers to bring topeople blessing or curse, disease or healing, protection or death and so on. They aremuch more concerned with the day to day life of family and clan then is Ruwa.Consequently, they are highly regarded, feared and respected by those living here onearth. They are subordinate to God and dependent on God and also used by God.John Mbiti divideds the spirits into two categories, nature spirits and human spirits.40The former are those which people associate specifically with natural objects andforces. Some are thought to have been created by God initially as spirits, whileothers are said to have been human beings of the distant past 41 Those who werehuman beings of the past continue to live after death, although in a differentconditions. 42 The Chagga people strongly believe that human life does not terminateat the death.17

The human spiritis are also divided into two categories. The first includes the spiritsof those who died a long time ago and are no longer remembered personally by theirimmediate descendants. Mbiti says some of these will have been dead over fivegenerations and may be recollected through myths and legends as tribal, national orclan founders. But the majority of them are no longer within the personal memory ofthe living. 43 However, the spirits of these outstanding leaders, heroes, warriors, andclan founders continue to be respected, honoured and brought into the life of theclan, community or nation. People ask for their help through prayer, sacrifices andceremonies, or mention them when making their requests to God. Another word forthese spirits could be “ghosts”, and they are generally feared and disliked by people.They are often thought to do people more harm than good.The second group of human spirits is that of the spirits of people who died recently,“the living-dead.” The “living-dead” are normally considered to be still part of theirfamilies. They are also believed to live close to the homes where they lived whenthey were still alive. 44 These spirits can be malevolent or benevolent to theirimmediate families Consequently, they are remembered and properly treated asliving family members. The place of the departed in their immediate families will betreated in detail in subsequent chapters.The Chagga Understanding of SinThe Chagga people acknowledge the presence of sin in the world. As a result,Chaggas engage in many ways of fighting evil in their community. Several viewsexist concerning the origin of evil but categorically God –Ruwa is not seen as thecreator of evil. The Chagga people hold that God cannot commit evil against God’sown creation.As we shall see later in the discussion of the origin of evil and death, the Chaggabelieved that Ruwa gave the first person a law which was not followed and as aresult mortality resulted. However, human mortality is inflicted upon people by thespirits or by the “living-dead” who watch over human beings’ wrong-doings. Thesespirits were also evil for they turned against God who originally created them withoutsin.The Ch agga understood sin or evil as pertaining to wrong-doing or breaching ofcustoms or traditions. By committing such acts one not only receives punishment butthe evil imparts a bane or evil influence which remains unless the necessarypurification is done. 45 The point to be emphasized here is that this mysterious forceaffects not only the evil-doer but also the person injured, so that it is that personwho must be purified. For instance, a person who is wounded is often purified by theone who wounded him or her.Because of the consequences involved in purification of the individual and thepartner wronged, Chaggas were cautious of committing sin. They feared the highcosts of their sins to the whole family or community at large. For example, to purifya wounded partner could cost the transgressor a goat or a cow for sacrifice. As isoften the case, the offender may not have the ability to pay this. As a result, thefamily members of relatives and neighbors are involved in paying it.It was the belief of the Chagga people that Ruwa could invoke punishment on thecommunity or a certain family because of misdeeds committed by a member of thefamily or an individual in the community. However, it was not Ruwa who executed18

the punishment, but rather Ruwa’s messengers --- the spirits who would bringmisfortunes upon the evil – doer or the family or the community at large.Again , offenses against the spirits and ‘living –dead” were considered by theChaggas (as with most African societies) to be sin. The spirits act as intermediariesbetween Ruwa and human beings and are the guardians or police of tribal ethics,morals and customs. Since they are considered founders of the calsn as well as thegivers of laws and customs, to breach any of these customs and laws resulted inpunishment by them.Luverne Tengbom’s contention that “there is evidence yet today among the Chaggathat there is no strong sense of wrong-doing for stealing, committing adultery,drunkenness and the like, because such wrong-doing is not looked upon as sinagainst good, “46 seems to be unacceptable. It is rooted in a misconception of thewhole issue of sin among the Chagga.Tengbom fails to consider the fact that although Chagga people do not sin directlyagainst their God-Ruwa and do not have direct access to Ruwa in their day to daylife, yet they know and believe that the spirits and the “living –dead”, who areresponsible for executing punishment by bringing afflictions, cannot do so withoutRuwa’s consent.Consequently, the Chaggas have a very strong sense of sin and they are very carefulnot to anger the ancestors who actually act as ruwa’s emissaries. So, one canconclude that indirectly, they fear God-Ruwa, who sees and judges all they think,say, and do, even if it is in the darkness. Dominique Zahan shows to what extent ordegree the Africans strive for a clean heart before God, their ancestors and theirfellow human beings when he says:But in Africa that which is hidden is truerAnd more profound than that which is visible.The inner man is esteemed more highly than theOuter man; thought has a greater value thanAct; intention prevails over action. AndTo be convinced of this we need simplyConsider the current and universal practiceOf substituting sacrificial victims.To repudiate Tengbom’s statement even more strongly by giving a concreteexample, the author made this observation when he interviewed an unbaptizedelderly man in his village. This man remarked: judgment more than they do todayeven after they have been baptized. “ 48 Undoubtedly, many are opinion thatChristianity, which came with western European culture’s emphasis on personalsalvation and its form of individualism, left a very strong impact on the Chaggapeople. Instead of seeing sin as affecting the community, as well as the individual,the sense of corporate sin started to disappear and the evident sins pinpointed byTengbom were no longer taken as seriously as they were before. To underscore thiseffect John Mbiti explains.Sacrifices and offerings are directed to oneOr more of the following: God, spirits andThe “living dead”. Recipients in the secondAnd third categories are regarded as19

Intermediaries between God and living people, sothat God is the ultimate recipient whetherOn not the worshippers are aware. 49Some examples of the causes for purification among the Chagga people areenumerated by Dundas: if a woman bites a man, if a woman strikes her husbandwith a cooking pot, if one greets another by the name of a dead person, if a girl isbetrothed and becomes pregnant by another man, if a woman bears twins, and if aman pronounces a course. 50 Whenever one of the above laws was broken,purification was necessary. It was essential to observe these taboos like any otherkind of sin.Purification RitesAccording to Charles Dundas, purification was administered by persons of particularclans. For example, the “Wakomariwa” clan of the eastern part of Kilimanjaro wereconsidered to be endowed with this special power. As a result they were, in the early20 th century, greatly honoured and even received tribute from people like the Levitesin the Old Testament. (Num. 18: 21-24) The chiefs also respected them. Today theyare less respected, possibly because they have instructed others in the art. However,if purification is needed, the “wakomariwa” people are still preferred to others. 51In the act of purification certain ingredients were needed to perform the rite. Amongthose most common were: blood of a certain animal, skin, two black-sugar canes,herbs (mainly maande or marooro), fresh water from a spring in the early morning,and fresh beer. There were others but these were the most significant ones. Theseingredients were regarded as having mild properties suitable for the appeasing of thenature of the spiritual uncleanness. 52On the day of purification, almost all members of the family and relatives wouldassemble in the home where the act was to take place. If it were a purification whichconcerned two families, they would meet at a certain chosen place in the village. Theperson performing the purification came to the village. The person performing thepurification came to the village or hut in the morning at around ten o’clock. He dug ashallow but broad hole where he placed banana leaves in order to form a bowl tohold water. He then took a young banana stem and placed it in a furrow dug close tothe hollow. He then sliced down the center to form a rent. Next he made twogateways of sugar cane beside the furrow with the banana stem. Now the leaf –linedfurrow was filled with water, blood and other ingredients and the people weredirected to pass through the gateways, the husband leading, followed by his wife,brothers and other relatives.As each one passed through the gateways and came to the hollow, the purifierdipped his gnu tail and sometimes special leaves into the mixture and brushed eachsaying, “the evil and uncleanness become gentle as these that you may be nottormented again.” 53 As he said these words the purifier would be looking towardsmountain Kilimanjaro’s highest peak---Kibo.After this the liquid from the dug hole was sprinkled over their heads to imitate rain.According to Dundas, this performance was repeated four times a day for fourconsecutive days. On the last day they carried the liquid from the hollow and thesugar cane to a river, and cast them saying, “The evil and sin and uncleanness whichcomes from us go with this river. The water of this river carry it to the plain.”54The purification rite ended with the family members and those present eating themeat of the animal slaughtered . The purifier was also rewarded with a goat and halfof the meat of the animal slaughtered.20

The religious rite and the communal ceremony that followed it was an effort torestore the harmony between the individual and the neighbour, between theindividual and God and thus to bring everyone back to that original state of life whichwas so often talked about in their sacred myths and stories.SacrificesSacrifices and offerings constitute one of the most common acts of worship amongthe chagga people. In these practices, material of physical things are given to Godand other spiritual beings. John Mbiti distinguishes between the two by saying that:“Sacrifices” is used where animal life isdestroyed in order to present the animal orpart of it to God, super natural beings, spiritsor the departed. “Offerings” is used to referto all the other cases in which animals are notkilled, and in which items like food stuffs,utensils, etc. are used for presenting to Godand other recipients. 55There are four popularized theories about the function and meaning of sacrifice: thegift theory, the propitiating theory, the communion theory and the thanksgivingtheory. In general, Chagga people see sacrifices and offerings as acts of restoringthe balance between Ruwa and human beings and the “living –dead” with their livingones. It has usually been noted that when this balance is upset, people experiencemisfortunes and sufferings, or fear that these will come upon them. This is preciselywhy John Mbiti says that “sacrifices and offerings help, at least psychologically, torestore this balance.”56.The Chaggas have two kinds of sacrifices, those done privately by family membersand the public ones.For the purpose of private sacrifice, every head of the family was considered to be apriest. In addition to his duties as a head of the household, defender of the familyand its bread earner, he also had to assume the religious responsibilities of hisfamily. He presided at the rites of giving offerings, sacrifices, prayers and libations tothe spirits concerned with events of his family. When these rights failed, he appealeddirectly to Ruwa for help. In this sense he played the role of mediator between hisfamily here on earth and the realm of the “living –dead”, the spirits and even theSupreme Being. This priestly function was delegated to male children after marriage.However, they were not allowed to practice it for the extended family as long as theirfather lived. 57According to Chief Petro Marealle, each family or clan sacrificed to its own spirits andtheir own “living-dead” and also in their own way. This means that there was not ageneral format followed by all families. However, it is believed that all clan sacrificestook place at the original place where the first founders of the clans settled. 58 Thismay also be the reason why many chagga clans today are tracing back the roots oftheir clans and families.Before sacrifice took place certain rites and procedures had to be followed. Forexample, both senior elders of the clan, male and female, had to attend. In fact theywere required to be at the spot earlier than the other relatives so that when theother members arrived they would go to greet them as a sign of respect and loyaltyto them and the clan. The male members would go to greet the male senior elder21

while the women would go to their female senior elder. These male and femalesenior elders were regarded as being closer to the departed. As a result, the elderswere to be greeted on behalf of all male and female members of the clan. Since theywere regarded as being closer to the ancestors than the others, they could sendthese greetings to their great grandfathers and grandmothers in the spirit world. Thiswas a way of invoking them and showing the unity that existed between them andthe living members. They had the right of even being greeted by their descendants.This shows exactly what Mbiti said concerning the African family or community beingcomprised of the unborn, the living and the living-dead. This balance must always bekept undisturbed.Dundas says that:,,,,,,,,,it is very necessary that all should bepresent, or if any sickness prevents anyonefrom attending, he or she must partake of thesacrifice in the manner which will be described.For if any member does not take any part becauseOf personal animosity perhaps, this wouldSignify an irreparable rupture of clan, ofFamily ties as the case may be, which amountsTo a curse on or rejection of the absentee. 59Sacrificial animals were carefully chosen and they were of a special type to suit theoccasion. Usually they wee to be of one colour which may be black, white, brown, orred. Again , if they were to be domestic animals, they had to come from an uprightowner.The place of the sacrifice was on the spot where animals are ordianrly slaughtered inthe banana grove. After the animal had been slaughtered, the elder of the clanbrought a spoonful of fresh milk mixed with some green leaves called, Makengera,(usually used in all sacrifices), and a dracaena branch. He then held these two itemsfirst in his right had then with his left hand. This was to please the spirits of both theright and left hand. After this he stood before the animal, faced it, and dipped thedracaena branch and leaves in the milk and anointed the bull’s head. He thenchewed the dracaena branch and spit the juice upon the bull praying thus:We come to you our great – grandfather , ourRoot who begot us. You our great – grandfatherOf truth…….we have forgotten you these manyYears, so you brought this simai (bull) toThe herd of your grandson …When you saw thatWe delayed to give you that which is yours,Then it was you who sent your messenger…..That you might be given that which is the dueOf your clan, you and your fathers who sentyou to the spirits. Now receive this simaiwhich you sent to your grandson. Go and eatthis simai with your fathers and companions who are near you thereamong the spirits. Give to each that which is his due……(here hementions all different parts of the animal and to which family memberthey belong.).22

and in order that your grandsons, reveal yourself in the entrails. (Herehe will specify the particular parts of the entrails which are to indicatethe recipients satisfaction or dissatisfaction) 60When the bull was slaughtered, if the entrails specified were of fire or blood color, itwas an indication that the spirits were quarreling among themselves on the accountof the meat. Consequently, a diviner would be called to determine which one andthus another animal would be sacrificed.Otherwise if everything was normal, then they would whisper rejoices because thisindicated the satisfaction of the spirits. 61After the senior elder’s prayer, the father of the family did the same while namingthe ancestors asking for their favor on his herd, offspring, bumper crop harvest andan honor before the nobles and chiefs. Others followed in turn until the last one,when the senior elder then received the milk and anointed the bull’s head namingthe “living –dead”. The women then took turns in the same way starting from theelder to the youngest.Then the senior elder male anointed the bull and the sheep’s head marking the endof the prayers. 62 The animals were then ready for slaughtering.From the internal organs, the diviners wee able to discover other prognosticationswhich helped them foretell what could befall the family. It was also here that theyknew if their sacrifice was accepted. It was believed that an unexpected arrival of astranger during the process of cutting the meat was a most auspicious and luckyindication, for it meant that the spirits were so overjoyed that they sent the stranger.Now all the meat was cooked and distributed to all the members presents accordingto their place in the family. A very important thing to remember is that all the meatwas to be eaten and no bone was to be broken or thrown away. All bones were to bekept for the rite of this great sacrifice. 63The animals were then ready for slaughtering.From the internal organs, the diviners were able to discover other prognosticationswhich helped them foretell what could befall the family. It was also here that theyknew if their sacrifice was accepted. It was believed that an unexpected arrival of astranger during the process of cutting the meat was a most auspicious and luckyindication, for it meant that the spirits were so overjoyed that they sent the stranger.Now all the meat was cooked and distributed to all the members present accordingto their place in the family. A very important thing to remember is that all the meatwas to be eaten and no bone was to be broken or thrown away. All bones were tobe kept for the last rite of this great sacrifice. 63After the eating of the meat, the senior elder would perform the last act and this wasto cut small portions of meat from both animals, roast them, put them on a bananadracaena stem and ask the “living –dead” to receive then and eat them with theirfellows. He ended by asking for the departed final blessing and farewell. This wouldbe followed by the wearing of skin rings, kichongu, by all the family members, andfinally, drinking of local brewed beer, mbege. The following day all came to finish theleft over meat after which all the bones were burned on a great fire until they werereduced to ashes. This marked the end of the sacrifice.23

Sacrifices were a common practice during the birth of a child, naming ceremony,initiation period, marriage, funerals and harvest time. Again when a member of thefamily was undergoing an affliction like a long time sickness which they could notcure, sacrifices were the last resort to God to plead for help. We shall discuss moreabout this in the next chapter. Most of the prayers during sacrifices asked for peacefor the “living-dead”, blessing of offspring and heards of cattle, and freedom fromafflictions and diseases. In certain times, they expressed joy and gratitude for whatthey received from the ancestor’s benevolence, ie. Children, harvest, healing, and soforth.Human sacrifice was not common, although in some places of Kilimanjaro it is said tohave taken place under special circumstances, especially before the coming ofEuropean rule. Charles Dundas mentions that Chief Rengua of Machame is reportedto have sacrificed his own son when he was about to die. 64 According to othersources, human sacrifices were rare and were offered directly to Ruwa. They tookplace when there was a national calamity like war, drought, flood, or epidemic.That is why the purpose of such a sacrifice had to be exceptional, it was made whenlives of people were in serious jeopardly. In such critical moments the Chagga peoplebelieved that it was worth one person dying in order to save many lives.Prayers, meals and drinks during sacrificial times acted as symbols of the continuingfellowship between the ‘living –dead’ and the members of the family. This is thereason why no one could be absent during sacrifice as he/she would be consideredacting against the family and thus end up in being excommunicated by the wholefamily.Summary and EvaluationIn this first chapter attempts have been made to show how the Chagga traditionalreligion permeated all aspects of the people’s lives. Their belief in Ruwa, spirits, sin,purification and sacrifices played a vital role in their lives.In fact the Chagga people believed that their security and their total success in lifedepended on their present existing relationship eith the “living –dead”, spirits, andfinally, Ruwa. However, their relationship with the spiritual world would ultimately bedetermined by the present relationships within their families and the community atlarge. This is why Mbiti says:To an African to be human is to belong toThe whole community, and to do so involvesParticipating in the beliefs, ceremonies,Rituals and festivals of that community.A person cannot detach himself from the religion of his group, for todo so is to beSevered from his roots, his foundation, hisContext of security, his kinships and the entireGroup of those who make him aware of his ownExistence. To be without one of these corporate elements of life is tobe out of the whole picture. Therefore, to be without religion amountsto a self-excommunication from the entire life of society and Africanpeople do not know how to exist without religion. 65Hence, it is legitimate to be concerned with the depth to which Christianity and itsWestern European Culture has penetrated the Chagga society and affectedtraditional beliefs.24

It is necessary to address the question of whether becoming a Christian does notautomatically excommunicate oneself from this community fabric, and thus threatensone’s security socially, religiously, culturally, politically, and economically.This author’s experience as a pastor among the Chagga has convinced him thatChristianity has not touched the roots of the Chagga people or many other Africansocieties.Consequently, Chagga Christians stand with one foot in their traditional beliefs andthe other in Christian faith. To them each one is as important as the other. Eventhose deemed to be very faithful Christians have in times of crisis, like illness ordeath, resorted to their traditional beliefs, either publicly or in secrecy. There is anurgent need for the church in Africa to find out how the Gospel message can best berelated to the African traditional religions which embrace the total life experience ofthe people from birth, to death, and after death in order to make it meaningful. Anexamination of the Chagga life cycle will lead us into this task.CHAPTER ONE1. Hjalmar Swanson, Touring Tanganyika (Rock Island: Augustana BookConcern, 1948), p. 124.2. Collier’s Encyclopedia, Vol. 14, “Tanzania,” by Parin Jonmohamed, (New York:Macmillan Educational Company, 1981).3. Swanson, p. 125.4. Martin Shao, Bruno Gutmann’s Missionary Methods.” (S.T.M. Thesis, WarburgTheological Seminary, Dubuque, Lowa, 1985), p. 16.5. Anza Amen Lema, “The Impact of the Leipzing Lutheran Mission on the Peopleof Kilimanjaro 1893 – 1920.” (Ph.D. dissertation, University Dar es Salaam,Tanzania, 1973), p.56.6. Swanson, p. 127.7. Shao, pp. 16-17.8. Lema, pp. 57-58.9. Shao, p. 1710. Lema, p. 4411. Shao, p. 1712. Charles Dundas, Kilimanjaro and Lts People (London: Frank Cass and Co. Ltd.1968). P. 144.13. Shao, p. 17.14. Ibdi., p. 18.15. Lema, p. 78-79.16. Swanson, p. 126.17. John S. Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy (New york: Fredrick A PraegerPublishers, 1969), p.2.18. Ibid., p. 2.19. Ibid., p.2.20. S.G. Kibicho, “African Traditional Religion and Christianity,” in A New Look atChristianity in African, (Geneva: WSCF Books, Vol. 11, No. 2, 1972), p. 15.21. Shao, p. 2322. Lema, p. 230.23. Dundas, p. 107.24. Interview with some elderly men at Marangu Samanga, April 4, 1985.25. Mangi Mwitori Petro Itosi Marealle, Maisha ya Mchagga ha Duniani na Ahera.(Nairobi: The English Press Ltd., 1947), p. 66.26. Lema, p. 233.25

27. Ibid., p. 233.28. Dundas, p. 107.29. Marealle, p. 66.30. Lema, p. 232.31. Shao, p.2432. Lema, p. 234.33. Mbiti, p. 43.34. Lema, p. 23735. Mbiti, p. 239.36. Eva Stuart-Wart, African’s Dome of Mystery (London: Marshall, Morgan &Scott, Ltd. 1930) p. 75.37. Lema, p. 239.38. Ibid., pp. 231-232.39. Ibid., p. 234.40. John S. Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion, (London: Heinemann EducationBooks, 1981), pp. 65-66.41. Ibid., p. 66.42. Ibid., p. 70.43. Ibid., pp. 70-71.44. Ibid., p. 72.45. Dundas, p. 155.46. Loverne Charles Tengbom, “The Growth of the Church Among the people ofKilimanjaro” (S.T.M Thesis, Luther Theological Seminary, St. Paul, Minnesota,1962), pp. 33-34.47. Dominique zahan, Religion, Spirituality and Thought of Traditional Africa,(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1979), pp. 53-54.48. John S. Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, (London: Praeger Publishers,1969), p. 58.49. An interview with an elderly man at Marangu Samanga in 1982.50. Dundas, pp. 155 –156.51. Ibid., p. 156.52. Ibid., pp. 156-157.53. Ibid., p. 157.54. Ibid.., p. 157.55. John S. Mbit, Concepts of God in Africa, (New York: Praeger Publishers Inc.,1970), p. 178.56. Ibid., p. 179.57. Shao, p. 32.58. Marealle, p. 68.59. Dundas, pp. 136 –137.60. Ibid., pp. 137 – 138.61. Ibid., pp. 138-13962. Ibid., pp. 139-14163. Ibid., p. 142.64. Ibid., p.155.65. John S. Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 1969, p.CHAPTER TWOTHE CHAGGA LIFE CYCLEBirth and Childhood.26

According to Chagga custom a pregnant woman was always accorded special careand treatment. She received special treatment not only from hedr immediate familymembers but also from her neighbors and relatives. These favors started before thebirth of a child and continued long after. The birth itself was looked upon as the hourof great danger for both mother and child. Consequently, prior to the time of deliveryit was considered appropriate that the “living-dead” be propitiated by sacrifices. Alsowhen the mother was about to give birth the father, though customarily not presentat the time of birth, offered a prayer such as: “Fight bravely like a warrior! Bevictorious in your struggle, and bring booty home with you! If you were conqueredyou could not celebrate the feast of victory.”1Since almost all deliveries took place at homes with mothers-in-law and a few otherexperienced women as midwives, the young woman as taught to bear her painhobly. According to Raum, they were taught that, “it was man’s nature to groan likea goat when in distress, but a woman suffers silently as do sheep.”2 Such teachingsmay be considered sexist and oppressive to women today but to alarge extent theyacted like anesthesia. They had the psychological effect of making the women relaxin order to save the baby. Again, since the midwives were not trained, groans wouldmake them more nervous and possibly result in injury or death for the newborn.Tengbom points out that, “the newly married woman was taught that it she cries outin childbirth, her cries will kill the child, disgrace her sex, and her husband wouldhate her forever. “3If there were complications at the time of birth, a frantic search was conducted tofind the cause. Usually the mother was required to search in herself lest she hadquarreled with her in-law, as this could result in serious complications. If it becameevident that the mother had offended some ancestor, who in return retaliatd bycausing complications, libation was quickly performed by the husband to seek theancestor’s favor. In many instances, it was the husband who was blamed fordisobeying his parents, breaching some community laws, etc. If this was discoveredsacrifice was offered promptly. It was a Chagga belief that if a wife died in childbirththe guilt of the husband was sustained and he had to make payment to his wife’sfamily. If the child died, the woman’s relatives would say, “look, it is his spear” or” itis his mouth,” meaning it is his words or his curses. A husband who battered his wifefaced the same charges.A safe birth was seen by the Chagga people as the culmination of the efforts andactivities of many people --- the immediate family members, relatives, andneighbors. That is to say, every chagga’s survival depended more or less on thephysical, emotional, and spiritual support of other people in the community, bothfore bearers and contemporaries. 4 As a result, when the child’s first cry was heardthe newborn was greeted with shouts of joy and victory, especially if the newbornwas a boy. Sometimes a prayer of thanksgiving with sacrifices was offered to theancestors for their gift of the child. Tengbom says there were two reasons for this.First, the birth of a boy vindicated the father, proving him to have led an upright lifein all things. Second, a son was of great religious significance because after hisfather’s death, he becomes the heir and the family priest, thus perpetuating hisancestors’ memory and maintaining their authority through prayer and sacrifice. 5Raum maintains that if a son was never born into a family, the Chagga would speakof that family saying, “it will vanish like smoke in the morning wind.”6 For the moresons a man had, the greater was his influence in the community. As a result, theChagga have a saying, “ a quiver with but one arrow is of no use .”7 This means that27

to have one boy is a real poverty, because there was every likelihood of losing himand that means there would be no one left to act as a priest of the family and offersacrifices.After the birth, the placenta was deposited under a fertile banana grove near thehut. This signified that the mother’s womb should remain strong and fertile for thebirth of more children. This was symbolized by the banana grove nearest the hutwhich got the most nutrients, since it was in a place where waster water andgarbage could easily be deposited. Consequently, it sprouted many healthy youngshoots. It was usually named, kisumu kya mana – child’s banana grove.Whatever methods are employed for the disposal of the placenta and the umbilicalcord, the disposal of the placenta and the umbilical cord, the disposal indicates thatthe child has died to the stage of pregnancy and is now alive in another state ofexistence. It has died to the state of bee alone in the mother’s womb, but now it hasrisen in the new life of being part of the human society. 8 There were many otherobservances and rites which took place after the childbirth. These include a period ofseclusion, shaving of both the child and the mother’s hair, all of which symbolizedthe concept of death and resurrection: death to one state of life and resurrection to afuller state of living. It has died to the state of being alone in the mother’s womb,but now it has risen in the new life of bind a part of the human society. When twinsor triplets were born, they were killed because such births were considered asheralds of misfortune to the family and to the community at large. Christianityplayed a very significant role in bringing this tradition to an end .According to Charles Dundas, on the fourth day in a special ceremony theannouncement of the arrival of the child was made to the family of the mother,whereby sacrifices and prayers were offered. 9 After this there followed a ceremonyof incorporating the child into the family. The procedure followed here was that thechild was inspected for any abnormalities. If none was found the child was acceptedinto its paternal kinship group by its grandfather who would lift up the child againstthe sky and spit some chewed banana food into the child’s mouth. From that pointon the child was placed under ancestral protection, symbolized by its being liftedagainst the sky, with the spitting of food into the mouth symbolizing that the childwas received into “food communion’ with the family.10As the child grew up, he/she was exposed to most of the community rites, taboos,magic, education, medicine, customs, proverbs, stories, songs, dances , etc. most ofthe major ceremonies were intended to mark the different stages of growth and theresponsibilities he/she was supposed to assume at these stages. Some of these ritesare discussed briefly below.Naming of the ChildNearly all African names have a meaning. As a result, the naming ceremony is animportant occasion marked by communal meals and rites. According to Chaggatradition, a feast would be prepared and all family members and neighbors would beinvited. The men would go to the banana grove where a sacrificial animal would bekilled and a prayer offered to the ancestor – the “living-dead” after whom the childwas to be called. The prayer would run like this: “O you father, we would like to callthis child by your name so that it will b mentioned again among us. Be therefore gladover your grandchild, nor be offended he is called after you. We beg of your namethat he may receive it. “ 1128

So far we have seen that according to Chagga beliefs (and it is the same with mayAfrican Societies) the birth of a child is a process which begins long before the child’sarrival in this world and continues long after. Nature brings the child into the world,but society creates the child as a social being, a corporate person. For it is thecommunity which must protect the child, feed it, educate it and in many other wasyincorporate it into a wider community. This is why John Mbiti says:The birth of a child is, therefore, theConcern not only of the parents but of manyRelatives including the living and the departedKinship plays an important role here, so that aChild cannot be exclusively “my child” but “our child. 13So, we can conclude by saying that both birth and childhood are a religious processin which the child is associated with the “living –dead” and the community in whichhe/she is living. Also, children themselves become religious forces by keeping theparents in their state of immortality, for it is though these children that theirmemories will live. Thus parents are to live an exemplary life for their children tofollow.We have also noted that names in the Chagga tribe, as in all African societies, planan integral part in a person’s life because they often describe some aspect of theindividual’s character or place in the family as he/she carries on the name of arespected ancestor Certainly, these names begin to mould and influence thecharacter of the children from their early childhood. They feel respected and honoredby being given status in the community.The church in Africa should certainly encourage this tradition of continuing to useAfrican names both for their significant meanings and also as a means of identifyingwith a national origin and cultural heritage. 14Chagga Initiation RitesThe rites of birth and childhood served to introduce the child to the corporatecommunity, but they were only considered an introduction. For the child had to growout of childhood and enter into adulthood physically, socially, and religiously. Thiswas also a change from passive to active membership in the community.The initiation of the young marked the key moments in the rhythm of the individuallife, which was also the rhythm of the corporate group of which the individual was apart. Mbiti says we must remember that, “what happens to the individual youthhappens corporately to the parents, relatives, neighbours, and the “ living-dead’. “ 15Because of this, initiation rites were considered to be especially significant by theChaggas. They were held in high regard and were practiced almost everywhere.Evidently with the coming of Christianity and the rapid social change taking place inAfrica, the significance of this practice was extensively undermined.Besides the fact that initiation rites marked the transition from childhood to fulladulthood, the rites had both political and religious significance. Chagga initiationwas divided into two parts, the circumcision and the educational part.Circumcision was the first part of the Chagga initiation rite. The month and the dayof the ceremony was announced by the chief. Generally, this would depend on when29

one or more of the chief’s children were ready for circumcision. During this period allcandidates would undergo what Gutmann called, “lessons prior to circumcision. “16According to Tengbom, most of these first teachings were concerned with thesignificance of the event to the candidates both male and female. Its significancewould be repeated and dramatized as frequently as possible until it became a part ofthem. The main concern here was to enable the youths to suppress their expressionsof fear and pain. They were even taught to hold in contempt those who behavedcowardly during the ordeal. 17 Gutmann says these teachings concerned:The creator-god and heaven – man; man andThe world; man and his ancestor, clan andCommunity; mothers and grandparents; manAnd the female members of the clan; the firstBorn and his brothers; choosing a wife; manAnd woman; father and child; the girl and herHonor; woman and her parents-in-law; manAnd blood relatives; war and warrior; creditorAnd debtor; chief and his men, and man andMagic power. 18The main concern here was not the individual as such, but the individual’srelationship with others. It was therefore always a question of ties, relationships,attitudes and associations within a community. The subject was “we” and not “I.”This is exactly what John Mbiti calls the cardinal point in the understanding of theAfrican view of man, that is, “I am, because we are; and since we are, therefore, Iam. “ 19According to Lema this rite was always proceeded by prayers and sacrifices. 20 Whenarrangements had been made for the circumcision of both male and female, anunblemished goat was sacrificed to the “living-dead” at the place where theirgrandparents were buried. Sometimes with a boy, just before the arrival of the day,his uncle would be responsible to pour out a pot of beer as libation to the “livingdead”,praying for the boy’s protection. The father would also do the same on thecircumcision day. Usually a crowd of relatives, friends, and well wishers would bepresent singing and dancing while they waited for the initiates to go throughcircumcision . 21The physical cutting (mutilation) took place very early in the morning after bathing ina very cold water. Boys would undergo circumcision while girls underwentclitoridectomy. Only a part was cut, in spite of Tengbom’s contention that the labiamajora and clitoris were removed. 22The second part of the Chagga initiation rite was mainly educational. During this timecandidates were secluded from their families to the Kilimanjaro forest for a period ofinstruction, or to another place where there were no initiates at that time. Theeducation was sponsored and taught by an elderly person who no longer hadinitiates. There were also supervisors who helped with the sponsor. To be a sponsorof such a group was considered a great honour and privilege not only from thecommunity but also from the ancestors. The sponsor was usually known as muichi,meaning educator or one who knows.According to Gutmann, the following themes were discussed:The accord with procreative powers, originOf the procreative power in man, procreation30

And birth (shiga-mregho-lessons associatedWith notched stick), the fetus in the womb,Procreative instinct which needs constantCurbing, the ancestors as admonishers, theProcreative power of ancestors, peaceful manAll in all, a wealth of rules and regulationsFor conduct for all possible situations in life. 23Another kind of teaching which was undertaken by the initiates at this time werepreliminary marriage lessons and proper marriage instructions. 24 Jaeschke, whoresearched and wrote about Gutmann’s life, thought, and work remarked thus:Never was the soul of an African tribe asProfoundly fathomed in its religious and racialAssociations as in this work----the teachings…Africans will, in all likelihood, soon setTo work to recover this “buried” treasure,To rediscover their cultural heritage. OnlyThen will they realize the importance of theRiches saved from oblivion for them byGutmann. 25During their stay in the camp the initiates would also learn songs, proverbs, myths,legends, and play games, all of which were intended to prepare the initiates forresponsible adulthood in their community. After their period of seclusion was overthey would return to their village where they would be welcomed as warriorsvictoriously returning from war. Women would dance for them and they would lateralso join in the dance. This was a time of being examined by the society to see howmuch they had learned and also honour the heroes. The newly initiated youths sang,played games, danced, interpreted riddles, etc. Those who did well were accordedhonour and respect in the society. It was also that some boys and girls found theirlovers.Ngoso ---The Secret of Men(A fiction of Chagga initiation)The newly circumcised young men were supposedly subjected to another operation,this one to plug and stitch closed their anuses. According to this fiction, a full man ofprocreative age did not deficate, but digested food completely. This state of beingclosed was the very essence of manhood. Of course, they were told that this tale ofstitching of the anus was a fraud. However, they were to take a number of solemnoaths to keep this a secret. As the secret was to be guarded at all costs. Any youghwho fell sick was to be cared for by his fellows and not by his young wife, lest shediscover the secret. 26The interpretation of this fiction (secret) is complex. Briefly, women were consideredopen because they menstruate (closed only when they were pregnant). Man wasclosed, but when his feces were seen, he was open and became more or less awoman. The secret behind this was that if anyone got hold of a man’s feces or awoman’s menstrual blood, that person could become sterile, and sterility wasconnected with death. 27 In fact, this kind of death was considered an absolutedeath because no offspring are left. Thus the family line died since there would be nomemory. It was not just the end of life in this world, but the total end, because sucha person had no access to their descendant’s offerings and so disappeared frommemory.31

Another secret hidden in this fiction is connected with the place of their young one’scapacity to procreate. This was considered also the capacity to guarantee oneself. apeaceful immortality because without offspring to offer sacrifices, there was nomemory, and so one would be cut off from the living and the “living-dead.”From what we have just said, it should be understood that the chagga peopleexpected their young men to get married and procreate as a way fo true immortality.Consequently, the central message of ngoso secret was actually quite simple SallyMoore says that men were required to abstain from homosexuality. If men violatedthis they were bound to die. And once a man passed through initiation rites, he wasexpected to be very fertile as any woman. So, a man was closed to other men. Hemust never drink with uninitiated men lest when drunk he yield to anal intercourse.The initiation lesson of the anal plug is that, “from this time on , man is sealed forsexual purposes. And to achieve fatherhood, to beget children, men must copulatewith women and abjure other men. “28 Whether or not practices of anal intercoursewith boys prior to initiation were prevalent in Kilimanjaro is not clear.Significance of Initiation RitesThe initiation rites were of paramount importance in the life of the individual socially,religiously, economically, and politically. For unless a person had been through theinitiation rite, he/she was considered a nobody, incomplete, and still a child. Underthese circumstances one can understand the psychological importance of this rite toevery individual and their respective family members.According to John Mbiti, there are many symbolic meanings associated with the riteof initiation. These may be enumerated as follows: 291) The offering of libations and sacrifices before and after circumcision to the“living-dead” was preyer to Ruwa and the ancestors to bestow their blessingsupon the individual. It also emphasized and renewed the link between humanbeings and the departed.2) The cutting of the skin from the sexual organs symbolized and dramatizedseparation from childhood. It was parallel to the cutting of the umbilical cordwhen the child was born. So long as the individual was not initiated, he/shecould not bet married and was not supposed to bear children.3) The shedding of blood into the ground bound the person mystically to the“living –dead” who were symbolically living in the ground, or were reached atleast through the pouring of libation on ground. It was the blood of new birth,one that was different from the one shed when the umbilical cord was cut.4) The blood of circumcision was like making a covenant, or a solemnagreement, between the individual and his/her people. Until the individualhad gone through the operation, that person was still an outsider. Once bloodwas shed, the individual joined the stream of people and became one withthem. 305) The physical pain which the initiates were encouraged to endure was thebeginning of training them for difficulties and sufferings of later life. Theendurance of physical and emotional pain was a great virtue in many Africansocieties, since life in Africa is surrounded by much pain from one source oranother.6) The presents given to the initiates by their relatives were tokens of welcomeinto the full community. They also symbolized the fact that now the youngindividual could begin to own and inherit property. He/she was now entitled tonew rights, which is also a net step towards marriage.32

7) Dancing and rejoicing strengthened community solidarity and emphasized thecorporateness of the whole group. It was only after this first initiation rite thatyoung people were allowed to join in pubic dances.The second initiation rite, the one mentioned above as more educational , hadcertain meanings associated with it. For example, the seclusion served to make thecandidates concentrate on what they were experiencing and doing. Mbiti calls this “ are-enactment of death. “ 31 Also, this gave opportunity to the young people to beprepared for marriage. In fact, during this time they were taught many thingsconcerning the life of their people, its history, traditions, beliefs, and above all themysteries and secrets of married life. 32Corporate living was also instilled into the lives of the young people by making themlive together in the special huts in the forest. This experience was like a miniaturecommunity. The incumbents played the role of the elders; and it was extremelyimportant that the young respect and obey the elder whether they were theirimmediate parents or not. 33The riddles carved on special sticks or drawn on the ground were symbols ofknowledge, to which the candidates now had full access. The initiates were nowentitled to know every secret of the tribal life and knowledge.Finally, the return home was like an experience of resurrection: death was over,their seclusion ended and now they could rejoin their community as new men andwomen, fully accepted and respected. 34 In other places of Africa, when they returnhome they were given new names and new clothes as a symbol of being a newperson.The coming of Christianity and the rapid social change which most of the Africancountries experienced brought many changes to this tradition. The major factorswhich contributed to these changes were education and the emancipation of women.MarriageFor the Chagga people and for most African societies, marriage is the focus ofexistence economically, socially, politically and religiously. It is the point where allthe members of any given community in the Chagga tribe meet: the departed, theliving, and those yet to be born. Jophn Mbiti defines the significance of Marriage:All the dimensions of time meet here,And the whole drama of history is repeated,Renewed, and revitalized. Marriage is aDrama in which everyone becomes an actor orActress and not just a spectator. ThereforeMarriage is a duty, a requirement from theCorporate society and rhythm of life in whichEveryone must participate. Otherwise he whoDoes not participate in it is a curse to theCommunity, he is a rebel and a law-breaker,He is not only abnormal but “under-human.’Failure to get married under normal circumstances means thatthe person concerned has rejected society and society rejectshim in return. 3633

From what Mbiti says, the same significance was, and still is given to marriage bythe Chagga people. To the Chagga. Marriage was an obligation which no one couldescape. One of the reasons why initiation rites were necessary for every male andfemale Chagga was to prepare them for marriage. Since in the beginning mostmarriages were arranged by parents and relatives, marriage was not an option but anecessity. Even to wait long before becoming involved caused one’s peer group tostart mocking and tease the person in order to pressure him/her to get marriedsoon. It is only recently that some are deciding to remain single even though theyare looked upon as the most unfortunate, if not outcasts. Again, for any marriage tobe regarded as complete, it needed to have a child.Childless marriages were considered incomplete and could result in polygamy ordivorce. It was only through childbearing that human life was preserved andperpetuated. Even more than this, childbearing, especially resulting in maleoffspring, sealed one’s immortality as the descendants would continue to rememberyou after death.John Mbiti sees marriage and procreation as, “a unity which attempts to recapture,at least in part, the lost gift of immortality. It is a religious obligation by means ofwhich the individual contributes the seeds of life towards human beings struggleagainst the loss of original immortality. “27So, the Chagga people strongly believed that a person who had no descendants ineffect quenched the fire of life, and became forever dead since her/his line ofphysical continuation was blocked if she/he did not get married and bear children.This was a sacred understanding and obligation which should neither be abused nordespised.According to Chagga beliefs, when an unmarried youth died, there were more criesand curses than when a married person died. This was so because people knewclearly well that death was unconquerable or inescapable. As a result, the Chaggaemphasized that through marriage the effects of death were reduced andneutralized considerably. Therefore, marriage and childbearing were the medicinesagainst death. That is to say, while death continues to demolish life, marriage andchildbearing keep ahead of it all the time.Another significant aspect of the Chagga belief in marriage and childbearingconcerns the recapturing of lost immortality through the remembering of the “living–dead.” Are kept by members of their human families is highly respected. It is inone’s family that the “living –dead” are kept in personal memory the longest aftertheir physical death.Chagga believed that the most unfortunate man or woman was the one who hadnobody to “remember” him or her after physical death. This was the worstmisfortune and punishment that any person could suffer. For to die without gettingmarried and without children was to be completely cut off from the human society,to become disconnected, to become an outcast and to lose all links with humankind.As a result of this, it was and still is, an obligation for everyone to marry in order tobecome a part of, and to belong to the community. Sally Moore affirms this truth theChagga people when she says:The capacity to procreate is also the capacityTo guarantee oneself a peaceful immortality, aComfortable perpetuity as a link in the unending34

Chain of ancestors and descendants. It is noAccident that the Chagga did not enter the corpsesOf sterile and barrer persons in the hut, norPreserve their skulls in the banana grove, butFlung their bodies in the wilderness to be eatenBy scavenging wild animals and to disappear fromSight and memory, lest they and their unsatisfiedAncestors disturb and trouble the living. 39Choosing a Marriage PartnerImmediately after initiation, girls underwent all necessary teachings about being agood mother. Contrary to the practice of teaching the boys in the seclusion of acamp, the girls got their education under muichi, the educator, either individually orin a group. Marealle says that before these teachings resumed, the parents wouldoffer libation and prayers to the “living –dead” asking for their favour upon their girl.40Despite the fact that there was an educator hired for this work, the mother had yetthe biggest role to play in shaping the future motherhood of her daughter.Before marriage, a girl was required to know her place as a mother especially withregard to her responsibilities. She was taught how to cook, how to keep the houseclean, how to treat her future husband, how to take care of her baby and the aged,how to behave when talking to in-laws, and all about sexual relationships with herhusband and the changes which would take place in her body as she became amother.Today, such intense education is almost impossible since many attend high schools,colleges, universities and even work outside their hometowns or villages, leavingtheir home from an early age to do so. Most of the traditional education is beingreplaced today by what Christian education pastors and teachers provide in schools.But it is questionable whether this kind of teaching goes deep enough to provide asubstitute for what was so culturally valued by their society where they still belongedand faced the day to day challenges. Despite the fact that change is inevitable,there remains a great challenge for the Church today to think of new ways to fill thegap that has been brought about by rapid social change.It has often been noted that in Africa parents have prepared for their children’ssuitors. This is only true to some extent. After going through initiation rites, mostChagga youth look for a suitor to whom they feel attracted. After they found one, theboy’s father would send a mediator, Mkara, who would later act as the best man,guardian, instructor, and counselor of this marriage, to make all the necessaryarrangements with the girl’s parents. 41But before further steps were taken to publicize the intention of marriage each familyengaged in secret investigations about the respective family backgrounds. Allprecautions were taken to see that there was nothing which could in the futurejeopardize the marriage. Marealle claims that one such factor, although it woulddiscontinue any further proceedings, was “if the two clans or families have had anylegal proceedings in court whereby payments were made to either of the twofamilies. “42 This was considered a taboo which no family could break. In otherfamilies, the “living-dead” were consulted through prayers and offerings. They35

prayed to the ancestors to show them a sign of approval that the new memberjoining their family was accepted and would be a blessing to the family.After a certain period of investigation passed, the time for introducing the matter tothe parents arrived. The father of the man prepared beer and invited the father ofthe girl who would usually come with his brothers and some close relatives of thisfamily. The father of the man would introduce the matter by saying. “ I saw a goodtree in your banana grove, so allow me to hang up my beehive.” Of course, thefather of the girl would have known the story behind it, and so answered, “If you likeit, I will not deny your request. “43 Later, the girl’s mother was invited to the suitor’shome and finally there was a feast to which the good friends of the young man andthe woman were invited including the chief. Beer was a very necessary article and itflowed freely. 44 It was saidthat, in the beginning when clans were smaller in number, the quantity of beer wassmaller than it is today. This is mentioned hre because as we shall see later, thechurch in Kilimanjaro is fighting against excessive alcohol drinking resulting from“passage rites”, particularly the “after death” feasts.According to the chagga custom, marriage was not an affair of the two who wereengaged, but involved a cooperative action of two clans which were intended to growinto closer unity through the young couple and their children. 45 Both families gaveadvice and counsel before the marriage took place. In fact, they participated fullyfrom the start and continued to cooperate so that the marriage would endure.Gutmann says that “to the Chagga people marriage is a matter of a lasting tiebetween the two families.”46 This was the reason why the “gift or marriage” (bridewealth) was not be given all at once, despite one’s ability to do so. The institution ofthis practice was the most concrete symbol o the marriage covenant which boundthe two families together before, during, and after marriage. Under no circumstanceswere people to think that the “bride gift” was a form of payment for their daughtersor a way of making profits out of them.It should be understood that it was not only the man and his people who gave the“bride gift.” But the girl’s people also gave some gifts in return, even if these werematerially smaller than those of the man. It was, and still is, crucial that the twofamilies hold together as one for the health of the couple’s marriage. Niwagila saysthat, according to the Haya of Tanzania, this gift (amakula) was a symbol of unitybetween these two families and clans for they could now call themselves one familyjamaa.Also, it was a symbol of taking responsibility, for those who gave and thosewho received were both required to protect the marriage from corruption.47Handing Over the Bride for MarriageOn this day the relatives of both families assembled around the bride’s home.Gutmann claims that it was in the home of the bride’s brother or cousin where theygathered, as clan surety for her from her father’s clan, and around the brother andcousin of the groom. 48 This was considered the day when the bride officially left orparted with her family. Today, most of the handing over of the bride for marriagetakes place early in the morning on the wedding day. According to Gutmann, on thisday of handing over the bride to the husband’s clan for marriage, the surety declared36

in the presence of the parent’s uncles and aunts of him who has come to claim thebride was that he would deliver her to him untouched and well nourished. The suretyalso declared that from now on he, the Mkara, the mediator from the grooom’s clan,was responsible for her health and her well-being in the home of her husband. 49Marealle contends that it was often the bride’s stepbrother who handed her to themkara and added that he called upon the two families to come together to settle anydispute that could arise from the couple’s life together. 50This tradition is practiced even today. The church has adopted it by involving therelatives and also by giving a certain kind of security to both sides in that someoneother than the couple themselves is responsible for their well-being. Gutmann saysthat, “this has been strengthened by the church for the fact that it requires thecounselor’s wife to be involved from the very beginning. “51 The female mkara isusually the sister of the bridegroom. 52Since marriage involved both clans, it was essential that all differences and enmitybe reconciled before every member of the family could give his/her consent and thusagree to participate in giving or receiving any gift from the groom’s family. 53 In theChagga concept of marriage, a web of firm relationships between the two clans iswoven around the betrothed couple. Like every other honorable covenants, theserelational ties were sealed with occasions of eating and drinking. This was so becausethe goal of marriage for the Chagga people was to have children. And if the marriagewas to have God’s blessing, the consent of the nearest blood relatives was absolutelynecessary. This consent and goodwill had to be obtained before the day on which thebride was ceremoniously handed over to the mkara for marriage. 54After the words of handing over the bride to the Mkara in the presence of membersfrom both clans or families, the bride was handed over to the mkara by the brotherwho would also be holding a leaf of sale, (in his hand), the symbol of peace andreconciliation. 55 When the male mkara held the bride’s hand, the female mkarathrew a new cloth over the bride and carried her off. In the beginning, the bride wascarried to her new home by the mkara, something no longer practiced.Upon arrival at the bridegrooms hut the bride was welcomed by her mother-in-law.There was also a celebration of beer and meals for the whole day and night long.However, the bride and the groom were not to cohabitate yet. Instead, the groomattended teaching on married called laany while the bride attended hers know asurawano, (sex education). After these teachings, the next day would be the weddingday. A procession of family members would follow while both the bride and thegroom were carried on the guardians’ shoulders. The inlaws would be near the hutwaiting to anoint them together with those who carried them, and all the immediatefamily members. From here they would be joined as husband and wife before thewitnesses by an elderely man who would pronounce these words: “Take her, this isyour wife” and “Take him, this is your husband..”57It is worth noting that traditionally Chagga people expected the bride to be a virginon the wedding day. Marealle says, “it was considered a taboo for a girl who was nota virgin to get married in the manner described above. This was because it wasconsidered a great honour to the parents if the girld was a virgin on her weddingday.”58 The church is still wrestling as to how best it can handle this tradition,because while some youths may have lived together before marriage or haveengaged in pre-marital sex, parents still insist on this taboo. Consequently, while thecouple may have received a church blessing, much discomfort may be caused by the37

parents. Some marriages have broken or reached a point of dissolution because ofsuch a tradition --- a clear sign of the need for broader family and clan support.Pre-marital sex was almost impossible. A death punishment was carried out on thosefound engaging in pre-marital intercourse. Also, since the girl was expected to be avirgin on her weeding day, as a sing of her faithfulness and trustworthiness, parentswere especially sensitive about this. In fact, when the girl was found to be a virginon her wedding day, a special gift was given to her mother by the groom’s familyand this was a symbol of honour and pride to the parents of the bride and her wholefamily. This occasion was celebrated by dances and lots of joy. The same applied tothe parents of the groom.In the previous chapters I have indicated that childbearing was the main purpose ofmarriage. All Chagga people considered having children the most precious gift fromRuwa. Any marriage which was not blessed with children (not just a child), wasconsidered a sign of punishment from Ruwa and the ancestors. As a result, when acouple stayed long in marriage before a child was born, sacrifices were offered tothe ‘living-dead”.Childless marriages or giving birth to girls only were the major factors which droveChagga men to polygamy or divorces.Mbiti says that:If the philosophical or theological attitudeTowards marriage and procreation is that theseAre an aid towards the political recapture orAttainment of the lost immortality, the moreWives a man has the more children he is likelyTo have, and the more children the strongerThe power of immortality in that family. HeWho has many descendants has the strongest possibleManifestation of immortality, he is reborn inThe multitude of his descendants, and there areMany who remember him after he has died physically and entered hispersonal immortality. Such a man has the attitude that “the more weare, the bigger I am.” Children are the glory of marriage and the morethere are of them, the greater the glory. 59Although sociologists and anthropologists tend to assert that Africans arepolygamists by nature, they forget that it was only under certain circumstances thata man was forced to marry a second wife. The first wife could not be divorcedexcept in very difficult situations (like being childless). Also, the other wives did nothave the same status or same rights as the first wife. This is why Kya TaryorKwiawon says, “many tend to misunderstand the entire concept and practice ofpolygamy. What was actually practiced in African society was monogamy – one manone wife, but polygamy was not rejected.”60Divorce was a very delicate issue in the Chagga society as in many African societies.This was because marriage was considered a process in which fulfillment was foundin childbearing. Also, since marriage involved many people who were full participantsboth from the beginning and after the marriage (wedding), it was hard to dissolve it.However, if it was proved to be absolutely necessary that the marriage should bedissolved, then a great unhealed scar was created in the community concerned.38

Perhaps the greatest single cause of divorce among the Chagga people was sterilityor barrenness, especially on the side of the wife. This was so because inability tobear children was considered a blockage to the stream of life here and hereafter.When the male was responsible, other ways were sought. For example, a brother orclose relative of an impotent husband could perform sexual duties and fertilize thewife for him and thus save the marriage from breaking down.Summary and EvaluationIn dealing with the subject of the Chagga life cycle which included childhood,initiation rites and marriage, I have attempted to show that the Chagga people liketo celebrate life. They celebrate events in the life of the individual, in the family andin the community at large.Another fundamental truth that has emerged in the previous discussion is that theChagga religion finds expression in all aspects of life. We have seen how theirtraditional religion embraces their total being as an individual and includes thewhole community. Undoubtedly, it would be fair to conclude that the Chagga religioncannot be separated from the day to day events of life. This is so because religioninfluences all areas of their life starting from those who are not yet born, to theliving, and the “living –dead.” Religion has been responsible for shaping and moldingChagga character and culture for centuries. This means that to be a Chagga in thetraditional setting means to be truly religious. John Mbiti has often said, “Africans arenotoriously religious, “and “religion permeates into all the departments of life sofully that it is not easy or possible always to isolate it. “61We have also seen that initiation rites and tribal education, which addressed almostall areas of individual and community life, were an essential element of everymember of the community to go through. In this way teachings were handed overfrom generation to generation by faithful men and women through oral tradition. Noone was accepted as a member of the community before he/she went through thiskind of tribal education. Martin Shao says that “tribal education was an indispensablevehicle for moulding each member of the community for the sake of the well-being ofthe whole community. “62Since these individual men and women who had a good knowledge of the religion ofthe people , and were responsible for the performance of religious ceremonies andrituals, are disappearing as the society encounter rapid social change, it is importantthat the clergy in our society today become well equipped in their roles as tribaleducators. In this way pastors can inform traditional values with the Christian faithand thus fill the gap between culture and Christianity which has widened so greatly.If we as Africans truly want to remain Africans with our African values of life, and ifwe want to become whole and not to feel as if we have been robbed of our identify,our Christian faith must encompass and arise out of the African vision of the worldand the cultures of our peoples. There are important cultural values in our heritagewith are necessary for the wellbeing of our communities. Some of these culturalvalues could be used as a vehicle to communicate the Christian faith among ourpeople. For example, traditional rites like the naming of the child could well beincorporated with the sacrament of holy baptism, initiation rites with confirmationand the doctrine of the church.39

Again, the Chaggas believed that marriage was a religious duty and responsibility forone another and to the community.It concerned the ones yet to be born, the living and the “living-dead”. Similarly,Christian marriage could be seen as true union of two people in Christ incorporatingalso the whole community of believers. That is why Mbiti says: “Marriage istherefore, a sacred drama in which everybody is a religious participant, and nonormal person may keep away from this dynamic scene of action.”63In other words, traditional rites of passage provide a means for religious values to beretained that are rooted in African cultural identity while yet being open to newinterpretation in the context of Christian tradition. Cultural adaptation is vital ifChristian doctrines are to infuse traditional African religious beliefs with new vitalityand vice versa. Neither can be allowed simply to supplant or negate the other.Because passage rites are so inextricably bound to broad communal systems ofsupport and challenge, Christianity must take seriously the implications of alteringarbitrarily the basic structures embodied in these rites which constitute the veryheart of African identify.CHAPTER TWO1. Otto F. Raum, Chagga Childhood (London: Oxford University Press, 1940), p.822. Ibid., p. 843. Loverne Tengbom, “The Growth of the Church Among the People ofKilimanjaro” (STM Thesis, Luther Theological Seminary, St. Paul, 1962), P.35.4. Anza Amen Lema, “The Impact of the Leipzing Lutheran Mission on the Peopleof Kilimanjaro” (Ph. D. Dissertation, University of Dar es Salaam, 1973), p.247.5. Tengbom, p. 366. Otto F. Raum, Chagga Childhood (London: Oxford University Press, 1940), p.86.7. Ibid., p. 868. John S. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy (London: Praeger Publishers,1969), p. 113.40

9. Charles Dundas, Kilimanjaro and Its People P. 199.10. Tengbom, p. 37.11. Raum, p. 296.12. Ibid,., p. 296.13. Ibid., p. 110.14. John S. Mbiti, Love and Marriage in Africa (London: Longman Group Limited,1973), p. 1115. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, p. 121.16. Ernst Jaeschke, Bruno Gutmann—His Life, His Thoughts, and His Works.Erlangen: Verlag de Ev.-Luth. Mission, Makumira Publications III/Iv, 1985), p.46.17. Tengbom, pp. 47-48.18. Jaeschke, pp. 46-47.19. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, p. 108-109.20. Lema, p. 269.21. Ibid., p. 269.22. Tengbom, p. 48.23. Jaeschke, p. 47.24. Ibid,. p. 4825. Ibid., pp. 48-49.26. Sally Falk Moore, “The Secret of the Men: A Fiction of Chagga Initiation andits Relation to the Logic of Chagga Symbolism, “Africa, vol. 46, No. 4, 1976,p. 257.27. Ibid., p. 358.28. Ibid., p. 359.29. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, p. 12530. Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion p. 93.31. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, p. 125.32. Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion, p. 9433. Mbiti, African Religions and Pilosophy, p. 125.34. Ibid., p. 125.35. Ibid., p. 132.36. Ibid., p.13337. Ibid., p. 13338. Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion, p. 9939. Moore, p. 35840. Chief Petro Itosi Marealle, Maisha ya Mchagga Hapa Duniani na Ahera(Tanganyika Territory, 1947), p. 2141. Tengbom, p. 5142. Merealle, p. 38.43. Ibid., p. 38.44. Tengbom, p. 52.45. Jaeschke, p. 164.46. Ibid., p. 166.47. Wilson Niwagila, “The Haya Tribe in Tazania” (S.T.M. Thesis, WartburgTheological Seminary, Dubuque, Lowa, 1972), p. 48.48. Jaeschke, p. 169.49. Ibid., p. 169.50. Merealle, p. 43.51. Jaeschke, p. 169.52. Tengbom, p. 52.53. Jaeschke, p. 167.54. Ibid., p. 169.41

55. Marealle, p. 43.56. Ibid., p. 4457. Ibid., p. 4558. Ibid., p 4159. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, p. 142.60. Kya Taryor Kwiawon Sr., The Impact of the African Tradition on AfricanChristianity, (Chicago: The Strugglers’ Community Press, 1985), p. 198.61. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, p. 162. Shao, p. 35.63. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, p. 148.CHAPTER THREETHE CHAGGA CONCEPT OF DEATH AND LIFE AFTER DEATHOrigin of DeathThere are hundreds of myths all over Africa concerning the origin of death.1 Many ofthese myths indicate that originally human beings were intended to live forever. Forthis reason, God gave the first man one or more of the three gifts of immortality,resurrection and the ability to become young again. But all these three were lost anddeath came into the world.2The Chagga people have many legends and myths about creation, the fall ofhumanity, the origin of death and the destruction of the first human race by ruwa.These stories are surprisingly similar to the records found in the book of Genesis. Forexample, in one of the Chagga stories it is said that God used to visit the first menevery morning and evening to greet them and inquire after their welfare. God alsoprovided them with bananas, yams and potatoes. But God remained familial. 3 Fromthis story we see that a good relationship existed between God –Ruwa and thepeople.Anza Amen Lema says that the Chagga believed that the first person had lived in astate of bliss, simple innocence and immortality. They dwelt in a state of closerelationship and God even took trouble to teach them skills to improve theirLives, for example how to use fire, light, medicine, weapons, metals, tools, anddomesticated animals. In addition, there was no death and all people enjoyed God’sgift of immortality. 4There are also many myths which tell how this relationship was tragically disruptedand thus death came. Lema cites a Chagga tradition which describes the cause ofRuwa’s withdrawal to heaven and the origin of death. He narrates thus:42

Ruwa had forbidden anyone to eat a particularType of yam called “ula” or “ukaho”. ButPeople had taken and eaten the yam in defianceOf Ruwa’s decree. As a result of theirDisobedience, Ruwa had severed his intimateRelation with people and withdrawn to heavenAnd people discovered that life apart fromRuwa had fearful consequences. For the firstTime, disease and misfortune afflicted mankindAs people began to grow old and eventuallyDie. Death was undoubtedly the most terrible result of Ruwa’swithdrawal for it was final. 5Apart from God’s withdrawal from human beings and the coming of death because oftheir disobedience, the Chagga also related other misfortunes and disasters in life asbeing punishment from God because of people’s wickendness. So death could beexplained in terms of God’s work as judge.The Chaggas believed that God’s ultimate justice was fair and impartial. They alsohad a strong sense of the immediacy of Ruwa’s judgment in daily life. That is, whensickness or misfortune came, people declared that it was punishment for misdeedscommitted by a member of the family or a group of people. A good illustration of thisis a story narrated by the Chagga about God’s destruction of the human racebecause of their wickedness. It says:In former generations the people angeredGod through their wickedness or idleness;They were oppressing the poor and the richWere molesting the wives of the poor.God punished them with a destruction fromWhich only an old woman with her twoChildren were saved. When the people increased,they committed the same kindOf crimes, and God punished them once more. 6The story, Mkechuwa, is long and as narrated by Charles Dundas, it resembles inmany ways the story of “Noah and the floods” in the Old Testament. 7As stated earlier, the myths, legends and stories told by the Chagga people aboutthe origin of death are similar to stories found in the book of Genesis. Thesesimilarities with the biblical accounts have raised questions among many scholars,especially whether they might have originated with the early Christian missionaries.However, Charles Dundas defends their originality and their authenticity by citingthat similar myths and legends were known among the Massai people of Tanzania.And since, as we said earlier, Chaggas are comprised of Maasai too, it is possiblethat Maasai legends and myths, adopting them to their own situation. 8 Dundasdefends their authority by saying:I have satisfied myself that these legendsAre familiar to the Chagga people and haveNot been gleaned from mission teachings.Mission activities have been too recently introducedIn Kilimanjaro, and secondly,These myths are but known to the old people.Further more, if such legends were imitations43

Of Christian teaching there is no reasonWhy they should have been restricted to the Old Testament. 9The point of the myth is that the main cause of disruption of the relationshipbetween God and humankind was the first person’s disobedience to Ruwa’scommandment not to eat the yam (ula) and not to oppress the poor in the land. As aresult of human wickedness, death and other misfortunes were inevitable.Consequently, until today, people have been struggling to find means to overcomethe death caused by human wickedness.Like the Chagga people, other African societies had similar myths about the originsof death. Harry Sawyerr concludes that, “death is a personified power believed to becreated by and under the commission of God. “10 However, according to theChagga beliefs death was meant for the aged, and it was and still is today a greatmisfortune to die while young. Grief for those who die young was the most painfuland it was lamented bitterly. The reason for this was, as I have siaid previously, thatthey did not recapture their “personal immortality” by leaving children in this wourldwho would carry on their names. They were considered completely cut off from thisworld and the spirit world because they left no descendants to offer libations forthem as well as to continue their memories. This is what the Chagga people called“the absolute death”. 11 As we shall see later, such people were not buried in thefaily yard with the other ancestors. Instead in the early days they wee left unburiedor thrown away for wild animals to feed on. Today they are usually buried in thefamily yard, although some people still bury them at the border of their farm yard, asymbol of being deserted or outcast.Human disobedience to God’s will, which resulted in death, was seen by manyAfrican people as an unintentional phenomenon. Mbiti says, “it came by mistake”,but has remained with us. 12The blame wa laid upon people themselves, especially women, but also animals andin some cases spirits or monster.There were two aspects of death, the divine and the personal. The later was thebasis of the belief in a continued existence of the ancestors while the formerconcerned the wicked people who did not survive death, i.e., witches, murderers,etc,. 13 The Haya of Tanzania believed that this kind of death took place when onewas separated from the community by his or her wrong-doings. Unless the personrepented, he or she no longer could relate himself or herself to the community andtherefore was counted as dead since he or she would also be forgotten like thedeceased. One thing must be underscored here, that thy violating the communitylaws, a person automatically sinned against God and the “living-dead”.Consequently, if they experienced physical death before repentance, the ancestorswould not accept them and they would not continue to live in the state of the “livingdead”.It was a terrible death. And chagga people tried to fight against this byoffering a huge amount of sacrifices to clear all the possible wrong-doings of theperson about to die. Their belief was that those who died while they were goodpeople continued to live in the hereafter, and were the ones who continued to beremembered.44

Since death was understood to be an enemy and a misfortune which befellhumankind because of disobedience to Ruwa, every effort was made to drive it awayor overcome it. There were many taboos observed by the Chagga people in order tokeep death from occurring.Since the myths and legends told about the origin of death depicted God as beingdispleased with human wickedness, many parents used them to nurture the behaviorof their children by teaching that:God rejects those who disobey or dishonorTheir parents, and those who steal, so thatThey die before getting married. God placesRobbers into the hands of the judges andRejects people who commit treason. OnThe other hand, God blesses those who doGood, who do not steal, and who honor andCare for their parents so that they prosperWith children, cattle and goats. 13The consequence of doing evil was to be rejected by Ruwa, and to die single. Thiswas considered an absolute death since one left no memory behind.Finally, because death was the cause of many sorrows and agonies to people, allnecessary measures, rituals and caustion was taken in order that life might beguaranteed here on earth. In fact, it was for this reason that the remembrance of the“living-dead” became a very strong phenomenon among the Chagga people as a wayto keep away death in order to live more securely. By living in the memories of theirdeparted ones through offering sacrifices, they received their “living-deads “ favorsand blessings. In this way, life was more reassuring. And even if it meant for them todie, the fact that they were in harmony with their “living-dead” by rememberingthem, meant that death was encountered in a more positive way, and people couldbe more at peace with themselves.The church can reshape these rituals in ways which will not shake the foundation ofChagga belief but strengthen it. Christianity has the capacity to penetrate all thespheres of Chagga life and of the African life at large. For example, the Acoli peopleof Uganda drive away death with spear and shield while singing at the same time. 14When Christianity came to Kilimanjaro, Tanzania, it substituted cries and otherrituals with the singing of Christian hymns from the time of death, burial and afterburial at homes, in the church and during the entire burial service. In this way, thegrieving families were greatly consoled while Christianity became a community affair.The message conveyed by such Christian ritual is that the sting of death disappears,and death is conquered ( 1 Cor. 15:55-56).Rituals of Death.Certain identifiable factors were believed to be the causes of death, thus allnecessary precautions were taken to avoid them. Death was known to be causedmainly by spirits which had grudges against people whose bodies were not properlyburied or had been neglected by their relatives. 15 Other ways in which death couldbe caused included breaking family or community laws and taboos, or if one wascursed. By not observing the community laws, the spirits were made to be angrywhich in return resulted in misfortunes or diseases for the offenders or for the wholecommunity.45

To avoid all these many African people including the Chaggas took good care of theirrelatives, especially those of their immediate family. Also, they tried to treat allburieal rituals with much care and respect to avoid offense against the spirit of thedead. It was sometimes believed that God may call old people to end this life, butattributing such positive value to death was rare and only a few societies entertainedthis belief. In almost all cases, Chaggas would associate all deaths, even of theirmost aged persons with evel doing or misfortune. Only in very rare occasions wasdeath considered a natural phenomenon, or God’s will. Mbiti says that, “God isnormally left out of the picture, even though, they believe that if God did not allow itdeath would not occur.”16According to Marealle, the Chagga people believed that no one died at an early ageexcept by his or her own wickedness. That is, if he or she did not fulfill the laws,taboos or customs of his or her clan or community, whether deliberately or not.Death could be a result of being bewitched by an enemy. 17 But even if a personwas bewitched, it was often considered to have a cause. As a result, whenever aChagga person fell sick he or she searched himself or herself first to try to knowwhere and when he or she had wronged or breached any of the community laws ortaboos.But one may wonder why they had to do all this searching for the cause. The answerwas clear and simple. For the Chagga people, “nothing happens by chance”. Everyoccurrence has a reason behind it, good or bad. Lema states it as follows:To the Chagga there was one grave andExplicable flow in the world Ruwa hadCreated for them. The problem of evilIn the forms of misfortune, sickness and intimate death waspuzzling and deeply disturbing. The matter became more acuteBecause of the Chagga view that nothing happened by chance.Since they had no scientific explanations for events inTerms of physical, chemical and biologicalReactions, they believed that every eventOr phenomenon from an earthquake to the death of a cown,from a sick child to theFailure of “elusine” (mbeke) crops had a personal causation.Even a nightmare or sleepness must, they believed, have beenCaused by someone. 18This belief was so highly observed that even when a member of the family fell sick,whatever happened to the other members of the family was automatically associatedwith the sickness and what was bound to happen if measures were not taken.After any incident it was and still is today the tradition of the Chagga people to raisemany questions as to why this should happen to him or her and why at this certaintime. In their understanding, there could be only one convincing answer –someone,somewhere, must have caused it. Or, perhaps it was done as punishment for someinadvertent misdeed or neglect of duty. If these two did not apply, then they wouldresort to the third probability and that would be deliberation through witchcraft ordefiance of community customs. 19Because of their understanding of the close relationship and interaction betweennature and life in its day to day happenings, the Chaggas maintained very close tieswith their family members and with their neighbours. It was necessary to beresponsible and dutiful as a way of avoiding misfortune of any kind.-especially death.46

This was why whenever they were confronted by misfortune or sickness they weedesperately anxious to know what being, either of the living, the “living-dead” or thespirit world, was responsible. Only then could effective measures be taken to try toroot out the evil that afflicted them.To root out the cause of the illness or other misfortune which had made the personsick, the Chaggas would sacrifice to the “living –dead” and to the spirits many timesdepending on how rich the person was. Charles Dundas explains:The moment trouble befalls them, even theMost sophisticated youth reverts to theAncient beliefs and practices, and theMore imminent and fatal the threatenedCalamity, the more strong the revival ofThese inbred notions. A Chagga who livesThe life of his tribe, will when he thinks himself about to die, havedaily recourseTo diviners which results in daily sacrifices. 20A poor man was said not to offer less than six sacrifices. Of course, a wealthy manoffered innumerable sacrifices of sheep, goats, cattle, beer, milk and honey. Someeven sacrificed their children, such as chief Rengua of Machame, in order not to die.Dundas says that it is here that the dissensions among the spirits became mostburdensome, for no number of sacrifices could pacify them; each sacrifice might infact aggravate their discord, until at last the dying man was faced with the choice oflosing his life or his property. 21When every sacrifice was found to be of no avail and the sick man’s condition onlywent from bad to worse despite the sacrifices offered, the close relatives who weredaily with and around him would suspect witchcraft. At this point all women wereremoved from the hut and diviners and medicine men were brough to try to detectthe cause with every possible drug, herb, root, etc.In the end when the relatives saw that no sacrifices to spirits and to the “living –dead” helped they turned to their last resort and their last hope – Ruwa. Accordingto Marealle, the relatives would offer a sacrifice of “eight-legged cow” (pregnant cow)to Ruwa. This cow was sacrificed exactly at noon (Ruwa Lyiilikie), 22 because at thistime the sun was nearer to them than ever. The Chagga people believed that Godwould pay more attention to their prayers at this time than at any other timebecause they were in the most direct contact with the sun. This was also the onlytime Ruwa was approached directly without incorporating the ancestors.When it was evident that death was near, the male relatives would exhort the manto distribute his property among his sons, and if he had strength he did so. 23 Whenthe relatives sensed that he was not going to live longer, they moved him to the hutof the first wife if he had more than one wife. Everything possible was done to makesure that the dying man was rested and comfortable. When death was announced,the women and the children burst into lamentations and funeral dirges. Therefollowed an intricate ritual farewell for him as he was being prepared for the longjourney into the realm of the spirits. 24The Chagga people did not consider or speak of death as real dying. The act of dyingwas referred to as , “returing home”. Departing, sleeping, saying goodbye, joiningthe forefathers, being called, and so on.25 to me all these words show that in the47

African life, just as in Christian belief, death is not a complete destruction of theindividual. That is to say, life goes on in some way even beyond the grave. Andbecause of this belief, rituals of death were carefully observed in order to prepare theway and life of the deceased as well as to ascertain the safety of the relatives againstspirits which might react with anger if all necessary precaustions were not taken.Chagga burial Rites for a ManAccording to Noel King, burials were not necessary in some parts of Africa, and so norituals were observed.26 According to an old Chagga tradition only the marriedpeople and those who had offspring were buried. Dundas says that, “it wasabsolutely unlawful to bury sterile men and women including unmarried persons andchildren.27 At the present time all the deceased are buried but it is said this mayhave come about in the late nineteenth century. Dundas narrates how all this cameabout by saying:The renowned Chief Marealle was sittingIn council with a large assembly of peoplePresent, when suddenly a dog came bearing aHead of a child and laid it before the chiefAll people were amazed and asked what mightBe the cause of this wonder. But MerealleAnnounced that “the marvel came from the God-Ruwa himself because of their folly in notBurying corpses.” And he promulgated a strictCommand that all bodies, whether of sterileMen and women, those of youths and children,Should thenceforth be buried under pain ofConfiscation of property. 28This new custom, which was enforced within Marealle’s territory, was subsequentlyadopted by all the Chagga people. But even though the law was to bury all peopleregardless of their status in the society, the Chagga people still distinguished amongthese burials as we shall see.The Chagga people, like many African societies, were very sensitive to what wasdone when there was death in the family.This was due to the act that funeral rites and ceremonies were intended to drawattention to that permanent separation marked by the physical death of theindividual from other human beings. Consequently, excessive care was taken to fulfillthe funeral rites, and to avoid causing any offence to the departed. John Mbiti saysthat “this is not done for unknown strangers, for thieves, murderers, witches andother trouble makers in the community, or for those who died abnormal deaths.”29The reason for this was that such people were not received by their “living-dead” inthe spirit world.Repentance and acceptance by the community was necessary before their death. Asa result their spirit would become a ghost which lingered around causing troubles forpeople.At the occurrence of a male death, special attention was given by the community tothe relatives, especially the deceased’s widow and children. King says, “it is thatspecial person, the widow, who is given that special attention and that her friendsnever allow her to be alone with her grief. “30The man’s grave was dug in a special part of the hut of the first wife, a place calledkichiny. This was a visible sign symbolizing that the deceased had not forsaken his48

hut but continued to be a faithful member of the family.31 Also the fact that burialstook place at the original place of birth in the family yard was a symbol that one wasbeing born into another life of the spirit world. I.B. Dankuah relates this by sayingthat:For a selfish man, living ‘for himself alone,”Death is a reality. But for an individual whoIs aware of his belonging to a larger whole,Death is “nothing but a stage in the consciousnessOf a race, the experience of his kin.” For suchDeath is only an aspect of birth ….an instrument of the totaldestiny. 32When Christianity came, this custom of burying people in their huts wasunacceptable to the missionaries. As will be seen later, the missionaries wanted touproot the tradition because it was seen as ancestor worship. Instead, missionariesintroduced burials in the church cemeteries, a custom which also clashed withChagga with Chagga traditional beliefs. As the years passed, certain factors like thegradual indigenization of the church, shortage of space in the church cemeteries, andtransportation inconveniences, made it possible also for the Chagga Christians tobury their dead in their own banana groves, near their homesteads, still signifiedthat the deceased did not really “die” but was in another state in which he was evenable to watch over his people for better or for worse. To bury someone outside hisfamily yard was considered desrting the person, and this was eventually interpretedas a curse. As a result, every effort was made to bring the corpse home to the familyfor burial if that person died in a far country. It was only then that the familymembers felt secure.As burial preparations started, the sons of the deceased beginning with the eldest tothe youngest took a dracaena stick, sale, and struck the place where the grave wasto the dug four times. After this, neighbours and friends would finish digging thegrave. While the grave was being dug, the senior elder and relatives of the deceasedsacrificed a bull in the banana grove. The hide of this bull was used as a shroud forthe corpse.33 During this time when the bull was being slaughtered, the body wasmade ready for burial by removing all the ornaments worn in the man’s lifetime,replacing them with dracaena leaves. 34 Most of the things worn or used by thedeceased were retained to keep his memory alive in the family.Before the body was lowered into the grave, the wife or wives and the sons whowere automatically his heirs would say during the anointing of the body:I anoint you my husband. We lived togetherIn welfare and distress, in peace and inTrouble, in plenty and in want. Now we haveParted as you go to Ruwa. No go in peaceAnd when you reach the spirits, say not thatYou left others in your village on earth.And your enemies may you discomfort and kill. 35(If the deceased had pronounced a curse on any of them, they could not be his heirsand would not anoint the body.) Most Chagga people found it hard to accept deathas caused by Ruwa. Usually, death was considered to be the work of the enemy—thespirits or wicked people. Consequently, their prayuers were double-edged, askingGod-Ruwa to bring revenge to those enemies who caused the death, or asking forpeaceful rest if it was pleasing to God that their relative had to die.49

After the prayer the deceased was given some items for use on his long journey tothe spirit world. It was a tradition for the senior wife to pur some milk and butter inthe deceased’s mouth while saying, “receive my husband this food for your greatjourney, for when you cross that great desert you may not fall on the road and belost.”36 The body was then lowered into the grave in a sitting position with the faceturned towards Ruwa’s abode on earth, mount Kilimanjaro. A piece of the sacrificedbull’s tongue was also thrown in to prevent the dead man from talking to his familywhen he returned as a spirit to visit them at night. 37 In other places, includingKilimanjaro, two more rituals were observed: the washing of the body with water,with traditional medicines and cutting the nails off. 38 This symbolized death to onestate of life and resurrection to another life. After the grave was filled with earth, themeat of the sacrificed animal was distributed and eaten with great care.As I said earlier, Chagga people buried their dead in a sitting position while facingKibo, the peak of Mount Kilimanjaro. Later, with the coming of Christianity thistradition changed and burying bodies in sitting position was abandoned. Also, insteadof the face turning to Mount Kibo, it faced east, because the sun rises from thisdirection. Was there any parallel between the burial in a sitting position and theChagga concept of the hereafter? Yes, for the sitting position symbolized pregnancy,and thus was connected with birth or beginning of a new life after death.Furthermore, when Christianity came and changes were made in the burial position,attempts were still made to lay the body in the grave facing east, because in thisway they would be able to see the sunrise- a sing of hope and resurrection withChrist when he comes again.Following the burial day, the family spent the night of the burial brewing beer,39perhaps because of frustration at the finality of death that cut a person off fromfullness of life. This tradition does not exist today. Instead, beer is brought byrelatives and friends or else it is bought. Also much food and other drinks wereserved on the burial day and the days that followed the mourning period. This lasteduntil the day of shaving off hair which was the fourth day after burial. Practicediffered in other places depending on clans or families. But according to Dunds, for aman “it was usually on the fourth day.”40 During this time sacrifices and eating anddrinking would continue as an African way of celebrating life from birth to death.The fourth day was a day of head shaving. The whole family assembled in thedeceased’s home. All those who were debtors and creditors of the departed alsocame on this day to identify themselves in this assembly. 41 The shaving off thehair of the immediate family members symbolized grief or mourning in the family. Itwas also an indication that death does not destroy life because growth of new hairindicates that life continues to spring up. 42 Besides the shaving off the hair, thebrother of the deceased, who was the heir of the family, was to cohabitate with theshaved widows on the night after shaving unless the widow was pregnant, suckling achild or did not shave, which meant she was not going to stay in the famil.43 Thiswas still a sign of showing that life would continue to spring up and death did notdisrupt life.Death in the African understanding had yet another new dimension. It was a time offorgiveness and renewal of life. This forgiveness concerned all the living and the“living-dead.” Harry Sawyerr contends that among the Mende people of SierraLeone, before the body is laid to rest, relatives and friends gather around recountingtheir grievances against the deceased, creditors demanding payments while relativesstand as surety for them, even if only nominally. All those whom the deceased had50

offended grant free forgiveness to avoid any curse that may follow him to thehereafter.44Furthermore, the failures or virtues of the deceased are recounted to make thedeceased leave a happy memory behind. Together with the granting of forgivenessto the deceased, there is also a renewal of life within all the family members andrelatives. The Chagga people have a saying, “death unites.” As a result, when deathoccurred, all the past evils, enmities and misunderstandings were forgiven and hadto be forgotten so that a new life chapter could be opened. As a sign of this new lifebrought about by death of a family member, meals or feasts were made in which allparticipated to symbolized their unity and life together. We shall discuss these mealsor feasts below.Burial Rites for a Woman.The burial of a woman was identical with that of a man except that goats or cowswere slaughtered instead of bulls. Other rituals were observed in the event of awoman’s death. The father or the brother of the woman would first inquire about thenature of his daughter’s (sister’s) death and after being convinced it was a naturaldeath, would strike the place of the grave. Traditionally, it was the responsibility ofthe father to bury his daughter and not he husband. If the husband did it, it couldbe assumed that he had killed her. 45 Before the body of the deceased was loweredinto the grave, as with the man, the husband would anoint it saying: “My dear wife,if it is Ruwa’s will that you die, like our ancestors died, go in peace. But if it is by ahuman cause that you died , go not hesitate to come back for revenge. “46 Otherclose relatives would also do the same after which the sisters and daughters of thedeceased would carry her body to the grave for its final rest.When death of a woman had occurred, her hut could not be used by any other wifeexcept with the permission of her parents, who were given a goat to sacrifice to thedeparted’s spirits in order to bless the hut or sanction its use. 47 After the four daysof grieving, (although this varied from place to place), beer was brewed or bought,female animals were sacrificed and libations of milk, beer and food were offered tothe departed’s spirit with prayers that she would continue to bless and prosper herchildren. 48 Also on the day of head shaving, it was the aunt of the deceased whowould see to it that the deceased’s children remained in peace, unity and love forone another.Burial of Youths and the Childless.As I said previously, the death of an unmarried person, a childless woman (sterile) ora youth, male or female, was considered a great blow to the family and as a resultwas lamented bitterly. This was so because the Chagga believed that people wholeave no offspring behind them are cut off from life here on earth and hereafter.They were considered the most unfortunate people mainly because they left nomemory behind them. Sally Moore says that, ‘the vulnerability to sterility isconnected with death. The man or woman who has no offspring dies, and his linedies and that is the end of him, or her, the complete, absolute end. It is not just theend of life in this world, but the total end. “50As a result of this, those who died at such a state were not buried where the familymembers were buried. Instead they were buried at the borders or boundaries of theirplots. This was a sign of being an outcast, one who would also not be able to join the“living-dead” in the spirit world. This tradition still prevails in many places, althoughto some extent Christianity has contributed to bringing about change.51

Christianity has brought about this change by its belief that all those who die inChristi have eternal life. Thus, for those people who would still cling to this traditionof burying their childless ones as outcasts, there was fear that their pastors and theirfellow Christians would misunderstand them, and categorize them as unbelievers.As I said previously, Chaggas did not bury youth and children because they weresupposed to disappear from sight and memory lest they and their unsatisfiedancestors disturb and trouble the living. This is why they were either left unburiedor buried at the end corner of the banana grove, or were thrown away or they wereleft for wild animals to feed on. The spirits of such people were thought to becomeghosts which disturbed the family instead of becoming benevolent and a member ofa family as the “living-dead” did. For those who accepted the change brought aboutby Christianity, there remained a sense of insecurity, and as a result some form ofritual was performed secretly for a safeguard.The Chagga Concept of Life After DeathIn contrast to the view of some religions which encouraged human beings to denyand reject the physical world in order to regain the spiritual one, the Chagga madeno attempt to distinguish between the physical and the spiritual world. They sawboth worlds as the integral aspects of the total unity of the universe. Hence, theirsensitivity to the spirit world did not prevent them from taking special delight in thephysical real. In all that they did, they affirmed the value and validity of the physicalexperiences of living . According to many oral traditions, they prayed daily to Ruwafor the blessing of long life. After death they also sought to prolong their contact withlight, vigor and warmth of life on earth. 51 they went to live in the place of the dead,but not in the flesh as they were here on earth. They believed also that the way tothe spirit land was a long, terrifying and difficult that death has occurred in thefamily. The meat of the animal is shared by all who participated in the burialceremony. 54At the end of nine days after the burial day, both the dead man and the woman’sspirit did not join the older inhabitants in the spirit realm until an admission waspaid. The spirit would linger until a ritual called, Mfiri o funio mengency, whichliterally means, “the day to appear before the courts or assembly”, was performed bytheir living descendants here on earth. 55Before this admission was granted, the senior ancestor of the newcomer came to thegateway with his or her departed relatives. This senior ancestor would inquire howthe newcomer faired on the road, after which he gave reason why he or she had todie. They then left the spirit outside until the bull sacrificed for admission had beenreceived. Indeed, as a chief would demand a fee from a newcomer who soughtadmission to his country, so it was with a soul entering the spirit land.In order for the spirit not to be troubled in the spirit world, a week after the burial,that is two days before the arrival of the soul to the departed world, a bull wasslaughtered. This bull served as the entrance fee and as propitiation to ensure thathis grandfather’s spirit welcomed the newcomer to the spirit world. As this bull wasslaughtered, the following prayer was uttered:You great grandfather, our father whoGuards this village, receive this bull,That you may eat it with your fathers.Take this man, open to him the door to theAncestors, show him their village, stay withHim that you may protect him and let him notBe troubled by the spirits. 5652

When everything had been settled, the senior ancestor returned to the gate anddirected the warriors to admit the newcomer into this new community of the “livingdead”.From what I have just discussed, one fundamental question arises, namely: What isthe African or chagga people’s concept of the hereafter? Mbiti says that:Many African ideas about their hereafterIs painted with descriptions of a life muchSimilar to this present one, lest they becomeStrangers in that world. The African nextWorld is invisible but very close to those ofThe living. It is even believed that it isHere in this same earth.57For some societies, the departed remained in the neighborhood of their humanhomesteads, and they were still members of the family. This was why relatives andfriends felt that the departed had not left them but was still part of their familyalthough they were invisible. But still others like the Chagga people held that thedeparted traveled a long way to their destiny, and it was because of this longjourney that they needed protection and food on the way.According to the belief of the Chagga people, the place of the dead was no “happyhunting ground”. In fact, they believed that it was far less pleasing than to live uponthe earth. In their belief, the ancestors ate and drank. However, what they ate wasof lesser value than what their living ones ate here on earth. 58 It is interesting toknow that the Chagga people believed that, “the Spirit of a rich man will have wealthin the spirit land depending on the amount of sacrifices offeredHere on earth by his living descendants, while the spirit of the poor continued toremain poor even in the hereafter.”59 This may give us a clue as to why manyChagga people are indulging themselves in big, lavish burial and after deathceremonies. We will discuss this later.Marealle says that, ‘if the departed one wishes to improve his or her condition ofliving in the spirit world, then, he or she must try to work hard to get somesacrifices, from his or her living relatives.”60 Usually, these demands constitutedtheir rights which they got from families when they were physically living with themSo, it was more or less the continuation of the community life as it was before deathseparated them.This is the reason for the many taboos and customs still observed by many Chaggapeople in connection with offering foods, beer and other things on the ground orgrave before they eat, drink or officially start any ceremony. It was, and it still istoday, a usual way of incorporating the ‘Living-dead” in the familihood and alsogiving them their due share.In conclusion, we can say that the Chagga believe that the departed, depending onthe life they led here on earth, and especially the way they related themselves totheir families and the community, go to a good place where they join their relativesor to a bad place where they remain in a misery for long time, until eventually, Godtakes pity on them, 61 through sacrifices offered by their descendants here onearth.6253

The Place of “Living-dead” and SpiritsIn Their Immediate FamiliesIt is important to make it clear from the outset that many African societies, includingthe Chagga people, were often accused of living more in fear of the ancestral spiritsthan of Ruwa. Also, they were blamed for sacrificing to them while Ruwa wasthought of as having nothing to do with the Africans. Lema says that, while manyChagga proverbs and oral traditions implied that Ruwa was beyond human reach,having no direct communication with people, the missionaries were led to think thatChaggas ignored Ruwa in their everyday lives when things were going well, andseemed to acknowledge Ruwa mainly in times of dire necessity when all otherappeals had failed. They understood this to be the explanation for directing frequentsacrifices and prayers to the spirits.63But this is not accurate. The fact is that Chaggas and many African societies offeredsacrifices and libations to their “living –dead” and ancestral spirits because of theirrole in the total life of the family. The “living-dead” were and still are thought of ascapable of bringing afflictions upon their living relatives. On the other hand, theywere also respected because of the protection, care and blessings they were able tobring to their relatives.This should not be thought of as depriving Ruwa of his power, love and concern forhuman welfare. Instead, the Chagga believed that Ruwa did not directly intervene inhuman life.In most instances Ruwa delegated this authority to spirits to execute punishmentand bring misfortune upon the evil-doer. Dundas says that, “the Chagga regard thespirits as Ruwa’s emissaries in the world. This is why they felt that the spirits neededto be appeased with frequent sacrifices because they have power to influence theirlives. “64 But it was also the Chagga belief that, “no death could occur if Ruwa didnot will it.”65Although the Chagga never formulated any theological doctrine about the love ofGod as such, they acknowledged Ruwa’s providence, guidance, help and care in theireveryday affairs.66 Their very lives were an ongoing response to his continuingpresence and power in the world. In fact, in terms of concrete reality of everydayliving, Ruwa was felt to be closer to human beings and ever reachable.Consequently, as we discuss the role of the living-dead and the spirits within theirfamilies, we will not have questions about the place of God since we now know thatRuwa is on the one hand the Supreme Being who need not be disturbed by peoplewith sacrifices, and at the same time, is in some way a part of what is taking place.This is so because if Ruwa does not will it, even the sacrifices to the “living-dead”,will not be effective or meaningful. Dundas says:54

The Chagga seem to fear and obey the spiritsMore than they do to Ruwa for the simpleReason that, since spirits are Ruwa’sMessengers, then they needed to be fearedAnd treated well in order that they couldSpeak well of you before Ruwa’s courtIf they were angered, the Chaggas wereafraid that the spirit would go to accuseyou before Ruwa, which would result inruwa sending you a foreign spirit, whichwas not your descendant and afflict youwith even worse misfortunes than yourancestral spirit would have done. 67There were family ancestors and tribal ancestors. Tribal ancestors were referred to inconnection with matters involving the whole tribe. For example, lack of rain, war,planting season, harvest season and the like. 68 Family ancestors were directlyconcerned with their immediate families.’ Welfare from the day they were admittedto the spirit world by the family’s departed.In defining the role of the ancestors in the Chagga belief, Daniel Lyatuu, a Chaggafrom Kilimanjaro says:The position of “mababu” (ancestors) inThe community did not differ much from thatOf the wazee (elders), for they were givenThe same respect in the society although someOf them were too old to hold an importantResponsibility in the society. 69So according to Lyatuu, the “Living-dead” had acquired a position of acting likeparents to the family. Their parenthood was of a higher rank because now they werethe “elders’ of the eleders and the whole family here on earth. They could see andhear what others could not. And since Africans have so much respect for their eldersbecause from them could come blessings or curses, so were the ancestors seen andthus respected even more.According to Lema, the “living –dead” could have a profound role to play in thefamily’s life in the present world. Thus if a person wanted to live a long and happylife, that person had to be most careful to keep in harmony with the spirits of the“living-dead” 70The Haya people of northwestern Tanzania have a similar belief concerning the placeof the “living-dead”. Wilson Niwagila cites three major reasons for their sacrificing tothe spirits. These are:The ancestors are part of the living-familiesAnd because of this, they have the right toParticipate and share together with the livingPeople. Secondly, it is a symbol of honor to letThe ancestors taste everything first becauseThey are the heroes of the living family.And thirdly, they have the power over theLiving families, and if they are not remembered,Then the living families would be in trouble55

And the result of this is that no ancestors will be accepted tointercede for them. 71To the Chagga people, the “living-dead” were and still are accorded the title of“guardians of the family life”, upholding traditional customs and morality within thefamily circle. As a result of the place accorded to the “ living-dead”. Tremendouspressure was put on an individual to remain loyal to traditional beliefs and practicesof the community and not to turn to new beliefs and ceremonies which wouldeventually disrupt both the individual’s and community’s union with the “livingdead”.72 In such case it would indicated that Christianity would not be easilyaccepted or assimilate these beliefs.The role of the “living-dead” in the Chagga community stemmed from their dual levelof existence. Because they had a spiritual rather than a bodily form, they belongedto the worldOf spirits. Thus they were closer than other people were to Ruwa, who was regardedas the Supreme Being. Yet the living-dead still continued to inhabit the physicalworld in the bodily form of their heirs and in the memory of their family and friends.73 Marealle seems to agree with Lema when he says that it is also believed that theancestors are mediators between the people and the unapproachable Ruwa 74The living dead were also regarded by the chaggas as a link between the living inthis physical world and those in the realm of the spirits, the best intermediariesbetween Ruwa and humankind. The chagga people were conscious that the livingdeadhad comparatively speaking recently been involved in the business of living. Yetnow their spirit forms gave them direct communication with God. Consequently,people felt it was easier and more effective to direct their everyday requests to theliving-dead rather than to the remote, detached figure of ruwa 75It is nowhere implied in the chagga tradition that punishment or reward wassuspended to take effect in the life beyond death. They had no belief in heaven orhell thee way Christians understood it. Consequently, justice or punishment wasalways worked out in the span of a person’s life time especially when sicknesspersisted for a long time and death seemed imminent. And since the Chaggatraditions attributed evil to be the word of the spirits they were the ones also toexecute Ruwa’s justice by punishing or rewarding each person in accordance with hisor her words, evil or good. Lema says thatThe spirits themselves were regarded as intrinsically neither good nor evil. Ratherthey were agents of God on earth to punish or rewired people according to theirdeeds 76 As we have seen previously it was here the spirits came to be very fearedbecause of their ability to disturb the even tenor of life.If a spirit wanted to make a demand known to the living descendants, it returned ina dream or vision through the oldest member of the family or kinship, diviners,medicine people or magicians. They could also sometimes appear in the form of asnake, bird or an animal. For example. To see a python was considered a sign ofsomething wrong which needed to be punished. However, it should be understoodthat, generally, the spirits could demand sacrifices only from among their own kin.That is to say, no spirits of other descendants or spirits unknown to you could cometo demand sacrifices or bring afflictions to you if they were strangers to you.Nevertheless, we should remember that the foreign spirits which we discussed earlierwere those most disliked by people because they were unknown to them. They werespirits of those who died long ago, and who were no longer be remembered y theirdescendants. As a result they were malevolent and thus known as ghosts. Suchspirits might be sent to bring afflictions for the wrongs that had been done.56

Consequently, people tried to keep them away byconsulting diviners to know whenthey were angry and so offer sacrifices.In conclusion, we can say that the departed were believed to live close to God butalso close to their living descendants interceding with God for them 77 the spirit ofthe departed continued life in a state which John Mbiti calls the living-dead. Itspersonal name and identity is still recognized by the family members in case itappears to them 78.Like the Chagga many African societies believe that the living-dead are still peopleand have not yet become things spirits or its. They return to their families from timeand share meals with them, however symbolically,. They know and have interest inwhat is going on in the family. When they appear, which is generally to the oldestmembers of the household, they recognized by name as “so and so” they inquireabout family affairs, and may even warn of impending danger or rebuke those whohave failed to follow their special instruction. They are the guardians of family affairs,traditions, ethics and activities. Offense in these matters is ultimately an offenseagainst the forefathers who, in that capacity, act as the invisible police of thefamilies and communities. Because they are still people the living-dead are thereforethe best group of intermediaries between humankind and god. They know theneeds of people they have recently been here with them and at the same time theyhave full access to the channels of communicating with God directly, or according tosome societies, indirectly through their own forefathers. Therefore people approachthem more often for minor needs of life than they approach God. 79Mbiti contends that even if the living-dead may not do miracles or extraordinarythings to remedy the need, people experienced a sense of psychological relief whenthey poured out their heart’s troubles before their seniors who have a foot in bothworlds. 80Keeping the Memories of the DepartedAlive in Their FamiliesRemembering the living-dead was a common phenomenon among the Africanpeople. This was due to their rigid belief that death was not the end of human life.They held and still hold today that a person continues to exist in the hereafter. Thiscontinuation of life beyond death was recognized through a very widespread practiceof remembering the departed, which was found throughout Africa.After death the departed could be remembered for a period of four to fivegeneration, a period when the living-dead were still considered to be in the stated ofpersonal immortality. During this time the living dead personal name and identitywas still recognized by the family members. King says that it was only when theliving-dead were in this stated of personal immortality that they could have power tobring illness or blessings upon their descendants. 81Before I discuss the different ways in which the Chagga people keep the memories oftheir living-dead alive in their families, it is worthwhile reminding ourselves why itwas so important that the living-dead be remembered. TheLiving-dead played such a significant role in their immediate families that to forgetthem was almost lids ceasing to exist.57

In many ways, they acted like mababu elders of the family, and as such nobodycould disassociate himself or herself from such people and yet claim to be living. Theliving-dead were part of the family and because of this they had the right toparticipated and share in everything the family did. They were looked upon assymbols of honor as they we4re the heroes of the clan. Also, from them cameprotection, guidance, benevolence and malevolence, blessings and afflictions. Due tothe authority they had people tended to fear and respect them and thus they were tobe treated properly, it is surprising that even after about a person of a hundredyears of Christianity in Kilimanjaro, this tradition still prevails despite the untiringefforts taken by the church to discourage itOne way the departed are remembered is by naming children after them. TheChagga people believe that in order for the departed to remain integral andinfluential members of the living community, grandchildren were named after them,a vital aspect through which their memories and live were perpetuated. Hence theterm, living dead mean those who though physically dead and buried, remainedliving in the lives and in the hearts and minds of others 82According to Chagga belief, after the death of a person, the name of the recentlydead person would be mentioned frequently, as members of his/her familyrecounted his or her character, personality, and other events in life. As the yearsPassed, the deceased would be mentioned more rarely as a result of fewer and fewerpeople who were alive and could remember him or her.This is where we see that person who had no family or relations with other people orone who had no living offspring could not hope to prolong his or her existence in thisway. Such a person had no one to uphold her or his memory or perpetuate his orher name in the succeeding generations. This belief helps to explain why everyone inthe traditional life regarded marriage as an absolute and binging necessity. Withoutmarriage and procreation one was considered completely cut off from the family, inthis life and the hereafter. It was what was termed an absolute death. As we saidearlier, this was a reason or the basis for polygamy or divorce. For children wereand will are to a great extent believed to be the ones to continue the family as welland to keep the memory of the departed ones alive in their immediate descendants.It is encouraging to see how the Lutheran Church has adopted this tradition ofnaming children after their grandparents (whether they are living or dead) duringbaptism. This connection go Christian names and family names has played a keyrole in allowing the church to be looked upon as a place to feel at home for many ofour people. In this way, even the living-dead ae still considered living by beingremembered in the names of their respective family members. Christianity has thuspenetrated the roots of the Chagga people ‘s lives andReligion by trying to transform te old wine into new wine in this specific rite.Throughout our discussion we have seen how significant it was for the living-dead tobe consulted and incorporated during all important celebration of life – birth,initiation, marriage and death. Furthermore, whenever there was any misfortune orillness in the family, they were invoked and appeased. The Chagga would remembertheir living-dead by invoking them in their prayers asking for guidance, protectionand blessing to their living descendants. Also, through the offered sacrifice ofanimals, libation of foods and beer their. Living death were remembered. It isimportant to note that since these sacrifices were associated with passage rites58

which were so vital and inescapable in life, there was no way the living-dead could eforgotten.Communal meals constituted another very important way in which the living-deadwere remembered. Feasting followed the funeral rites mainly to console theBereaved and to bring life back to normal again 83 As a way to restore normal lifeafter death King says that various forms of wines or beer were embedded in largequantities to calm down the shocks of bereavement 84 Also death was regarded ashaving the power to unite eve those ambers of the family who had lived inseparation and enmity for a long time. As a result, communal feasts were and arean outward sign of this unity and life together. That is why Mbiti says death in oneway ends life but also marks the beginning of another life in anotherWorld, 85 and in this world, a new life begins for the family members and relatives.Lema says that after the death of a family member, life did not end. Communalmeals and beer were symbols signifying that not even death could rob us of God’sbenefit of life and its warmth. The real aim behind the eating and drinking was otmake the people feel that life was still there even in the midst of death. This lifecontinued even after its time here in the physical world. 86The number of sacrifices and libation offered to the living-dead in the form ofanimals food and beer were an assurance to their departed that they rememberedthem in the day to day happenings of their life here on earth. Also the departed wereto assure them of their continuing goodwill and cooperation. As a result., part ofthese items were cooked and shared as a symbol of the living-dead ‘s’ continuingfellowship with the serving descendants.Besides the naming of children after the departed ‘s names invoking of the departedin prayers and sacrifices and the communal feasts held to commemorate certainpassage rites )all of which were associated with remembering the living-dead) theChagga people had another way of ensuring that their departed ‘s memories werekept alive in their families.A year after the burial, the skeleton was exhumed. The bones were thrown into thesurrounding banana grove, but the skull was placed in a clay pot and assembled at acommon cult site for the whole clan. This place was called mbuony, meaningDracaena trees surrounded the root of the family and it. 87 Henceforth, any meat forsacrifice and the living-dead ‘s share of three family food were offered there. Thehead of the family are sacrifices and libation there to seek the blessings for theliving-dead or make atonement for some misdeed or omission. In some areas, bloodwas place on the skull as part of the sacrifices offered 88Lema says that this practice of putting the skull under masale (which was wronglyinterpreted by European observers as ancestor worships) became a verycontroversial issue in the early days of the missionary work in Kilimanjaro. Thetenacity with which the majority of Chagga clung to this traditional practice wasclear evidence of its deep-rooted significance in the religious and cultural life of thepeople. It was part and parcel of the chain life of the community. And to break it wasto disturb the entire circle of the community life. 89Again, it is worthwhile underscoring the fact that according to African religion andbeliefs. Ancestor worship was not known. John Mbiti emphasizes this point by sayingthat, when the departed are recalled and respected, it should not be interpreted asworshipping them. 90 Furthermore there is nothing like the so-called ancestorworship, even if these acts may seen so to the outsiders who do not understand thesituation 9159

In some African societies, family spirits, the exhumed skulls and bones of thedeparted, had to be moved ceremoniously when the villages moved from one placeto another. OtherSocieties or tribes resented moving to more fertile areas because they were notready to abandon their spirits and their forefathers graves. They felt very insecureabout doing so and as a result, they were rarely ready to condone suchdevelopmental plans by their governments If more pressure was put on them and itbecame apparent that they should move, then they moved with their spirits. Mbitisays, this ensures that the family spirits and especially the living-dead move withtheir human relatives and are not forsaken where there is nobody to rememberthem in their personal immortality. 92 this is the reason why the Chagga in generaldo not forsake or sell their family land or plot to a foreigner. Instead, the family landis often inherited by one of the family members in order to perpetuate the memoryof their departedSummary and EvaluationWe have now seen how in the whole life cycle of the Chagga people a person couldnot live in isolation. The joys or sorrows of one individual from the birth of anoffspring to death involved the whole family and the community at large. Thesignificant of one’s existence was meaningful only when it was related to otherpeople. Every individual tried to contribute to the community by living a responsiblelife with others.But we also said that African society, including that of the Chaggas, was comprisedto three groups of people: the yet to be born, the living and the living-dead. TheLiving-dead were a part of the living family and as such they were associated with anumber of communal rites, festivities and ceremonies. Many of these ceremonialrites were meant to strengthen to ties that bound the living-dead and their survivingrelatives together intone community. Furthermore, after any incident it was thetradition of the Chagga people to raise questions as to why this should happen,fearing that it could, be a result of a broken taboo or law which was now beingpunishes by the spirits of the living-dead in retaliation consequently, the peopleassociation of the living dead with the day ot day happenings in the family made thedeparted remain alive in the memories of the people and resulted in sacrifices,libations prayers ceremonies and communal rites.However, it should be stressed again that libation and sacrifices to the living deadshould never be interpreted as ancestor worship. Rather they should be regarded aswhat lema calls a dramatic a t of remembrance communion and fellowship 93 formany Chaggas these rites were symbolized by a common meal which thecontemporary members of the family shared with their living dead who remainedclosely interested in the affairs of the family and the community. Choan sing songseen the communal feast in remembrance of the living dead as having afundamental place in the Asian society also. He said For many believers the chiefmanifestations of their faith take place in rituals festivals ad other communal acts ofworship which are closely related to everyday life 94African people including the Chaggas have always been obliged to retain theirrelationship with their departed ones. They have tried to keep this relationship byperforming certain rituals which bring to life the memories of their ancestors they dothis for reasons of fighting the enemy, death and also to renew life again throughforgiveness.60

The church has for many years now paid very little or no attention at all to thesignificance of these rites. Only in very rare cases has the church tried to study indepth the reason behind these traditional beliefs which play such a vital role in thelives of its people and by doing so to look for positive manes of interpreting thewhole issue. In many instances the church has continued to discourage thesebeliefs, although wit very little success . Since these traditional beliefs and rites havestrongly persisted despite attempted suppression by Christianity, it is evident hatthere is something wrong with the church’s approach to the whole issue of death andthe communal feasts associated with it. The church needs to approach this issuefrom a totally different perspective, and that is to try to see traditional beliefs from apositive perspective rather than from a negative one. Without doing so the Lutheranchurch in the northern diocese will always fight a battle it will not win for it is nottouching the real roots of the issue. To most African tribes, this is a concern thatwill not be easy told do away with without finding another maen for providingassurance in life. Mbiti saysFailure to observe these acts means in effectThat human being have completely brokenoff their links with the departed and havetherefore forgotten the spirits. This isregarded as extremely dangerous and disturbingto the social and individual conscience.People are than likely to feely that anyMisfortune that befalls them is the logicalResult of their neglect of the spirits .In this case I am certain that they do to wish risk it since it is such a gamble forthem.My concern in the following chapters is to explore how the church might positivelyuse the lord’s Supper as a memorial meal to help the Chagga people encounterdeath and its consequences as portrayed in their beliefs in a more positive way. Ifeel the need for the church today to make Christianity penetrated the total life ofour chagga and other African people. Christian faith has to come to grips with thecultural revival in African.For the church to stay aloof and stare as a spectator and even to condemn what isgoing on will not be the solution. The church needs to act as a participant and only inthis way will constructive change occur. We have to remember that whatever sciencemay do to prove the existence or non-existence of the spirits one thing is undeniablenamely, that for Africans, the spirits are a reality and a reality which must bereckoned with, whether it is a clear, blurred, or confused reality 9561

CHAPTER THREE1. Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion P. 1102. Ibid., p 1103. Mbiti concepts of God in Africa p, 1724. Lema, p. 2445. Shao, p. 276. Mbiti Concepts of God in Africa (1970), p. 2487. Dundas, pp. 112-1178. Ibid., 120-1219. Swanson. P. 13010. Harry Sawyerr, African concept of Death A New look at Christianity in African(Geneve; WSCF Books, Vol II No.2 1972) p. 3111. Moore, p. 53812. Mbiti Concepts of God in African p. 24813. Mbit introduction to African Religion p. 11214. Sawyer p. 2815. mbiti introduction to African Religion p. 12216. I bid., p 12217. Marealle p. 5018. Lema p. 25819. Idid., pp. 259-26020. Dundas , p 17921. Idid,. P. 17922. Marealle, p. 5023. Dundas p.18024. Lema p. 27125. Mbiti Introduction to African Religion pp. 112-`3326. Noel o. king Religions in Africa, (New york : Harper and Row publishers 1970p. 7827. Dundas, p. 18128. ibid., p 18229. mbiti introduction to African Religion , p. 11330. King, p. 7831. Lema, p. 27232. sawyer, p. 2333. Dundas p. 18334. Lema p. 27235. Dundas p. 18336. Ebid., p. 18337. Lema , p. 27238. Mbitim introduction to African Religion p. 11339. Lema p. 27340. Dundas, p. 187.41. Ibdi ,. P. 18742. Mbiti introduction to African Religion pp. 115-11643. Marealle, pp. 58-5944. Sawyer, p 2945. Dunds, p. 18946. Marealle p. 5247. Dundas, p. 18948. Lema p. 27449. Marealle, p. 5362

50. Moore, p. 25851. Lema p. 25952. Tengbom, p. 3153. Dundas p. 12454. Interview with Rev, Paul Akyoo, 8/17/8655. Dundas, p. 12456. Lema, p. 27557. Mbiti introduction to African Religion p. 11758. Tengbom, p. 3159. Dundas, p. 12560. Marealle, p. 6761. Mbiti introduction to African Religion, p. 11762. Marealle, p. 6763. Lema p. 24164. Dundas pp. 122-12365. Ibid., p. 12366. Lema p. 24267. Dundas p. 12368. Shao p. 2669. Daniel J. Lytuu, The impact of the Chief and missionary as Relgious Leaderon te Evangelical Lutheran church in Tanzania Nouther Diocese (STM Thesis,Wartburgt Theological Seminary, Dubuque Iowa 1983), p. 1670. Lema, p. 25071. Wilson Niwaila, p. 9172. Lema p. 25073. Ibid p. 25174. Tengbom, p. 3375. Lema p. 25176. Ibid p. 25477. Sawyerr, p. 2678. Mbiti, Introdiction to African Religion p. 11979. Mbiti Arican Religions and Philosophy, pp. 83-8480. Ibid p. 8481. King, pp. 81-8282. Lema p. 24883. Mbiti Introduction to African Religion p. 11584. King p 7985. Mbiti Introduction to African Religion. P. 16686. Lema, p. 25787. Shao p. 2888. Lema p. 27689. Ibid p 27690. Mbiti introduction to African Religion, p. 12591. Mbiti African Religion and Philosophy, p 2692. Ibid p. 8293. Lema p. 24994. Song, p. 14195. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, p. 9163

CHAPTER FOURTHE ENCOURTER OF CHRISTIOAN MISSIONWITH CHAGGFA TRADITIONAL BELIEFSCONFLICTS PARALLELS AND EFFECTS ON THE CHURCH TODAYConflicting Views about ChristianityAnd Chagga ReligionIn my first three chapters I have attempted to show that the Chagga people had atightly-knit community life with its own distinctive, highly developed and all –pervasive religion, to the Chagga people this religion was a way of life imbedded inand expressed by their ceremonial rituals and sacrifices through their entire life cycle– childbirth initiation, marriage and death. These were exercised of communalresponsibility, and were understood collectively to sustain and make the traditionviable. In other words these rites constituted a way f life without any distinction ofsacred and secular.It was to these Chagga people who had such an integrated societal structure that theChristian missionaries came with a new religion – Christianity. Although it is a factthat there were a number of vital points of contact, there were also basic differencesbetween the two religions which needed to be understood in order to appreciate fullythe impact of Christianity on traditional Chaga beliefs and the cultural structureswhich those beliefs supportedConflicts concerning the relationship of Christianity and Chagga traditional religionwere caused largely by the missionaries negative attitudes toward the culture andReligion of the Chagga people. Most of the missionaries despised the Chaggatraditional religion which they described as primitive and natural, whereasChristianity was classified as a historical religion. The result to such alienation wasthat the missionaries did not try to learn the indigenous religion of the Chaggapeople and thus see the parallels it had with Christianity. In spite of this attitudeamong the Christian missionaries, the Chagga people did not disassociatethemselves from their tradition beliefs and assimilate the new religion. Rather theydecided to follow both religion as vitally important in their lives, not fully appreciatingthe inherent conflicts or their implications.For example, the missionaries made little effort to interpret God ‘s dealings with theChagga people and other African people as recorder in the living forms of oralcommunication rituals and ceremonies. For the Chagga people, Ruwa was a livinggod and that applied whether or not there was a written record of God ‘s relationwith ad concerns for people.The missionaries appear to have made no attempt to connect the God described inthe Bible with the God who was already known to the Chagga people in theframework of their traditional religion. They also neglected to bear in mind that thydid not bring God to the Chagga people but God brought them to the Chagga toproclaim the name of Jesus Christ. The theological issue centers on using the alreadyexisting revelation f God as understood in the traditional Chagga64

Belief system. Christianity affirms that God meets us where we are; the revelationof God is given not in a vacuum. But within particular historical experiences andreflection. Samuel Kibicho notes that historieans are agreed that at least the idea ofrevelation is present in all cultures and in all religions 2 That is why John Mbiticontends thatGod has had a historical relationship withAfrican peoples, God is not insensitive toThe history of peoples other that IsraelTheir history has a theological meaning.And our interpretation of Israel’s historyDemands a new look at the history of AfricanPeoples among whom the same God of AbrahamAnd Isaac and Jacob has indeed been at work.In this case so called salvation historyMust widen its outreach order to embraceThe horizons of other people’s historiesBecause of the missionaries refusal to take the Chagga traditional beliefs andpractices seriously, they began their proclamation of the Gospel completely ignorantof the many points of contact between Christianity and Chagga relation. Had theyknown and used this common ground from the very beginning. They would havebeen able to build a bridge which could meaningfully link the truths of Christianitywith traditional beliefs.Despite the fact that there were a few parallels between did assimilate, there weresome aspects of traditional faith and practice which may of the first ChaggaChristians found it difficult to part with. In the great and serious moments of life –childbirth, marriage, death and in crises of sicknessAnd disaster – some converts often found comfort in the old familiar rituals. Duringsuch transitional periods some of them reverted, though temporarily anddisconcertingly , to practices of which they knew the missionaries would notapprove because they regarded them as ungodly and heathen. Yet these convertsfound brief comfort and contentment in their more familiar communal life. Anza A.Lema says that the missionaries were greatly puzzled by this occasional discomfortto the Chaggas with the Christian faith. Later they came to realize that even thebest of their converse would find it very hard to denounce these tribal tradition andbeliefs. 4This is the case even today. Many Christians still feel uncomfortable if they do notperform certain tradition rites and they hide from their m=native pastor in order rodo them. It does not matter how long the person has bee a Christian, the old waysare hard to leave behind.The converts not only assimilated a new set of religious beliefs but began to nurturenewly acquired alien ideas, economic ambitions and political aspirations of their ownwhich in their old society were regarded as detrimental to the welfare and solidarity65

of the community. In a country or tribe where religion was the cement of the society,the guarantor of moral principles and basis of secular authority, renunciation of itimplied renunciation of the moral, civil and political obligation to th community aswell. This is what Anza Lema calls, a suicidal separation from the community 5 Suchbeing the case, the Chaggas who considered themselves and their roleIn life in relation to others in the family, clan and community and never as a loneentity started to develop a sense of individualism because salvation was stressed asa personal matter. The development of such individualism threatened the wholefabric of tradition community life, the consequences of which the Chagga people areexperiencing even today,According to Mbiti some of the missionaries together with their African helpers weresincere, devout and dedicated men and women, they were not theologians andsome of them had little education. Most of the African evangelists were eitherilliterate or had only minimal formal learning. They were more concerned withpractical evangelism education and medical care than with any academic ortheological issues that might aris3 from the presence of Christianity in Africa.Because so this mission Christianity was from the start ill-prepared face a seriousencounter with either traditional religions and beliefs of the people of the modernschanges taking place in Africa. Consequently he church in Africa today finds itself ina station of trying to exist without having to forsake most of their good culture andother religious practice for their Christian lives.Anza A Lema contends that this fact, the disintegration of Christiona theology andthe Chagga culture, which made the church try to exist without a theology, explainswhy, in theEarly years, Christianity proved to be a destruction rather than a creative force inChagga life.7 Gutmann argued that Christian missionaries far from destroyingtraditional religion, could have used it as a meaningful and effective basis forpreaching Christianity .8 Had such an approach been adapted, Christianity couldhave quickly become a truly indigenous and creative force in the lives of theChagga people. The message of the Christian gospel would not have been pesteredto the Chagga people in completely foreign iridium but in an African context.It is to be noted that the missionaries in the early years found themselves quiteunable to interact significantly with the Chagga people. Their work was limited to ahandful of individuals who were outcasts and despised by society. This was mainlybecause the first missionaries were seen as importers of a new rew religion whichoffended the spirits and ancestors, Such being the case, stern warnings were givenby community elders that people should not accept this new religion or be seen withEuropean missionaries. Consequently. Those who accepted Christianity were evenmore outcast, hated and deserted. Their punishment was severe since they couldno longer be allowed to take any part in community life. They as nobody would listento them.966

This situation of conflict should be viewed as the outcome of missionaries negativeattitude toward the Chagga people, whose culture and traditional beliefs were viewedas inferiorTo those of European missionaries. Their sense of cultural superiority stemmed fromthe political dominance of their respective countries throughout the works in thosedays. In their own minds they held that their supremacy in commerce. Art, culture,technology science and every other aspect of life-style could be attributed to thefact that theirs was a Christian society.Many of the missionaries failed to realize that the religion beliefs of the Chaggapeople and other African societ9ies were not a limited set of persons beliefs aboutthe worship of a supreme Being, which could easily be isolated from a personsgeneral way of life. They did not recognize the way rational religious beliefs andpractices pervaded every aspect of the community. While deepening and enrichingit. Instead they saw only the most dramatic and sensational religious rites, someof which repulsed and horrified their so-called refined Europeans sensibilities. Thusout of ignorance and blindness rooted in their own cultural prejudice, they belittledtraditional religion by diminishing it as conservative of the missionaries even went tothe extreme of labeling the chagga ceremonies involving the offering of sacrificesand libations to the spirits and the living-dead as the work of the devil 11 as a resultthey were determined to root out every rite that gave recognition to the living-deadsince it was considered to be in defiance of God’s first commandment.Because many missionaries refused to take seriously the Chagga people traditionalbeliefs and practices, they could not see the points of contact between Christianityand the traditional beliefs, thus neglection what could have been a very valuabletool in their proclamation of the gospel.Chagga traditional Beliefs and practice as a toolFor propagating the GospelDespite what has been descried above as limitation and failures of the missionariesespecially in view of their despising Chagga culture there were of course a few whotook the trouble to observe learn and appreciate the life and culture to the Chaggapeople in depth. Consequently it would be unfair to dismiss their efforts since therewas much to be appreciated and commended. In fact, it is through their tirelessefforts of trying to understand the Chagga and their culture as well as finding waysof contextualzing the gospel message, hat the church in Kilimanjaro has, to somedegree remained as part of the people culture. It is the contribution of these few thathas generated to some degree position in interaction between Christianity and theChagga culture.67

Of those who attempted to search for such contact factors the German missionariesmade a significant contribution, especially in the field of language. They worked hardto master the dialects of the people among whom they were working. Furthermore,they recorded this work and later translated theNew Testament, Biblical tracts, hymns, and stories for their people to use.12One of these few notably exceptional missionaries who did not discard tradetionabeliefs and practices as primitive and irrelevant for the propagation of Christianitywas Bruno Gutmann. Lema comments on Gutmann’s significance:His prolific writings on Chagga traditionalLife included a lot of useful information onChagga customs seen through the eyes of aSympathetic and sensitive missionary observerHe came closer than most other missionariesWorking in Kilimanjaro to appreciate the valueand validity of Chagga community life and tounderstanding the function and significance ofits religion.In repudiating those who viewed Chagga traditional religion as natual religionGutmann said that natural region are not exclusive contrasts but each historicalreligion needs the natural one as a mother and pre-creator 14 A good example wasthe missionaries use of the name of Ruwa which was already known to the Chaggapeople for the Christian God. It is a name used even this day by Christian Chaggapeople.Gutmann’ s main sociological contention was that a people are not composed ofindividuals only but also of blood relative age groups and the land. The dissolution ofthese units which form the basic elements of a people signifies national death. ForGutmann, this was not merely sociological, but also a theological observation. Hecalled these units, ties in conformity with creation.”15Gutmann ‘s love and appreciation of the Chagga culture and traditional religionplayed a significant role in shaping the course fo his missionary work in Kilimanjaro.He was convinced that the duty of mission was not to disrupt relationships but tostrengthen and restore local social order. As a result he said that:It must not pull out individuals in orderTo form them into a new organization, theChurch. It must not break up clans in anAttempt to exalt the nuclear family. WhenGod has created an organism od not supplantIt with our organization. When God has raisedUp sons for himself, do not bastardize themDissolution fo the original forms of societyIs not just a matter of cuture change, it isA thwarting of the life-giving spirit of GodWhich brings about spiritual depth, for the68

Divine purpose is wrapped up in a sociologicalpackage.Gutmann’s views may be sound sociologically but many not be theologically. AsChristians we are called to transform the society and even its culture, making it moremeaningful to the people than ever before. HOWEVER AS Gutmann says we are notto break it and form a new organization entirely different from the original societybut use Christianity to impact depth and broader understanding of a more mean fulllife within the very society. This can be done for example by seeing how Christianteaching can in specific situations provide new ways to interpret the circumstances oflife.Another very significant contribution of the missionaries to the advancement of God’skingdom in Kilimanjaro was the emphasis they put on using the Chagga dialects tocommunicateThe gospel. This is one of the most decisive elements which contributed heavily tothe contextualization of the gospel and thus brought about the successes of themissionary work in Kilimanjaro. This legacy has remained a solid tool ofpropagating the gospel up to this day. It is unfortunate that the new generation isnot giving the Chagga dialect the same respect and place today. This has resultedhowever, from the emphasis on Kiswahili as the national language, which I think isvery proper. Also it is because of education and rapid social change taking place allover Africa.Finally, education medical services, vocational training and community developmentprojects were and still are other significant instruments which were used by themissionaries for the advancement of the gospel of Christ in Kilimanjaro. Missionariesbecame extremely involved in such programs from the beginning of their missionwork. These undertakings played an important role in shaping the lives of thepeople and the church in Kilimanjaro. Since it is not my intention to deal with thisissue, suffice it to say that while many missionaries despised the Chagga culture andits traditional beliefs and practices, and tried hard to uproot it in order to supplant itwith their so-called western Christian culture others worked tirelessly and with muchlove and enthusiasm to find contact points for contextualizing the gospel. They alsofound the cultural uniformity of the chagga in the rural areas to be a viable tool forthe propagation of the gospel. But this uniformity did not exist in the urban areas.This is beingFollowed even up to this day. All church services are conducted in Chagga dialects intheir respective places. Again. Such mission work was concerned with a holisticattempt to minister to the whole person – physically, spiritually and intellectually.The church in Kilimanjaro will remember the work of these faithful messengers ofGod ‘s kingdom to this part of Tanzania Africa.The Impact of ChristianityOn the chagga Religion69

There were a number of significant rites associated with traditional beliefs which theChagga Christians refused to surrender despite the entreaties of the missionaries.The sense of fellowship. For example which the Chagga felt with their living-deadwas too deeply rooted in peoples consciousness to be easily cast aside.Many Christian converts initially gave up the customary sacrifices to the living-deadin obedience to the missionaries demands. But in the three great ritual events of lifechildbirthmarriage and death and in times of great personal crisi, the need to the oldways was often. Irresistible this is in some ways, true even today.According to Lema these traditional sacrifices to the living-dead (spirits) somehowseemed to bring greater consolation and a greater sense of security and hope thanthe strange medicines of the mission hospitals or the long prayers of themissionaries. The less familiar Christian rites for birth, marriage, and death. Whichexcluded all recognition ofThe rule and significance of the living-dead were to the Chagga people lessefficacious.17The missionaries of courts succeeded in driving tradition religion underground intimes of good health and prosperity. But in moments of crisis it welled up to thesurface. Instinctively, the Chagga people reverted to traditional explanation andremedies. To the missionaries, the traditional practice of keeping memory by buryingthe dead in the hut exhuming the body after a year, and putting the skull underdracaena plants (masale) all signified ancestor worship and needed to be abolished.In order to discourage this practice they insisted that all Christians be buried in thechurch cemetery. To the chagga this meant separating the family. The living-deadwere no longer to share its life or contribute to its well being in the spiritualprotection and blessing. 18This was another instance where a direct conflict between Chagga traditional religionand Christianity could have bee avoided. If the missionaries had understood the realsignificance of the living-dead they would have sought possibilities for grafting thison to the Christian belief in family unity across the barrier of death which the Chaggapeople were not ready to forsake. 19 to protest the missionaries provision of achurch graveyard ands a way to discourse the traditional belief in their living-deadsome of the first converts were disowned and cut off by theirFamilies. Even more painful, some paid secret visits to their relatives graves in thechurch cemeteries in the night in order to perform traditional rituals.This signifies that Christianity as preached and practiced by the Europeanmissionaries did not penetrate deeply into the African consciousness. To the chagga,Christianity appeared to be shallow, a religion of words not deeds and of Sundaysnot weekdays, with no relevance to the mundane or harsh realities of everyday life.Taylor kwiawon comments on why Christianity was regarded as a foreign religion bythe Africans:African traditional religion cannot be separatedFrom life itself. Those who practice it are70

Always filled with something to do. But ChristianityIs a religion, which was locked up six days aWeek, meeting only for two hours on Sundays andPerhaps once a week. It is Christianity whichIs active in building. African. Africans who traditionallyDo not know religious vacumm feel that they do notGet enough religion from this type of Christianity,Since it does not fill up their life and theirUnderstanding of the universe.20These words indicate that many customs and traditions which were introduced toAfricans as Christian practices were strange for the African worshippers. They feltthis as an imposition of the Western culture. Bishop Josiah Kibira, from Tanzania andformer president of the Lutheran world Federation, acknowledged the foreignnessimposed byChristianity on African culture. As a result he stressed the need for change throughacceptance of the African philosophy and religion and the need to find ways ofreconciling the African traditional relation and Christianity. 21 Addressing anAn ELCT pastors’ convention in IDM Morogoro, Tanzania Bishop Kibira remarked thatWe Africans were not used to worshipping or singing while standing still like stones.Our whole body got involved as we danced and chantd to praise our God. 22 Yet themissionaries forbade the first Chagga converts to take part in traditional dancessongs and festivals because of wha they regarded as their pagan immortality orsuperstition. Instead the Chagga music, art and crafts were replaces with Europeanmusic and art.It is true that to al large extent Christianity did bring destruction to the Chaggapeoples religion and culture which, of course, affected their total life. But on theother hand the poor and the less fortunate people in the society found consolation,too, in the Christioan hope of finding a better life beyond death in Gods heavenlykingdom.23 the poor who could not afford to sacrifice often to their spirits found itconsoling that there w2as another way another hope for them: the assurance of allsufficiency of Christ in his/her life without being tied to traditional religious rites.The weaknesses that have been cited above should not overshadow or overlook thepositive role that Christianity has played in Kilimanjaro. Also it is time we direct ourefforts not to criticize the shortcomings of the early mission work, but rather tothinking creatively and theologically about how we can best contextualize the gospeltoday. Michael Reu once remarked, if we open a quarrel between the past andpresent we shall find that we have lost the future. 24Despite the presence of Christianity for over eighty years in Kilimanjaro, Christianitystill remains to some degree a foreign religion. Because of this foreignness,Christianity is often supplemented by the Chagga traditional belies and practices,which serves to makes many Chagga Christians feel confortable and secure tin life.Christian faith has not touched the roots of their ineer life to become their dominantreligion. Such being the case, the question is how the church might do somethingcreatively to help Christianity embrace all areas of the Chagga peoples life.One way to address this issue is to focus attention on the passage rites andcommunal feasts, especially the after-death” feasts (sherehe za mataga) in order to71

develop a specific case stdy based on a contemporary problem in the ElCT/NorthernDiocese Kilimanjaro area. Exploring the conflicts generated by these new rites inlight of Christian doctrines many provide clues about how to establish links betweenChristianity and traditional Chagga religion.After-Death Communal FeastsSherehe za matangaAs the church contemporary problemIt has been my contention from the beginning that the chagga traditional religionpermeates all aspects of life and that there is no formal distinction between thesacred and the secular, between religious and non-religious and between thespiritual and material areas of life. Religion embraced their total life from birththrough death. Thus to be withoutReligion amounted to self-excommunication from the entire life of society, a thing noChagga would dare sacrifice at any cost.When Christianity came the chagga culture and its traditional religion came underattack and faced being uprooted so that Christianity could then remain as thedominant force in their lives. The Chagga people found themselves torn betweentow worlds-the European Christian way and the traditional African way, between thedemands of the new Christian relation and that of their forefathers, which whatevermight be said about it, had historical roots and firm traditions. Many of the Chaggapeople felt that Christianity did not fulfill or fully occupy their whole personality asmuch as their traditional religion. Consequently, many of the Chaggas are Christianson Sundays or when things go well and life is in prosperity. Contrary to this, theyrevert to their traditional beliefs and practices in times of dire necessity or duringemergencies or cresses such as sickness and death.Such is the situation of the church in the ELCT Northern Diocese, especially amongthe Chagga people of Kilimanjaro.Erasto N. Kweka, Bishop of the ELCT/ND, addressed this problem in his bi-annualreport to the synod convention at Nkwarungo Machame saying:In many places of our diocese today, thereHas emerged new tradition of after-deathCelebrations-kusherehekea matanga. As aResult, huge sums of money are spent on theseAfter-death celebrations, because those ChristiansConcerned eat and drink excessively. 25Bishop Kweka, still speaking strongly against this so-called new tradition in thechurch said that it was something incompatible with our Chagga culture, as well aswith our Christian religion 26 Consequently, he called upon Christians in the church72

to wage war against it, a resolution which was passed by the 18 th General Assemblyconvened at Nkwarungo in Macheme in 1978If one examines carefully the issue at stake here it becomes clear that it is aphenomenon very much related to what I have been discussing in the precedingchapters about the sacrificial offering of an animal on the day of burial and thecommunal feasts which proceeded until the day of head shaving known as siku yakuondoa matanga. On this head shaving day another animal was scarified andmeals and drinks (mbege-the locally brewed beer) were shared by all relatives,neighbors, and friends. What is so surprising at present is that these feasts havebecome so bit that large sums of money are spent by the concerned families,relatives and friends to an extentThat they cause poverty and misery for the families involved. Because of this, bishopKweka said: Some of the victimized families have been forced to sell their propertiesin order to secure money to spend on these after-death feasts 27When we look into these after-death celebrations we see that in the Chagga traditionand in most African societies, the ties of fellowship are cemented by the sharing ofmeals and drink, usually their locally brewed beer, mbere made from elusine. Foodand drink have always been true signsOf fellowship in the whole life cycle of the chagga people-at birth initiation, marriageand death. And as said above in the chagga traditional beliefs all these passage riteswere celebrated by sacrifices meals and drinks whereby the living-dead played avery important role. They were consulted on all these occasions and they6participated fully as members of the family.One thing needs to be underscored. Although the church sees itself fighting againstthe so called “after-death” celebration it tends to overlook the other passage rites(birth, initiation, and marriage) which have been substituted with Christian ones likebaptism, confirmation, and weddings.When chagga Christians celebrates these occasions, huge sums of money are stillspent, especially on meals and drink, just as much as during the after-death feasts,so it seems that there is something deeply rooted in the chagga culture which isassociated with these passage rite celebrations which the church is overlooking orevading instead of grappling with the real issue.Again it is vitally important to understand that, traditionally, chagga people did nothold and serious discussion on any important life or crucial matters without a drink,mbege and possibly a fellowship meal. This tradition is prevalent today. With regardto death events eating and drinking were considered a sign of bringing life basic tonormal again. Also, it signified that death could not disrupt life, and finally it was away or relating themselves to theirLiving-dead to make sure that their departed ones would continue to be benevolentand protect their family. These factors concerned the other passage rites as well.73

There are some things thaw the church has to be concerned about and wage waragainst as Bishop Kweka suggested to the General Assembly. These are, theexcessive drinking of alcohol and the extravagance involved which he termedeconomically un Christian since the large sums of money spent on purchasing foodsand drinks could be used to help the affected families. 28One remark make by Bishop kweka in his repot is that this new tradition is spreadingvery fast and that every effort is needed to curb it since it is causing a lot of harm tomany families 29 he also called for seminars as a way of education the people inorder to combat effectively the evils resulting from this so-called contagious newtradition. 30Summary and EvaluationThe church in Kilimanjaro can feel much indebted to those missionaries who becameconscious of the chagga culture and traditional, beliefs and who tried hard tocontextruyalize their message. Their contribution in education. Health, and learning.Preserving and using the chagga dialect as a medium for Christian communicationfrom the beginning, are highly commendable. However, they could have gone deeperin their contextualization by seeing the church as the family of faith through ChristJesus, and that this church, as chagga kinship,Includes the living and the living-dead-the communion of saints.Unfortunately there were also those missionaries who did not care much about thisneed of incorporating the people’s culture in their ministry and instead they ridiculedand despised it. They demanded as a requirement of becoming Christian that thechagga cast away their traditional beliefs, labeling them as primitive, and clothethemselves with the Euro-Western Christian culture. They attempted to uproot thechagga from their culture, but this proved impossible.Evidently Johm Mbitis observance is worth noting for he says, through modernchange these traditional religion cannot remain intact, but they are by no meansextinct. In times of crisis they often come to the surface, or people revert to them insecret 31Bishop kweka call for the church in Kilimanjaro to use every effort to eliminate thismushrooming new tradition and which is also being accepted by many Christian inthe diocese it to be acknowledged. However, there is an urgent need for the churchto seek a different approach which will consider new ways and means of relating heChristian faith wit ht her traditional Chagga beliefs particularly those relating topassage rites. Award shorter advocates precisely this when he says a concept whichperhaps the African spiritual writers do not exploit sufficiently is that of memorial oreffective memory. This concept is present in most of the religious systems of theworld. Although it is stronger in those with aHighly developed sense of history. 32 in other words the problem remains andwhether we use shorter suggestion about memorial or some other means, the issueis to find ways to connect Chagga traditions and Christian teaching.74

Although I do not want to underestimate the economic effects of Chagga passagerite celebrations, particularly the after-death memorial feasts, there seems to be anunsatisfied longing the part of Chagga Christians for a Christian solution to thisproblem. Consequently, the church will not do justice to the Chagga people bycontinuing to neglect or suppress these deep-rooted traditional beliefs as has beendone in the past. The fact that this so-called new tradition of after-death feasts isspreading fast and among many Christians signifies the limitations of LutheranChristianity in successfully embracing the total life of our people.It is our duty as African pastors and theologians today to rethink, re-evaluate anddevelop more viable and relevant means of relating the Christiana gospel with ourpeoples traditional religion, so that Christianity becomes the center of gravity of ourpeople lives. As my contribution to this problem I have attempted to look into theChagga concept of death and life after death, which is undoubtedly the source of allthese after-death feasts, sherehe za matanga in relation to the lord’s supper asmemorial meal.CHAPTER FOUR1. Lema, p. 3002. Samuel kibicho revelation in African Religion African Theological Journal vol.12 No. 3 (1983) p. 1663. John Mbiti the Enconuter of Christion Faith and African Religon the Chrisstioncentury vol. 9 No 27 August 27 September 3 (1980) p. 8184. lema, p. 345. Ibid p. 356. Mbiti African Religions and Philosophy, p. 232.7. Lema, p. 3028. Ibid, p, 3029. Ibid. p. 30810. Shao p. 5211. Lema p. 34012. Ibid p. 4813. Ibid, p. 30214. Ibid, p. 30215. Jaeschke Ernst, Bruno Gutmann’s Legacy, Africa Theological Jounsl vol. 10No. 3 (1891 P 6016. Shao, p. 7817. Lema P. 34575

18. Ibdi pp. 345-346.19. Ibid ., p. 34620. Kwiawon pp. 181-18221. Josiah M. Kibira church clan and the world uppsala (almquist Wiksell 1974)pp. 108-111.22. Bishop Josia kibira Address to ELCT pastors convention IDM Morogoro, (June,1981).23. Lema, p. 309.24. Robert C. Wiederaenders in Remembrance of Reu Dubuque WartburgSeminary Association 1969 p 1025. Erasto N. Kweka, Ripoti ya Mkuu wa dayosisi ya kaskazini (Bisho resrt to the18 th General Assembly Nkwarungo Mancam 1978) Umoja No. xxvii Feb. March1979), p. 1026. Ibid p. 627. Ibid p. 628. Ibid p. 1029. Ibid p. 630. Ibid p. 1031. Mbiti African Religions and Philosophy, p. 232. Shorter, p. 24.76

CHAPTER FIVETHE ACT OR REMEMBERING IN JUDEO-CHRISTIAN TRADITIONTime and Memory in JewishLiturgical traditionA saying among jawing rabbis to rembember is to give life to forget is to let die 1helps us to understand why the basis of jewish piety is remembrance. Memory is apowerful gift give to memory is noit only a sign of life but life itself. It is the conditionlife choan song says that without there is no hope for the continuation of life afterour physical death. When memory ceases, absolute death occurs because even ourknowledge of God depends on memory 2Remembrance of God saving acts in history continued to seal Isreal covenant withGod as a chosen nation. This convent relationship was experiences and forged anewfor succeeding generation through the communal actions of juwish liturgy throughthe liturgy god was remembered by Israel and God remembered Israel 3 the effect ofGod remembrance is that it gives life. Brevard child sys whoever yahweh does notremember has no existence 4As we shall see later the concept of anamnesis in the new testament must beunderstood within the larger framework of the old testament. Gods call for Israel toremember their salvation from Egypt was not an abstract concept or mereRecollection. But rather was always closely bound up with an action and with thecult, a feast, a sacrifice an offering and the like 5 consequently, for Israel communalgathering to hear the revealed word of God and to experience God’s remembranceof them formed a significant part of jewish liturgical prayer. Kevin Irvin contends thatChristianity inherited this aspect of Jewish traditionThis action of gathering for the hearing orGod’s word and for rites of remembrance isWhat Christian liturgy is all about. ForBoth forms of liturgy the end result is theSame renewal of the covenant forged by GodFor his chose people 6That is to say God remembers or it mindful. Worshipping communities experience ashare (participate) in God very life but when God forgets or turns from them they arecut off form this source of peace love and forgiveness and as a result they diva thusit was said to remember is to give life and of forget is to die 7 to remember Godwas identical with seeking dog and that is to slay to obey dog Remembrance orrecollection could not be separated from action.Throughout the scriptures we find juwish life informed by action of remembering thiswas particularly true in their morning and evening prayer, where thy wouldremember God’s promise and mercy to their forefathers (Mic.7:720 ps.105. 8f)8 thisway of remembering Gods dealings with the people in their day to day life especiallyremembering the covenant is revealed in depth in the book of psalm.Memory in Jewish liturgical tradition is communal remembering of what god did anddoes for people in offering, and sustaining them in the convent relationship. RayJones says that this remembrance is not an activity which is concerned only with thepast but also with the future 9 that is to say these past events which we remembernow have consequences which lead the community to action in the present and inthe future. As Irvin pts it Remembering at the liturgy is an action which the77

gathered community does (as opposed to think about) in order to receive life fromgod it involves an action which God performs for his people here and now10At liturgy the past the present and the future are merged and experience together.As Marianne Micks put it At liturgy we recall the past we shape the present and wesummon the future 11 that is to say the liturgy is not a discipline that prepares usstep by step for some future goal and reward but liturgy is at any time and in anyplace that goal preset and real now12When Israel recalled their past history of God saving acts these past deeds ofsalvation were experiences anew, not in the sense that they were redone repeated orremade, but in the sense that by their very nature these deeds of God had enduringpower and lasting effects for communities removed in time and place from theoriginal events when they first occurred. Later generations thus experienced thatpast acts of redemption (Exodus 12-13). They experienced this in liturgicalCelebration which was an immediate encounter and actual participation in the greatacts of redemption 13 what had occurred as God saving act was made presentthrough liturgical memorial the community remembered what ghod did and throughthe very act of remembering they received salvation from the God remembered. Thepast was not repeated but rather it was co temporized made actual and real throughliturgy. Childs points out thatThe act of remembrance is not a simpleInner reflection it involves an actionAn encounter with historical events.Each successive generation in IsraelWitnessed to a reality which it encounteredWhen remembering the tradition. TheBiblical events have the dynamicCharacter of refusing to be relegatedTo the past 14According to child description remembrances and action cannot be separated. AsGerhard von Rad said the cult brings Israil to the remembrance of Jahweh 15Just as Jewish spirituality was based on the very dynamic of theunderstanding of the action of God in history and in the present Christian liturgicalmemory is characterized by similar understanding. In Christian worship we do notrepeat the life-giving death of Jesus at Calvary nor his rising from the dead ratherthrough the liturgy where the community is gathered we share in what wasaccomplished for our salvation, and we are remade anew through the paschalmystery of Christ. Because God has redeemed us in Christ we gather in communityto remember and to experience this life again and again.According to Robert Taft, Christian worship is not how we seek to contact god but itis a celebration of how God has touched us, has united us to himself and is everpresent to us and dwelling in us. This ritual action is not a memorial of the past, buta participation in the eternally present salvific pasch of Christ 16 thus thisparticipation takes place in liturgy whereby we remember and receive the very lifeof God for to remember is to give life.The other dimensions of remembering involves how the present rites of the liturgy(as based on the past) act to summon the future the complete accomplishment ofour redemption in all that redemption is and signifies will be consummated in thefuture. Even the Jewish liturgy is oriented toward the future. Consequently thePassover meal is not an imaginary commemoration of the Exodus but is a hope andan expectation to be fulfilled. Allan Richardson points out thatIt was not only the memorial of an78

Historical delivercanc it was alsoAnd perhaps primarily a looking forwardTo the forthcoming deliverance of theParousia. It makes not only the pastButslso the future a present reality.It holds the past and future in theNow of faithThis means that the past and the future, which are brought together in the now offaith by our participation in this future-oriented meal concersn the saints too. Thesaints. Who even now sing new sons before the throne, are but theFirst fruits into God and unto the Lamb of that great church, which shall be gatheredin heaven (Rev, 14:3) the church’s Eucharist is at once the eschatologicalanticipation of the worship of heaven and also a participation in it now.Central to this summoning of the future is the notion that through liturgical memorialwe break the boundaries of historical time to experience what is timeless and eternallife with God 19 Here at the Christian liturgical community gathering, the pastrecalled is the once-for-all event of redemption won in the paschal sacrifice of Jesus.The future summoned is the arouse the final coming of Christ at the end of time. Asa result, the church stands between the times of what has been accomplished inChrist and what will be completed at his return. Hence, liturgical memorial is themeans we now have of actualizing the past and summoning the future 20This eschatological aspect of the Eucharist is present within the liturgical memorialwhere believers live in communion fellowship with Christ and one another, includingthe saints who also await the consummation of time. Martin Luther said: Thereforethe mass and this sacramentAre a sign which we train and accustomOurselves to let go all visible loveHelp and comfort of his saints. ForDeath takes away everything visibleAnd separates us from men and temporalThings hence to meet death we mustHave the help of the invisible andEternal things and these areIndicated to us in the sacrament andSign to which we cling by faith prayingFor them. 21Hence what the liturgy offers is a memorial of all that has been accomplished inChrist and all that is to be completed in the kingdoms forever. Liturgical time isunderstood as a succession of moments in our present historical time which allowsus to participate in the whole chrism the Jesus whose dying and rising is the centerof our spirituality and whose second coming will complete the inauguration of hiskingdom which itself was begun through the paschal mystery to participate in liturgymeans that we share in the very life of God take part in this life and are transformedby it. And what occurs in liturgy is our participation in Jesus paschal mystery throughcommunal remembering. Memory and hope are what Christian liturgy is all about 22The Eucharist as a Memorial Meal:Jewish Root and Jesus last SupperA turning point of Hebrew history occurred when God liberated the Hebrew peoplefrom their bondage under the Egyptians. The biblical accounts indicated that the79

Exodus experience was accomplished by a series of providential interventions themost striking one being the killing of the first born of the Egyptians (Ex. 12:29-37).At the outset, the Passover was a family festival. It was celebrated at nith at the fullmoon of the vernal equinox on the fourteenth of the month of Abid, called nisanafter theExile 23 the paschal meal was meant to re-cement ties of kinship, infuse new lifeinto the family, and renew the bonds of mutual protection at the beginning of eachyear 24 later the paschal meal involved not so much the union of individuals withtheir families as the families with the total clan or people.25In the celebration of the Passover feast a young animal born in that year was offeredto yahwed in order to drew down blessing upon the flocks. He victim was a malelamb or kid without blemish (Ex. 12:3 –6 ) not a bone of it was to be broken (Es. 1246 Num 9 12 its blood was place as a sing of preservation on the entrance of eachdwelling an its flesh was eaten During the course of a rapid meal taken in a mannerof guests about tyo go on a journey (Ex. 12: 18-21). According tyo Leon Dufour, thistradition later joined the offering the first born Israelite (Ex. 13 Iff, 11-15 Num 3:138:17)26Another feast was fused with the Passover – the feast off unleavened bread. Thiswas originally distinct but later became associated with the pascha because of itsspringtime date. This rite of the removal of the old leaven whose origin is thoughtto be nomadic or agricultural was associated with the hasty departure from Egyptwhen the dough was carried before it was leavened (Ex. 12:34). 27What became of primary significance about these two feasts was the fact that theearlier agricultural pascha coincided with the deliverance to the Hebrew from Egypt.Consequently. The Passover feast became the memorial of the exodus, theGreatest event of Hebrew history. This intervention by God in history for thedeliverance of the Hebrew from Egypt remained the meaning Passover until the timeof Jesus. Claus waterman sees the Passover as the clearest example of the way thegreat festivals in Israel were kinked with the history of God people. He saysThe Passover was formerly an ancientPastoral festival that was later combinedWith the fest of unleavened bread aFestival held at the beginning of theWheat harvest. Its costumes andObservance were merged quite closelyWith this event (deliverance ) so basicTo Israel history and they were intendedHence forth solemnly to safeguard it.Exodus 12:11 indicates this in anEspecially impressive manner with theComment: you shall eat it in hasteIt is the lord Passover 28Still as the Passover evolved through the centuries qualification and modifications ofinteroperation and practice tool place the most significant one being theDeuteronomy re-form (ca. 621 C.E) which transformed the old family Passovercelebration into a fest of the temple (deut 16: 1 8)29 again because Israel continuedto recall the event of their deliverance from Egypt the Passover feast sustained aneschatological emphasis of the fest of the sign of the liberation to come 30 it80

ecame a feast of hope since it was said that it would be during this celebration thisnight that the messiah would comeFrom my brief discussion of the roots of the Jewish Passover I have indicated thesignificant of this event inIsrael history of salvation. This exodus experience was to be recalled every yearduring Passover feast (Ex. 12;14) until the messiah would come and would thenenact a new covenant with his people Israel. In other words, memory andanticipation were uniquely kinked to ive substance to Hebrew experience of God.Christians reinterpreted this jewish Passover tradition by saying athat Jesus was theMessiah. He took part in the Jewish Passover prior tohis death and by his death andresurrection supplanted it and fulfilled it. Jesus himself became the new lamb thepaschal victim who instituted the paschal meal and effected his own exodus thepassage from this sinful world to the kingdom of the Father 31There has been an almost endless discussion among scholars with regard to thenature of them meal which Jesus sat down to eat with his disciples on the night ofhis betrayal. The question has been whether this was a Passover feast or a meal likethose shared together by the members of Jewish religious fellowship at much morefrequent intervals than the yearly Passover feast. Despite all these doubts DavidCairns says that many scholars have some to agree that it was actually the Passoverfeast which Jesus and his disciples partook.32Joachim Jeremias gives evidence which supports the contention that it was thePassover meal which Jesus ate with his disciples. His arguments for this are based onthe unanimous testimony of the synoptic and John 18:1 that the last Supper tookplace in Jerusalem 33 this is to say, JesusCould have eaten the meal outside the city of Jerusalem yet he did not, because itwas the Passover mead and this had to be eaten in Jerusalem.The Passover context of Jesus last meal with his disciples was clearly important. Thelater church saw this as Jesus instruction of an entirely new meal which involved anew and more complete sacrifice than the old. Jesus himself was the perfect lamb ofGod substituted for the regular lamb of Passover. Through him, that which waspromised was fulfilled, that which was basic for people relationship with God wasestablished through the sacrificial offering of lamb of GodAs the disciples sat to eat the last supper Jesus interpreted the actions as a newcovenant – a true fulfillment of the prophet Jeremiah prophecy: Behold the days arecoming when I will make a new covenant with the house of Israel and the house ofJudah (Jer. 31:31) According to Cairns, Jesus new covenant involved forgivenesswhich created a new relationship of intimate fellowship between God and humakingand among huma beings through Jesus imminent death and resurrection 34Christians see the lord supper prefigured in the Passover memorial of Israeldeliverance from the land of bondage and in the moaning the covenant on mountSinai (Ex. 24: Iff). It is the new paschal meal of th church the meal of the newcovenant which Christ gave to his people as the anamneses of the death andresurrection and as theAnticipation of the supper of the lamb (Rev. 19;9) Christ commanded his disciples toremember and encounter him in this (sacramental) meal until his return.The Jewish Passover memorial words as in Ex. 12:14 and those of the institution ofthe lord Supper do this in remembrance of me link these covenant feast. The JewishPassover as an anamnesis points back to the mighty deeds of salvation historyrealizes God presence to who we offer thanksgiving and praise while God81

emembers Israel and finally points forward in time on the basis of divine promisesin history 35 in the same way the Christian Eucharist points back in time to God actof salvation in the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ at the same time thepresence of Jesus Christ is experience in the congregation as a present realty andfinally thechrestion Eucharist points forward in time to the coming of Jesus.36Max thurian interprets Jesus words of remembrance by saying that the lord supper isa living remembrance a making present. (making a past reality a present reality) ofJesus and his life his propitiatory death and resurrection37 that is to say just as theJewish Passover was a remembrance of the fundamental deeds of salvation throughthe liberation from Egypt and confirmed for Israel that God remembers Israel in thepresent thus the lord supper is the remembrance of the fundamental act off salvationwhich has initiated the new covenant: the death and resurrection of Jesus. Thecontent of remembrance is the entire ritual which surrounds the lords’Supper. Therefore, for thurisn, anamnesis is liturgical act and not a subjectiverecollection 38it is a liturgical action which makes the lord present it is liturgicalaction which recall as a memorial before the father the unique sacrifice of the son,and this makes him present in his memorial in his sacrifice ands in his intercessionas heavenly high priest 39 thus the WCC report on Baptism, Eucharist and ministrystates united with our lord and in communion with all the saints and martyrs we arerenewed in the covenant sealed by the blood of Christ 40 through liturgicalcommunity worship.The act of participation through liturgyWhile the action of liturgy itself has always been regarded in the tradition of thechurch as the privileged time of the Christian community prayer at times therelationship between the paschal mystery in its liturgy has not been clearlyunderstood. Two particularly striking examples of this are approaches to liturgicalaction which may be termed historicization and dramatization as opposed tocommemoration or liturgical memorial 41Although the church has always been concerned with how the liturgy shapes thepiety of people the issue at stake here is to what extent memorial is appreciated asthe means by which contemporary communities are joined with the redemptive actsof Christ 42 historicizing has resulted in an approach toCelebrating the memorial of the paschal mystery which gives undue emphasis to thehistorical details of how and where these events originally occurred. Such anoveremphasis can set up a dichotomy between the worshipping commuintys presentlife and the historical past of the time and place of Jesus life death fundamental unityof this mystery by stating Christ has died. Christ is risen. Christ will come again.What makes liturgical commemoration so important is that in it a notion of time isoperative wherein the whole of Christ paschal mystery is celebrated and experiencedanew as one mystery.43Dramatization in liturgy unlike historicization, seeks to imitate the events of Christdying and resurrection in such a way that it seeks to represent them as past acts.The connection with the Christ present worship life is therefore lost. But liturgicalcommemoration seeks to establish the participation of the community in Christ’spaschal mystery not by repeating any of those events or by imitating them in dramabut by uniting both the history and drama of paschal mystery in contemporarycommunities with these deeds of redemption 44Participation in Christ mystery through the liturgy is a full and rela experience ofredemption.82

Eucharistic liturgy as ritual does not historicize or dramatize the paschal mystery atall. Instead it commemorates historical events in such a way that these eventsbecome transformed and they are no longer merely historical in and through theliturgy these deeds of redemption are sharedIntensely by the celebrating community who through this sharing are transformedand made new by in and through them. 45In addition, liturgical commemoration looks toward the future realization of all that isexpressed and intended y this memorial for it orients believers to the final revelationand accomplishment in the kingdom of all Christ came to do. A good example ofliturgical commemoration is that of Eucharist which Irvin explains:The Eucharist is the place of communalRemembering which gathering and ritualGives life to all who recall, callTo mind, and remember. The liturgy isOur participation now in the whole ofThe paschal mystery of Christ who hasDied, is risen and who will come again 46Irvin says also that, in the funeral liturgy the participation of the community in thesaving life death and resurrection of Christi is affirmed and acclaimed 47 Apparentlythe Chagga people through their participation in the funeral liturgy of thecommunity, Chaggas can be offered the hope and encouragement in their strugglewith the Almighty of God.Prayer plays a very significant role in the act of liturgical participation. In fact, theexperience of liturgical prayer is thus the privileged time to experience the whole ofthe mystery of Christ. That is by recalling the past and summoning the future atcommon prayer christianias shape the present in the sense that life is viewed fromthePerspective of Christ, and the memorial of Christ at the liturgy gives us a real sharein the reality of God in Christ through the power of the Holy Spirit 48 Prayers involverememberance of the God who is active in history the God who delivers his peopleand the same God who continues to act on behalf of his people.The Eucharist in the Early Church TraditionsThe first four centuries of Christian history reveal that the norm of weekly Eucharist– that is commemoration of the lord’s supper on the Lord’s day, (Sunday) – wasalready altered by occasional celebrations there occurred on other days of the week.Many of these weekly celebrations of the Eucharist were associated with specificcircumstances of Christian life.According to the early Church Fathers Tertullian and Cyprian by the early thirdcentury, the normal rhythm of celebrating the Lord’s Supper once a week on Sundayhad changed. Some churches especially in the region of North Africa aroundCarthage had developed the custom of celebrating Eucharist on certain weekdays aswill. Tertullan says these weed day celebrations were attached to penitential stations49 while Cyprian adds that they were sometimes associated with the cult of martyrs50 According to Mitchell Cyprian experience as a pastor during a periods ofpersecution led him frequently to speak of the connections between martyrdomJesus passion and the Eucharist as sacrifice. Again it seems likely that by the middleof the83

Same century, the custom of celebrating eucharist on the occasion of any Christiondeath arose. Tertullian hints at this custom indirectly by referring to Christians whocelebrate the eucharist on the anniversaries of relatives or loved ones 52This show that in the early church it seems most probable that the eucharist wascelebrated in connection with the liturgy of Christian burial. Geoffrey Rowell saysthere are inductions that the custom of celebrating the eucharist during Christianburials existed although not explicitly enumerated 53 It is however, attested forcertain that the fourth century Latin Christianity was familiar with the celebration ofeucharist during buries because in his Confessions. Augustine notes that when hismother Monica was buried the eucharist was offered at the graveside. 54Like the Chagga people whose burials and their grieving days are followed by afterdeathfeasts or meals, similar practice was prevalent in the church in the fourthcentury. This was know as the practice of the refrigerium refreshment 55 whereprivate funeral feasts were provided by familes for deceased relatives. However sincethey were private familial commemorations. The refrigeria were not easily controlledby the clergy and thus sometimes created pastoral difficulties.The main difficulty posed by refrigirea practice was that the clergy felt that its originwas not Christian (pagan).56 Consequently, there is every likelihood that inOrder to combat this problem the church inculturated it with the graveside eucharistmentioned by Augustine in connection with his mother Monica burial. Also despitethe fact the custom of celebrating Eucharist at the liturgy of Christian burial resultedfrom the church’s desire to avoid unchristian rites on such occasion it is worthnoting that funeral customs had a great psychological impact on the history of thepeople and thus they were not easily changed.Because of this it seems that the early church fathers frequently admonishedChristians against burial practices that reflected unchristian (traditional) perceptionof death and its consequences. Despite their long struggle with these practices, thereis one accomplishment one would never forget that is their case of ritual substation.The unacceptable customs were countered by substitution. Acceptable ones includingthe lord’s supper celebrated at graveyard. Thus the Church in Africa, particularly inKilimanjaro, could help strengthen and make meaningful the Christian faith amongthe chagga peoples life cycle not by admonishing them against their memorialrituals but rather by acculturating these rituals with the more acceptable ones,particularly the lord’s supper.The Content of Our Eucharistic Celebration TodayMuch of the African Christi way of liturgical worship today is still very foreign to itspeople./ this is why some intellectuals in Africa today see their local churches asBecoming docile, carbon copies of church in the west 57 as a result there is a call fora radical break thought the enculturation to tits liturgy and worship.Bishop Josiah Kibira of Tanzania, ELCT Northwestern Diocese and the formerpresident of the LWF speaking on the same ground had this to say:Specifically speaking both ecclesiologicalAnd theological freedom are lacking in theAfrican churches. There is need forChange of church ecclesiologicalForeign image and make it more indigenous.This change must effect church buildingsLiturgy. Forms of worship, and symbolismThe church image is still foreign andI think we must analyse this image and84

Them act. This we can realize howOur African art and culture can enrichThe church in Africa.If it is implied that the church in Africa is facing such a foreign image in its liturgyforms of worship and symbolism, then it is most probable that when they gather inliturgical worship to hear the word and commemorate the rites of remembrancemuch of it is also foreign, particularly, taking into account the forms and symbols ofour liturgical worship.Taking the example of the liturgy of the eucharist and the service in NorthernDiocese of the ELCT one notes that it is a docile carbon copy of the of the West. Theonly difference it he language it uses which is Chagga people’s dialects. However,attempts have so far been made by the whole ELCT body to have its own lityrgytoriginating from her people’s melodies and hymns. Even after the birth of the ELCTliturgy Tumwabudu Mungu wetu (Let us worship our God), one can still note theFeeling that people do not have that freedom of expression before their lord the waythey would like to do for example, using drums dances, emotional expression,symbols etc.As the early North American church fathers – Cyprian Tertullian and Augustine –tried to find ways of providing substitutes for the unchristian burial practices byenculturation them with more acceptable ones, (i.e. graveside eucharist) so theAfrican church should do today lt is obligated to find legitimate ways of giving thewhole African liturgy what Alex Chima of Malawi calls, an African face and flesh 59A worshipful and celebratory expressionAnd experience of the Christian faithArising from the culture life experience andFelt needs of Africa using the African’sLiturgical sense in signs words andFeelings this is what African liturgyShould be Ritual symbolism emotionSpontaneity improvisation. Music (songs,Dance musical instruments, ) poetryStories dramatization etc. these areSome of the gifts Africa has received andIs invited now to bring with pride andGratitude into its Christian worship 60In Tanzania and Zaire a complete eucharistic rite was introduced and approved bythe Congregation for Divine Worship of the Roman Catholic Church on anexperimental basis. It is certainly the most successful attempt at genuineinculturation of the Eucharist celebration in African. In this new rite the prayers usemany features from African tradition 61 Also, according to Aywald Shorter, theancestors (the living-dead) are invoked and invited to b e witnesses of the liturgicalaction. 62In 1969 Aywald shorter composed an All Africa Eucharist prayer under the auspicesof AMECEA (Association of the Member Episcopal conferences in Eastern Africa). Thisprayer includes all the basic liturgical elements that scholarship has shown to beessential in the eucharistic prayer. These elements are linked with certain rituals oftraditional African worship the offe5ring of first fruits sacrifices for sins presentationof the victim for sacrifice etc. Also Africa values portrayed a are life, fecundity, theancestors (the living-dead) blood pact of brotherhood medicine and kinship. CertainChristian traditional concepts are translated into Africa values for example the HolySpirit becomes Spirit-medicine of life and covenant become pact of blood85

otherhood Special emphasis is place on the efficacy of the spoken word.63 theseprayers have only been submitted to the respective Catholic Bishops Conference forfurther study and have not yet been given generl permission for their use.Another example of inculturation in Africa liturgy is expressed in many themes ofAfrican religions. Particularly the language usage which is made concreted and downto earth. For example God is described as source of all life sun Eternal Chief Pillar ofRocks into Towering Mountains and Nursing Mother God the Father is the GreatElder” Jesus Christ is the Elder Brother and Chief Medicine Man the Holy spirit is theUnsurpassed Great Spirit while the communion of saints are called the Christianancestors”.Great importance is given to the clan and family ancestors theliving-dead 64I have cited some of these examples of inculturation worship of liturgy in Africa bythe Roman Catholic Theologians in order to see the challenge the lies ahead of us asLutherans. It is true some of us may feel very uneasy with such theological terms asmentioned above. but before we condemn or judge their findings, we have to answerthis question – why are they doing this and who are they addressing? The context towhich they are addressing these issues may have determined all they had tosay – to give the whole liturgy an African face and flesh.CHAPTER FIVE1. Kevin W. Irvin, Liturgy, Prayer and Spirituality New York: Paulist press,1984), p. 1282. Song, p. 1443. Ibid., p. 1284. Brevard childs , Memory and Tradition in Israel (London: SCM Press 1962), p.335. Jones, p. 4346. Irvin, p. 1297. Ibid, p. 1298. Ibid9. Jones p. 43510. Irvin p. 13011. Marianne Micks, The Future Present (New York: Seabury press 1970) p. xiv.12. Ibid. p. 49.13. Irvin, pp. 130-131.14. Ibid., p. 132.15. Gerhard von Rad, Old Testment Theology, Vol, 1 (New York: Harper andRow, 1962) p. 242.86

16. Irvin, p. 13217. Ibid., p. 13318. Allan Richardson An Introduction to the Theology of the New Testment (NewYork: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1958), p.37219. Irvin p. 13420. Ibid p. 13321. Theodore Bachmann, ed. Luthers Works, vol. 35 (Philadelphia: Muhlenbergpress 1960), p.22. Irvin , p. 13723. Xavier Leon-Dufour, ed. Dictionary of the Biblical Theology (New York DesclerCompany, 1962), p. 36024. theodor Gester, Passover – its History ad Traditions (London: Abelard –Schuman, 1958) p. 1825. Ibid,. p. 2026. Dufour, p. 36027. Ibid., pp. 360-36128. Claus Westrmann Handbook of the old Testament Minneapolis: AugsburgPublishing House, 1967) p. 5929. Dufour, p. 36130. Ibid31. Ibid32. David Cairns. In Remembrarace of Me (London: Geoffrey Bless, 1967) p. 1433. Joachim Jeremeas The Eucharistic Words of Jesus (New York: MacmillanCompany, 1955), p. 1434. Cairns, pp. 20-2135. Jones, p. 43836. Ibid37. Ibid, p. 44038. Max Thurian the Eucharistic Memorial part II Richmond John Knox Press1961), p. 3539. Ibid40. WCC Baptism, Eucharist and ministry (Geneva: WCC, Commission on Faithand order), p. 1241. Irvin, p. 13887

42. Ibid43. Ibid, pp. 138-139.44. Ibid, p. 14045. Ibid., p. 14246. Ibid47. Ibid., p. 14348. Ibid., p. 14449. Nathan Mitchell, Cult and Controversy: the worship of the Eucharist out sidemass (New York pueblo Publishing Company, 1982), p, 2950. Ibid51. Ibid., p. 3052. Ibid53. Geoffrey Rowell the Liturgy of Christian Burial Alcuin club Collections, No, 59(London SPCK, 1977),p. 1954. Mitchell, p. 3155. Rowell, p. 1156. Ibid\57. Shorter, p. 24.58. Kibira, p. 6259. Alex Chima Africanizing the Liturgy – Where are We After Twenty Years ofVatican II AFER Vol. 25, No. 5 Ocober 1983, p. 280.60. Ibid., pp. 280-28161. Healey, p. 41562. Shorter, p. 2563. Healey, p. 416.64. Ibid., p. 418.CHAPTER SIXTHE CONCEPT OF CHAGGA AFTERLIFE COMMUNAL MEALSIN RELATION TO THE LORD’S SUPPER88

AS MEMORIAL MEALThe Lord’s SupperAnd Concrete Means of Imparting ChristianFaith to the Chagga people.people as well as many other African societies struggle to retain relationships withtheir departed ones, considered as living-dead by using certain rituals and symbolswhich bring the memories to life. They do this in order to fight death and also therenew life through forgiveness and reconciliation within their kinship and community.This is true during all passage rite celebrations particularly after death. The issue atstake is whether the Church today when it is fighting against the so called newtradition of after – death feasts – sherehe za matanga – could use the Lord Supperto help the chagga Christians encounter death and its consequences through thetraditional rituals but interpreted and practiced in a more positive a effective way.The church in Africa today must think of new ways to help Christianity penetrate allaspects of people’s lives. Christianity must come to grips with the cultural revival inAfrica. The church in Africa has not given the Lord’s Supper its proper place andsignificance as a means for embracing the totality of Christian life. In mostcongregations in their northern diocese, the Lords Supper hasbeen administered four times a year at the most in the rural parishes and oncemonth in the urban churches. The concern is voiced by John Mbiti when he says:since there are only a few ordainedministers, many churches do not celebrateEucharist regularly and sometimes onlyThree or four times a year. this factorMakes the Eucharist appear like anUnimportant service in Christian life.And even where it is hel regularly everyMonth, only a small proportion of theCongregation participates. Church regulationSimilar to those governing the conduct ofAdherents are applied with severity.And offenders are disciplined byAuthorities (or their own conscience)And forbidden to participate in theEucharist.1Just as baptism calls for the drowning of the old Adam in us all sins and evil lustsshould be drowned by daily sorrow and repentance and be put to death and the newperson should come forth daily and rise cleansed and righteous 2 so it is with thelord supper. We might for example reconsider seeing the Eucharist as the Christiandaily meal, whereby Christ is clearly made the center upon which our Christian livesspin like a wheel.3 Such a practice would not be foreign to Lutheran theologicaltradition. For the book of Concord states concerning the Eucharist.Therefore, it is appropriately called theFood of the should sine it nourishes andStrengthens the new person the lord’sSupper is given as a daily food andSustenance so that our faith many refresh89

And strengthen itself and not weakenIn the struggle but grow continuallyStronger.4In my discussion below, I will attempt to shows why I consider the the Lords Supperimportant in bridging the gap that exists between Christianity and its encounter withthe Chagga tradition religion especially in relation to the Chagga after-deathmemorial meals.According to Paul Tillich, our ultimate concern in best expressed symbolicallybecause symbolic language is able to express the ultimate. This is because symbolsare able to point beyond themselves to something else. Also, because symbolsparticipate in that to which they point, they open up levels of reality which otherwiseare closed to us or would remainunapproachable.5 Tillich claims that the language offaith is the language of symbols. 6The Chagga traditional beliefs and practices are full of symbols which help concretizethe faith the hope in their religion. These include Mount Kilimanjaro, which they faceduring prayers land milk blood, plants (especially masale dracaena) bones (skull)drink (mbege – local beer) meals, song, dances, and so on. They see these symbolsor earthly elements, as agents which speak to them the language which wordscannot possibly to. As jeremias say to Orientals, the idea that divine gifts arecommunicated by eating and drinking is very familiar 7 To the Chagga symbolicactions like sharing meals and drinks mean more than they do to the WesternEuropean world.8 And this was also true of Jesus. The table fellowships he gave tothe outcasts and sinners meant to offer them salvation and the assurance offorgiveness.9It is in the sacraments of baptism and Eucharist that Christian worship is mostintense and real because in these sacraments both physical and spiritual worldsconverge as do also the dimensions of time. It is here that the materialistic languageof eschatology meets with the non-material realities which the sacrament endeavorto convey symbolically. 10 thus the sacramental celebration of the Lord’s supper isthe most effective medium for demonstrating via material objects-bread and wine(meal), the cross and the proclaimed word those histological and eschatologicalrealities which are conveyed only in part on the conceptual level. Choan seng songsays that these religious symbols enter the depth of human spirituality in search ofwhat is ultimate in life 11 for they are pregnant with meanings that concern us in hiswould and in the world to come. And although life as a whole is saturated withsymbols it is the religious realm that the symbolic character of life is intensified. 12The Chagga people have always tried to communicate with both the living and theliving-dead through the language of symbols tangible elements like food, milk, andbeer which they consider to have the power to transcend their physical world to thespiritual world. Consequently, the sacrament of the Lord’s supper, which carries withit symbols or tangible elements, would be especially appropriate and would speakmuch more meaningfully to the Chagga people in times of crises like death, sicknessand other moments of passage.Paul Tillich points out that, religious symbolism, both in the Bible and outside it usesseeing feeling and tasting as often as hearing in describing the experience of thedivine presence 13 for ordinary Chagga people and even many African people whotend to think more in concrete terms faith or hope is note concept it consists oftangible and concrete thins. Here the Roman Catholic church among the Chaggapeople has made a greater impact as far as concretizing the believers faith its90

symbolic language is expressed in church architecture, tangible signs, (such asmosaics use of water for baptismal temperance, crosses), and the partaking ofEucharist every day. They also administer the Eucharist during burials. Of coursethese have specific theological implication for Roman Catholic which may not beacceptable fro Lutherans but our point is to emphasize that our people think andperceive in concrete terms rather that in abstract terms. It is our understanding thatthe hope we give to our people must be related somehow to symbols which have adirect connection with their daily live. Song say life as a spell is under the spell andpower symbolsIn offering libations and sacrifices to their living-dead the Chagga people use meansand drinks. Their belief is that these ritual acts become powerful symbols of life andhope. They are symbols familiar to them as they use them in their daily life. Sincethese are usually their staple food and drink they nourish life and signify the sourceof their life it is this food which carries them from one day toThe next, from one year to the next and from generation to generation. Song,speaking from a Asian perspective, says, it is mor that just food. It is life. It is hopeit is spirit 15 the church in Kilimanjaro will have truly succeeded the day it (thechurch) can offer the Lord supper regularly as the true source of their life hope andspirit.The Lord supper as a Meal of Forgivenessand Reconciliationaccording to Chagga traditional beliefs death has a reconciliatory dimension. Chaggapeople have a saying that death units that is tos say death has the power of bringingpeople together. Whenever death occurred family members relatives friend andneighbors has to forget their differences, (including conflicts and misunderstandingthat arose during the time of nursing their dying relative), or their enmity, andgrieve together in this tragic moment. It was a time of forgiveness and renewal oflife. This forgiveness concerned not only the living, but also the deceased in orderthat the departed could leave a happy memory behind, Death rite includereconciliation and forgiveness of all past wrong-doings. Usually, a pastor, evangelistor a church elder was invited to participate and help with counseling in oared tobring about reconciliation among all members of the family. Besides the family andrelatives coming together, creditors nd debtors of the deceased presentedthemselves before this family gathering, paying or asking for their dues. The familymembers had to be verycautious not to allow relationships to break. This was precisely one of the reasonswhy meals and drinks has to available during this grat moment. Meals and drinkswere usually taken as positive sings of acceptance and renewed relationships. It isfrom these after-death gatherings accompanied by food and drinks that (what thechurch has termed ) the so called new tradition of after-death celebrations(kusherehekea matanga) has emerged. The church has tried to fight against thesemeals but without much success. The church in the Northern Diocese fails tounderstand that in this so called new tradition there are creation issues as well astraditional African beliers involved which we cannot afford to lose.The church needs to seize this valuable opportunity of people desperately in searchof forgiveness, peace and unity as a family of God to give pastoral care, counselingand the assurance of God’s promise and forgiveness of sins. It can do this mostclearly by incorporating the Euchristic meal in the post-death gathering. As MartinLuther says:91

But when I distribute the sacrament, IDesignate it for the individual who isReceiving it I give him Christ bodyAnd blood that he may have forgivenessOf sins obtained through his death andPerched in the congregation. This isSomething more than the congregationalSermon or the sacrament for although theSame thing is present in the sermon asIn the sacrament here there is theAdvantage that it is directed atDefinite individuals. 16The importance of pastoral care and the church ministry of reconciliation should notbe underestimated. At this time of loss and grid. It is the best opportunity for ourclergy and evangelists to minister to the family the clan and the neighbors as they allgather in the deceased home. Pastors have a great opportunity to bring their peopleto relationship with Christ who is their hope and shield in bad and good time’s Also itis the pastor’s opportunity to bring the family and relative into relationship with oneanother. The Eucharist could serve as the sacrament means of spiritual sustenancefor the family relatives, and the Community at large even with those who have gonebefore us who are remembered here it can do this because in the meal celebrationwe connect Christ death and resurrection with us and us and all who have shared inthis mealAccording to Martim Luther the sacrament of the Eucharist is there to strengthen theconscience against all distress and temptations 17 and as I mentioned my previousdiscussion the Chagga people found it very hard to accept any death without firstengaging in a search for its cause. In the course of finding a cause they weretempted to fall into many problematic situations (e.g. a need for diviners use ofmagic, search for revenge etc. ) the Eucharist would strengthen their faith andprotect them against all distress and the temptation of falling into more serious sin(such as revenge)Through the forgiveness of sins offered in the Eucharist, we are assured of beingworthy of life and salvation. It provides visible tangible assurance that even thoughsin does separate us from God in the Lord supper we have the assurance that asbelievers, life an salvation are our present possession through the forgiveness ofsins, Verlying Kraxberger says:And when we are in difficult affairs or timesOf life crisis what better way is there tomeet them than to do it with Jesus? Here inThe Lord supper in found strength for theSoul and peace for the troubled heart. HereToday, we are provilged to possess theBeginning of eternal bliss which one dayIs to be fully consummated in the hereafter. 1892

Another significant aspect o our caring ministry at such occasion would be to find away to teach the theology of the cross. For example challenging the Chagga tointerpret suffering not only as assign that something wrong had been done butrather as a part of Christian life. Christian need to know the depth of godinvolvement on the cross for the salvation o humankind through Christ salvific actwhich they experience as reality in his Eucharist act which they experience as realityinto his Eucharist.Commenting on Jurgen Moltmann’ s Winston Persaud says that Moultmann conceptof the crucified God shows God suffering with Himself and with suffering mankindinstead of merely calling man to resurrection hope with participating in the sufferingand oppression of man 19 it is on the cross of Jesus and in his resurrection that weactually see the pain and love of God for us, giving our desperate and miserableWorld a hope that transcends all human understanding. It is this transcendent hopewhich characterizes chrestian faith as already in the word even where death isthreatening the lives of people due to provery, ignorance and disease. Persaud saysthat this hope is present in the would in the cross of Jesus as Mootmann summarizesitThe cross of Christ is the sign of God hopeOn earth for all those who live here in theShadow of the cross. Theology of hope is atIts hard core theology of the cross. TheCross of Christ is the presently give formOf the Kingdom of God on earth in theCrucified Christ we view the future of God.Everything else is drams fantasies and mereWish images hope born our of the cross ofChrist distinguished Christian faith fromSeparation as well as disbelief 20The cross of Jesus which deeper God pain fro human sufferings in this would and hisresurrection which assures present and future hope in Christ becomes most clear asChristian sit as the fellowship table of the lord supper it is this hope born out of thecross of Jesus realized and present in the lord supper which cam make people whoare full of suppression an disbelief come to grips with a true Christian faith.As the lord’s supper is administered it becomes a call (mission) to transform historyin order to make it more human 21 this is Christ call to all those who celebrate hisbody and his blood. The WCC report Baptism. Eucharist and Ministry summarizedthis more vividly by saying through the Eucharist the all renewing grace of Godpenetrates andRestores human personally and dignity. The Eucharis involves the believer in thecentral event of the world history and participated in the ongoing restoration of theword’s situation and human condition 22A theology of the cross, if well taught and understood in our churches will truly freeChagga Christians from all that adds to their sorrow and death. It will deliver themfrom the bondage of sacrifices fear disbelief and superstition which consume theirwealth leaving them or making them poor. It is the cross of Jesus and hisresurrection that will assure them of god Kingdom and those promises of Jesus Icame that they may have life and have it abundantly (John 10:10b) shorter pointout that if Africa had humanity are to enjoy the abundant life promised them byJesus Christ thee must truly be a Christian Revolution 23 that revolution is simply agenuine enculturation of Christianity in African society.93

Since it is in desperate moments such as in times of death that people are likely toturn to God as their last resort it is worthwhile examining how celebration of the lordsupper can serve to strengthen faith, As Luther says; The Lord supper gives andincreases our faith 24The Lord’s SupperA Meal of FellowshipAccording to Chagga traditional beliefs, meals and beer (local beer) play a significantrole in religious life as symbols of communion and fellowship between families,relatives and the community – at – large. This fellowship concerns not onlyThe living but also the living-dead the living-dead are not worshipped but are seenas people who are part of the family and have the right to share and participate in allfamily affairs. Gutmann clarifies the role played by the living-deadThe living-dead stabilize not only thePresently existing communal associations.But are the immediate actual presuppositionFor their existence. Only against theBackground of the ancestral faith andAbs=castor veneration can the manifoldRegulations and behavior patterns asWell as the sub-division of theAssociation into age groupings andNeighborhoods be explained 25Such a concept was inconceivable for the firs missionaries. They hastily interpretedthe chagga sacrificial meals and beverage as ancestor worship and thus condemnedit. But the effect of this cultural suppression as we have seen is that it has simplydrive tradition practice underground. As Bishop Kweka remark now this new traditionsherehe za matanga is spreading in full fledge 26 even after such a long period ofChristianity in Kilimanjaro.According to Chagga customs, meals unite people. It is here that the communion ofall members of the family – the living and the living- dead – takes place. It isthrough meals that the unity and hope for future life are consolidated, particularly,when death has occurred.As in the celebration of the Lord’s supper, what we are primarily concerned with islife an not death. We remember Christ death which has been conquered by life. SongsaysThat It is not the sting of death we remember when we celebrate the Eucharist 27but as we share the bread and wine the meal, through which Christ, presence isrealized – we celebrate life. The sting of death and its bitterness have beenovercome by Christ’s death and resurrection.Consequently what we celebrate at the Lord’s table is life and not death. It is aproclamation of victory over death (I Cor. 15:55)Again, as we participate in the Eucharist we celebrate our Christian fellowship whichembraces the whole people of God, even the saints gone before. Jeremeas points ourthat every table of fellowship is a fellowship of life, and so table fellowship with Jesusis more – for we celebrate life in Christ Jesus 28 this means that if we believe thatthose who die in Christ live agin thwn in Eucharist we celebrate life with all thosewho have died in Christ.Just as many early missionaries were opposed to sacrificial fellowship meals so it istoday among some native pastors. They would definitely hesitate to see the livingdeadas part of the family. Consequently, any association with them in relation to94

memorials or sacrificial meals would be considered ancestor worship. In fact, theyforget that the spirits of the dead are not venerated as transcendent powers.Instead, they are feared and placated. Again, if they were worshipped as God, therewould be no worship of the supreme Being – Ruwa – which is so different from theso-called ancestor worship. The ancestors haveNever replaced Ruwa in any way, and so they are never worshipped in the samesense that Ruwa is worshipped.Relations between the living and the living-dead are a form of continuing fellowshipbetween families and their departed ones29 through memorial symbols. This is whythe living-dead are believed to have physical needs that must be met. This is alsothe reason why people seek their advice and their favor. It is this on-goingrelationship and fellowship which the Chagga people are concerned with inmemorials of their living death through fellowship meals throughout their entire lifecycle.The participation of Christian in the Lord Supper could be considered as thesacramental moment when the ecclesia militans becomes absolutely one withecclesia triumphs as in Heb. 12:22-24 this means that the Eucharistic action isstaged in the heavenly realities in the presence of God the church and the wholecompany of heave. But it belongs to the eschatological nature of the Eucharist thatwhat is mediated in and through it is both a fulfillment and a promise. It is afulfillment of what faith in Christ can see and appreciate.But it is also a promise of much more which cannot be conceived in the limits oftemporal dimension even by the most saintly participants.31For those who argue that God is not of the dead but of the living we would say thatall live to God even those who died in Christ Jesus. That is why hans Von Balthasarsaid: when earthly church celebrates the Eucharist it invokes heavenlyInhabitants in the communicates prayer in the memento prayer, however, it invokesheaven itself, calling to remembrance heavenly participation in temporal events 32Again, God will have no dealing with the dead if death if death is taken in anabsolute sense of the complete cessation of life which virtually means a completeseparation from God. But song points out that if we consider the sovereignty of Godas extending over the whole creation there can be no realm outside his care andcontrol. Consequently, there should be no room form absolute death in a faith thatconfesses God as its creator and redeemer.33In conclusion I would say that the Chagga concept of community as outlinepreviously embraces the unborn the living and the living – dead Likewise Christianbelieve or know of the Church militant on earthy and the church triumphant inheaven as somehow embracing one another/. Because of this relationship that existsbetween the Chagga concept of community and that of the church there is needtoday to contextualize and present the church as a corporate body with a uniquesolidarity transcending. By far, anything akin to it in tradition Chagga society.Furthermore, because ancestor are though of in relation to their tribes or clans offamilies thy could therefore, be readily embraced within the framework of theuniversal church ad be included in the communion of saints.The Lord Supper as a Meal of Hope(Eschatological Meal)95

according to John Mbiti belief in the continuation of life after death is found in alsomost all African societies. But this belied does not constitute a hope for a future andbetter life. 34 the Christian doctrine of resurrection and judgment implies both thehope foe a new life lived in close communion with God and the dread of eternalpunishment in the hell of separation from God. Christianity therefore helped theChaggas focus their attention on events into e future in a way in which theirtraditional religious beliefs has not. Lema says that: for the first time in Chaggaconsciousness, life has a purpose beyond itself – a meaning beyond the needs thedemands and the delights of the present moment and the memories if the pastsorrow hoys and achievements 35 the Chagga people could look forward to futurebeyond the immediate and foreseeable to the distant unknown with faith that beyonddeath there was no longer a shadowy, secondary existence into oblivion, but rather ahope for resurrection of the human being for a new life.The underlying issue here is that Christianity has not emphasized the place of thecommunion of saints as much as it has other christen doctrines. As a result, theChagga people are wreathing with the problem of their living-dead being seen by thechurch as idolatrous or unchristian. My conviction is that the Eucharist, taken in aneschatological sense which incorporates the communion of Saints, could be asubstitute forWhat the Chaggas are trying to overcome in their after-death memorial meals(sherehe za matanga). It might serve as well to reinterpret other living-deadremembrances connected with other passage rites suv as birth, initiation andmarriage.It was choan song who pointed our that hope detached from daily life is no longerhope but an illusion. And yet it is hope hound to the practical life that leads us to thetranshistorical dimension of life 36 this is simply to say that since hope is not aconcept but concreted and tangible it must be historical. That means it has to dowith what has taken place in time and space.The meals prepared by the Chagga people to celebrate cetain passage rites in theirlife cycle, as well as their invocation of their living-dead on these occasions, act as alink between now and the hereafter between the present and the future and betweenlife an death. As a result in this act of remembrance. Their departed relativebecomes alive, because the meal and the beer are mystery of life that overcomesdeath. Through this meal the departed is as real to the members of the family ashe/she was in the past. This is so because this meal is the meal of union andcommunion. It is the meal of hope that the departed will continue to benevolent tothe familySuch being the case it would be important for the Chagga people, struggling withnormalization of their life after a death to see the Lord supper as an indispensableassurance of their normal life now and after this life. Allan RichardsonSays that the Lords supper looks forward to the forthcoming g deliverance of theparousia. Also it makes not only the past but also the future in the now of faith 37Admittedly, the past and the future which are brought together in the now of faith byore participation in this eschatological meal, concern the Saints too. As songremarks.The theological meaning of death isTherefore different from its physicalMeaning. Death occurs physically, butIt does not occur theologically. ThisIs the ultimate meaning o life afterDeath. In God there is no death, for96

In death we have life. Life is theEschatological meaning of death 38.We as Christian have this life now through Jesus Christ our, Lord whom weencounter in his Word and sacrament. In the Lords supper we are made sharers ofChrist Kingdom which will finally be fulfilled in the consummation of time, when weshall gather before his throne with the archangels, angels and all the communion ofsaints which includes our living-deadThe Memorial Aspect of the Lord’s SupperIn the previous discussion attempts have been made to show that the Chagga peopleretain relationship with their departed ones by using certain rituals which bring to lifethe memory of their living-dead. They do this in part by naming their children aftertheir forefathers and mothers offering sacrifices and libations of meals and drinksespecially duringThe most significant occasion pertaining to the passage rites birth initiation. Marriageand death. Also during times of distress sickness and eastern in the family or tribethe departed are placated. Indeed, the whole life cycle id concerned withperpetuating memories of their ancestors through marriage and procreation andoccasional consultation or invocations when there is an important life decision to bemade in the familyUnfortunately, when Christianity came to Tanzania it did not take this traditionalbelief seriously not try to see how it was deeply rooted in the people hearts. Insteadthe missionaries tried to suppress it although without much success since thisconcept has persisted even among those considered to be very faithful and strongChagga Christians today.Often we tend to forget that memory is God’s gift to us all whether we are Christiansor not. Song contends that memory is not only a sign of life but is life itself. It is thecondition of life. Without memory there is no hope for the condition life after ourphysical death. When memory ceases, absolute death occurs” (Job 18:17-19). 39 forthis reason, the Chagga people are grappling with retention of the memory of theirliving-dead to prevent this absolute death from occurring. Obviously, this is what isbehind raising monuments, writing biographies, autobiographies, and so on. Wewant to perpetuate memories since memories are in some senseEternal. And even more importantly, our relationships with God are conditioned bymemory.Because of the indispensability of memory in our lives, throughout the Bible God’speople have continually been reminded not to forget God’s mighty acts for theirsalvation. It was in this remembrance that the Israelites could come before God withthanksgiving. As Brian Wren says this memory is not poetic fancy, but personsidentification 40 By the same token, Jesus also knew of our human weakness,particularly with regard to remembering him and what he has done for our salvation.Consequently, he instituted the Lord’s supper as his final acts to authenticate hismessianic ministry and to institute a memory by which he could be recognized as thetrue Messiah. It is this memorial meal that would bring us into living relationship withhim as long as we partake of it. In this sacrament, his presence would be realized aswe remember him, John Mbiti contends:The presence of the Lord at the EucharistMakes it the means and moment of the most97

Intimate communication between him andHis eschatological community. HisPresence neutralizes temporal limitationsMaking the sacrament a remembrance (anamnesis)To be repeated constantly, without losingIts effectiveness.Jesus’ promise of the gift of the Spirit in worship through Word and Sacrament,enables his fool wars to grasp the full significance of his ministry. This memory withwhich they are to member Jesus whenever they share bread and wine together willbe a sacramental memory relating them to him in aSpecial way. Through this sacramental memory, Jesus is not only remembered but isalive, that is truly present in a way that transcends mere historical remembrance.Therefore, bread and wine used for such special occasion are no longer mereelements, but the true blood and body of the living Christ 42 this means that themeal we eat can beSacramental transformed into the symbols and assurance of eternal life. The breadand the wine as food have the potentialities of life. As a result, they partake of thepower of life that comes from GodLikewise, the Chagga people through their traditional beliefs are struggling to findsecurity in life amidst their life struggles, socially, economically and politically. Asthey look for strength and power to confront their day – to –day sorrows, fears andthreats of gried and death they need to bear witness to the assurance power an lovethat raised Jesus Christ from the dead – a witness they encounter so vividly in theLord’s Supper.As I said earlier, what the Chagga people are most concerned with in all theirtraditional memorial rituals in different occasions of life, is life and not death as such.In tact, they perform all these sacrifices and the offering of libation as a way to fightagainst absolute death and its evil powers. They are after frightened by the fact thatif they do not perpetuated the memories of their living-dead misfortunes might befalltheir families. Consequently, it is here as they celebrate the Lord’s supper, that theycan partake of lifeGiven to them in and by Christ Jesus. For through this sacramental memory, thebelievers find themselves in the presence of the living Christ who becomes their lifegiver. The meal memory and life in Christ all these are bound in a sacramentrelationship that gives hope faith and love. According to song, to be caught up in thisrelationship is to be part of the history filled with redemptive significance. 43 And forthose of us who try to neglect or suppress the power of memory, we are emendedthat it sin memory we encounter and experiences eternal life; for memory enablesus to have a foretaste of life in God 44In Luke 24:13-32 the hearts of two unidentified followers of Jesus on their way toEmmaus were filled with heaviness, sorrow and pain as they walked discussing thecrucifixion of Jesus. It was not until they sat at table and shared bread with thisstranger that their eyes were opened and they recognized him. This shows thatparticipation in the breaking of bread enables us to encounter the living Christ in ourmemory. Memory in this case is the link between the crucified Jesus an theresurrected Christ. And thus memory is a passage from death to life, from despair tohope. The Chagga peoples struggle fits very well in this framework. It does sobecause what they are trying to recapture through their memorial meals andsacrifices to their living-dead is life and hope. Also it is in this Eucharistic meal thatthey will98

Find their true hope and life in the living Christ encountered in his Word andsacrament.Undoubtedly there is a need for the church today to research the theology ofmemory and its place in our Christian doctrines. This is why St. Augustine said thatlife is saturated with all kinds of memory and this power of memory is the power oflife itself for it determine shapes life. It is here we are confronted by they mystery oflife. At the same time it is here in memory that we encounter God 46 In theologicallanguage then memory is the receptacle of divine revelation. Memory therefore hassacramental meaning.In this sacrament we have the presence of Christ, the memory of his Slavonic actand broader salvation history (e.g. Exodus, etc.), and hope of fulfillment of humanlife and history all in one. That is to say the crucifixion of Jesus as redemption for theworld and the ultimate fulfillment of that redemption become a reality in theindividual believer’s and the community’s memory of Jesus Christ in a very realway. It is no ordinary memorial supper. It is in the community’s celebration of theSupper that the risen Christ becomes present in the life of the believer, 46 in allaspects and all stages of life from birth to death and not only in moments of crisis.Because the Lord’ s supper is considered as Christ last and greatest gift to remind usof our salvation, the church repeatedly needs to bring this salvation assurance to theMemory of our people in the times of death of their beloved ones. It is the gift ofassurance for their salvation and assurance out of fear of death, both physical andspiritual, now and hereafter, it is a way to assure the bereaved also that throughtheir faith in Christ Word and the sacraments. They have passed from death to life,not only here in this world but also in the life to come. Brian Wren cautions thechurch cornering its practice of the Eucharist by saying: the problem is that theactual practice of the Eucharist has become so ritualized, privatized and abstractedform its historical basis and communal beginnings that we are like the deluded majoror corporation 47 in other word it becomes so identified with institutionalexpectations that it loses its capacity to touch daily life in a regular, ongoing way.CHAPTER SIX1. John Mbiti, New Testment Eschatology in African Background, (London Oxforduniversity press, 1971), p. 1132. Theodore Tappert ed. The book of Concord (Philadelphia fotress press,3. Robert Tafr, the Frequency of the Eucharist Throughout Histoy in Beyon Eastand West (ashington, D,C. the pastoral press 1984),p.144. Ibid., p. 44999

5. paul Tillich, Dynamics of Faith New York: Harper & Row publishers, 1957),pp.41-426. Ibid, p. 457. Jeremes, p. 1548. Lema p. 588-594.9. Ibid,. p. 13910. Mbiti, new testamnr Eschtology in African Background p. 14111. Song, p. 10312. Ibid p. 10313. Palul Tillich Sysematic Theology, vol. I (Chicago university of Chicago press,1951),p.123414. Song, p.10315. Ibid, p. 14416. Abdel Ross Wenaz ed Luther Words vol. 36 (Philadelphia muhlenberg press,1959), p.34817. Ibid,. p. 35218. Kraxverger, p 4619. Winston C. persaud, the Theology of the Cross and Marx’s Concept of manwith Reference to the Caribbean Ph. D thesis, Department of Divinity, St.Mary’s college, university of St. Andrew, Scotland, 1980), p. 18920. Ibid, pp. 189-19021. Ibid, p. 18822. WCC Report, Baptism Eucharist, and Ministry, p. 1423. Shorter p. 2024. Robert H. Fischer ed., Luthers Works Vol 37 Philadekphia muhlenberg press1961), p. 15525. Jaeschke, p. 37526. Umoja, p. 10100

27. Ibid p 15228. Jeremias, p., 13629. Song, p. 15430. Mbiti New Testment Eschatology in African Background, p. 8131. Ibid p. 81-8232. Hans urs Balthasar life out of Death (Philadelphia Fortress press 1985), pp.61-62.33. Song, p. 15534. Mbiti, African Religious and Philosophy, p. 435. Lema, p. 33336. Song, p 142.37. Rechardson, p. 37238. Song p. 15539. Ibid p. 14440. Brian Wren Justice and Liberation in the Eucharist the Chrestiaon CentruryVol. 103, No, 28, Oct,1,1986, p. 839.41. Mbiti New Testmaent Eschatology in African Background p. 102.42. Song. P. 147.43. Ibid, p. 14744. Ibid., p. 148.45. Ibid, p. 14546. Ibid, p. 15047. Wren, p. 839.101

CONCLUSIONThere is a great need for the church in Kilimanjaro, and in the whole of Africa todayto acculturate Christianity be able to penetrate into our people live. Ernst Jaenschkestates it well when he says:In order for Christianity to continue toGrow in African it must be concerned aboutHuman beings social condition. The GospelHas to touch people’s needs here and hereAfter, and also Christianity must concernNot only ones relationship with God butAlso humankind with his or her neighbor andEach with himself or herself. On the whole,Christianity must seek to changer the soulsOf Africans from their cultural roots, beliers,And tradition and thereby unite them with thePresent day conditions of our people so thatThe soul will have a chance after it isChanged. 1In the midst of rapid social change people yearn for something that can give themcomfort and assurance something that can fill them with hope and courage as theyface the problems of their total life situation. Mbiti contends that the church shouldhave more to offer than the gentle pietistic voice. And the greater part of the answerto this problem should come from a fuller understanding and practice of sacramentalliving. 2 Joseph G. healey argues that Our people need to be able to live, expresscelebrate formulate and communicate their Christian faith and their experience of thepaschal mystery in terms (linguistic, symbolic, social).That make the most sense and better convey life and truth in their social and culturalenvironment. 3102

It is amazing to see how radically the Roman Catholic church in Africa is changingsince the second Vatican Council, particularly in the struggle to acculturate theGospel and worship. 4 Roman Cathol9cs have recognized the importance andnecessity of enculturation, (indiginization), and incarnation of Christianity. While inUganda in 1969, pope Paul VI admonished the church with these words you Africansare from now on your own missionaries, You must continue to build the church inthis continent You many and you must have an African Christianity 5 Pope Paul wasemphasizing that Christianity can and must be entirely at home in African culturesfor he elsewhere stated that.Evangelization loses much of its forceAnd effectiveness if it does not take intoConsideration the actual people to whom itIs addressed if it does not use their languageTheir signs and symbols if it does not answerThe questions they ask and it does notHave an impact on their concrete life 6The church in Africa is being urged even by the Western leaders and theologians tosee the supreme importance of enculturation of the gospel in order to make thechurch’s teaching and rituals intelligible to local cultural. The church in African inunity with the world-wide church, is being encouraged to bring from its culture,original expression of Christian life, celebration and thought. The church in Africa isto be fully African and fully Christians. 7In our previous discussion we have argued that there are positive factor in thechagga concept of life after death the living-dead and in their after death ritualswhich can be shared by Christians as they sit at the Lord’s Supper in remembranceof Christ until he comes. In the experience of the living presence of Christ, asChristians partake of his body and blood through the bread and wine, both personsand communal relationships are evident. We experience the living Christ as center ofthe family to which we belong, a family which includes those who have passedbeyond this life into another life and of those who are to follow us in the future. Mbitiviews the time when Christians come together for sacraments as the time whenthey come to the focal point of their scatological birth and nourishment, judgmentand renewal, worship and communion appropriation and anticipation of the heavenlybenefits, until he come. Then and only then, must they expect the imperfect to passaway. 8Again, as we sit at the Lord’s table, with Jesus Christ at the center of thissacramental experience of life, we constitute together with all the members of ourfamily a communion established on the foundation of the cross and the resurrection.Consequently, says Xong, the Lord Supper must therefore be a family supper in trueand comprehensive sense. It must ba communion in true sense of the word acommunion that solidifies the ties binding us all in the love of God 9 Brian Wren addsthat the lost supper was a real meam not ritualized worship,. There was the smell ofroastLamb and herbs the clatter of dishes, the splashing of wine poured in the cup andtable talk whispering laughter and questioning . it was in the eucharistic breaking ofbread in the context of a real meal where the most basic human needs are met wastaken for granted in the early church. 10 As a result, it should be a moor concernthat our observance of the Lord’s Supper has reached the point where as Wrenstateswe are trying to have a meal without having a meal. 11 Is this an unconsciousattempt by the church to protect itself from the radically communal, transforming103

power of the rite? Having the Eucharist as part of a real meal whether with tem ortwo hundred people-helps one discover what has been so grievously lost. 12At the Lord’s supper, we rejoice in our own salvation as we partake of the bread andwine as the symbols and assurance of God’s saving love made effective in us throughJesus Christ. It also gives us the assurance that our loved ones who have gonebefore us are present with us through Jesus Christ. This is made concrete when wespecifically name those who have one before us in prayers of intercession and alsomore broadly when we say that our prayer includes the whole community of saintsthe Lord’s table is therefore surrounded by both the visible and invisible members ofthe great family of God with Jesus Christ at the head of the table. This is his no oneis excluded from it, not event those who have passed through death (into life).For the Chagga people who are struggling to find meaning in life, particularly I theirfears about life and death the Lord’s supper can serve to bridge the gap between lifeand death. This is possible because the sacraments are Christ centric in theirinstitution and practice, we encounter Christ in death and resurrection, throughallowing death to ber celebrated and not feared. Professor Mbiti assets, sacramentsepitomize the who Gospel from the incarnation to the paresis in the Pauline theologyof sacraments they are by their very nature, the essence and center of Christian life,fellowship and worship. 13From the very early days of the church, the community was most visibly visited in itssacramental worship. Eucharistic celebration cemented together the faithful with oneanother and with their Lord 14 And it is precisely here where Christ chan be seen astrue Lord of life and death in the church today.Therefore, the worshipping church must and does triumph for it is here more than atany other place of its existence, that the gates of Hades simply cannot prevailagainst the church. The church equips itself it wage a attack on the principalities ofevil and its consequences. As a result, the church undoubtedly becomes evenstronger when it is gathered for sacramental worship. At this time of worship, thechurch equips itself with Christ power over death on the cross and his resurrectionwhich is mediated through the sacrament of the Lord’s supper. It is the same lord,who was and is and is to come, whom they encounter in this sacramental worship.The significance of earthly or tangible elements and their effectiveness tour Chaggapeople is not to be underestimated, Broadly speaking, most Africans think more inconcrete terms than in abstract forms. They have to touch, hear, see, taste, and ifpossible, smell the object so of their thought, it is precisely here through theEucharist that we find an open channel of communication from the material to thespiritual. The elements f water, wine and bread, (cross) are perceptible through allthe human sense, by using them sacramentally, i.e. word and sign together, theparticipants are hoisted from the physical realm to the spiritual realm, from thevisible to the invisible and from the earthly to the eternal. Professor mbiti says this isthe area of understanding which must replace much of the fear, dread and magicmentality15 which tends to shroud the sacrament especially the Eucharist.Furthermore since the decrement contain the whole Gospel, when it is proclaimed inthis symbolic and concrete manner, its message would permeated the whole personthrough the total senses of his/her perception.It is vitally important that our Christian worship in Kilimanjaro and African as a wholeemphasize the African church’s originality and as Cardinal Paul Zoungraha maintains,its very legitimate desire to work for the Christianity that assume African values andfinds authentic forms of expression 16 Traditional ideas objects, music, and rituals,which make sense to people in creating solemnity or joy, as for example sitting in asemicircle or full circle with the104

Eucharist table at the center-a typical Chagga way could be incorporated intothelityrgyt to enrich sacrament worship and make it culturally communicative. AlexChima of Malawi stresses the importance of giving the whole liturgy and African faceand flesh by maintaining that:A worshipful and celebratory expression andExperience of the Christian faith arisingFrom the culture life experience and feltNeeds of African using the African liturgicalSense for signs words and feelings this is whatLiturgy should be Ritual symbolism emotionSpontaneity improvisation music (song dancemusical instruments) poetry stories,dramatization erc., theses are some of the giftsAfrica has received and is invited now to bringWith pride and gratitude into its Christian worship. 17Following Vatican It’s mandate for indigenous liturgical expression the church inZaire, African has creatively responded by including in the rite of the Eucharist aninvocation of the saints and of the ancestor who have served God with a goodconscience 18 this constitutes a healthy challenge to our Lutheran Church in Africaand particularly in light of the fact that Lutheran communities are slow to keep pacewith other Christian churches in Africa. In almost all Lutheran churches in Tanzaniamembers have not even been able to share to peace of the lord with one anotherduring the Eucharist. Instead, they only say it as a response to the leader of theservice. Chagga symbols that are used in the exchange of peace in differentreconciliation occasions likeDracaena (sale) or eating food or drinking from the same container or breaking astick a sign reconciliation could be incorporated in our Christian service in order tomake Christianity more authentic for our people.Christian are primarily concerned about life and not death at the Eucharist. Similarlywhen Chaga people prepare after-death meals kusherehekeda matanga or afterdeath memorials their main concern is their present and after life. They areconcerned about their lives amid the fears of the evil powers, war, hunger, diseaseand poverty all of which threaten endanger and terminate life. It is for this reasonthey feel they need to seek the protection and benevolence of the living-dead. Thelords supper as a communion of the faithful embraces all aspects of life and promiseslife. It is an act of thanksgiving and offering on behalf of the whole world and thecelebration of it demands reconciliation and sharing among all those regarded asbrothers and sisters in one family of God. By sharing in the Eucharist this family ofGod is constantly challenged to appropriate relationships in social, economy andpolitical life All kinds of injustice, racism separation, and lack of freedom are radicallychallenged by the very nature of the Eucharistic table. Thus the Eucharist meal offersan answers to the theological needs which the Chagga have traditionally gone to theliving-dead to satisfy. And this recourse o the living-dead in traditional practices hasfailed to provide the satisfaction they sought.Communal meals or after-death feasa are the Chagga peoples way of turning theirtears do sorrow into life. For in Africa only where there is food drink talk dance orsons is there life. Because of this food or feast is a true symbol of life as it is with105

ead and wine in the Lord’s Supper Chagga usually say that relationship includeseating together . the emphasis on community values is made stronger y holding tothe custom of font eating alone, but communally. In discussing this communal mealtradition as a good symbol of our Christian fellowship in Christ, healer saysThe importance of the communal linkedTo meal ministry and the Eucharist. OurRelationship with Christ and with each otherIs deepened when we receive his body and bloodIn the Eucharis this unique blood relationshipHas deep meaning in he African cultureWhere friends have a pact of blood brotherhoodJust as food gives strength for a person to walkTo his or her destination so the EucharistGives strength in one’s spiritual journey. 19Because food is usually taken as a true symbol of life, Chaggas as well as otherAfricans have tended to visualize their living-dead in full vigor and life throughmemorial feasts, through these meals or feasts their living-dead are really alive intheir memories both bodily and spiritually.Song say tha although we must remember Christ death until he comes it is deaththat has been conquered by life through resurrection. 20 it is not the sting of deathwe remember when we partake of the body and blood of Christ symbolized by breadand wine (I Cor. 15: 55-59). Consequently, because in Christ’ death andresurrection, death ‘s sting andDestructiveness were conquered in order that we may have abundant lie, theEucharist serves as the appropriate means of communication the Gospel promise ofhope to all especially to the bereaved. Mbiti says:The sacraments not only contain the entireSubstance of Christian eschatology but alsoEpitomize the whole Gospel. So now theSacramental use of material elements whichCan be touché, tasted etc. make them theMedia par excellence of proclaiming theChristian message and the means of keepingThe laves of the faithful wholly Christ centric.Also celebrating the Eucharist in the contextOf an agape meal not only will recapture thePractice of the early church but greatlyDemonstrates and strengthens the meaning ofEucharist as communion.Sacrament are therefore a key factor in the process of Christianizing. For theyepitomize the whole Gospel and in that capacity that are an effective method ofconveying the present and future realties which constitute the substance and hope ofthe Christian message. Apart from them we cannot experience now what in Christwill be the ultimate norm for the life of the faithful. Shorter says, memorial in anAfrican religious context means primarily a significant continuity with the past whichprovides an understanding of the present and which is the basis for a future hope. 22Because the concept of the living-dead has been vital to African life we should seekway with Christianity to maintain and strengthen it, especially through the lord’ssupper. For it is through this sacrament that the real victory over death ismanifested. For the church to discourage African106

Memorial rituals to their beloved ones would be neither right nor humane. DonaldBillie saidWe love the bodies of our friends as wellAs their souls and when we are separatedFrom them we long to hear the sound of theirVoices t see their faces and familiar gestures,And to feel the touch of their hands. 23According to Song, 24 Christians should not fear to say that in the sacramentexperience of the presence of the living Christ in lord supper we also experiencevividly the presence of those who have already departed as being in the loving andsaving care of God. The Lords supper is the family celebration life in God. There istherefore no reason for the living to be anxious about the fate of the deceased or tofeel the need to provide for their needs. There is, furthermore, not the slightestreason to be afraid of them, to placate them, or to seek their favor. The life in Godmade real to us through the Lord supper binds all of us both the living and theliving-dead to rejoice together in our enjoyment of God. Thus the Lord supperthrough the presence of the living Christ sacramentaltized the familial and communalties within which we find the meaning of life. God is the basis of these tie. In Godour isolation has been overcome trough Jesus. Thus we remain one with God andone with each other, although this unity will never be complete until we see God faceto face. The Lord supper links our looking back and our looking ahead. It is apromise to be fulfilled, hope toBe realized and a vision to be actualized even as it is remembrance of God’s savingacts in the past.There is an urgent need for our churches in African to develop a theology of thecommunion of saints that will satisfy the passionate desire of African Christians andnon-Christians alike to be linked with their living-dead. It is here that Africanchurches can make a significant contribution to Christian theology in an area thathas often been neglected in the past by theologians. Professor Edward Fashole-Lukeof the university of Sierra Leone asserts that it is time for the church to learn to givethe communion of saints the centrality with the should o African craves. There islittle sign that either African churches or their theologians have given this doctrine itscentrality which it deserves, even though we affirm our belied in the communion ofsaints in the Apostles, Creed 24We saw from the beginning that to the Chagga as well as to almost all Africansreligion is not just part of the culture, but in some sense is the culture. Because ofthis, the church as community speads naturally to the Chagga need to belong.Chagga Christian like all Christians a part of the tree of life which extends itsbranches through time to eternity. And many of th triumphant ones of Christian faithwhich celebrated the communion of saints and the final reign of God, find ferventechoes in their hearts. Son the church becomes the family the great clan which is allinclusive of the living and the living-dead and providing a place forEveryone. Such understanding is central to Africa Christian experience.Although keeping alive the memories of our peoples’’ departed should be encouragedrather than discoursed care should be taken so that the living-dead are notremembered as provides and protectors of family but rather as people of the familyof God gone before us,(church triumphant) and who are a part of us. It should alsobe stated clearly that although the living-dead are not with us physically, the faithwhich they lived here on earth still can speak to their family and the whole people of107

God as we remember them as saints those who have died in the Lord. AfricanChristian should know that in the Lord supper they will find the promise and realityof the life they are seeking through their traditional memorial meals. It is Christwho affirms their family ties and grants them union with their loved one. It is inJesus Chest that the tears they shed in their bereavement will be wiped away andbe changed into joy, and communion with their loved ones will be realized.CONCLUCION1. Jaeschke, Bruno Gutamann His Life His Thougts and His Work, p. 3592. Mbit New Testment Eschtology in an African Background, pp. 125-1263. Joseph G. Healy Incutuationof liturgy and Worship in Africa Worship vol 60 No5, (1986) p. 4124. Ibid, p 4135. Ibid, p 4136. Ibid, p 4137. Ibid, p 413-4148. Mbiti New Testament Eschatology in an African Background p. 1279. Song, p. 15610. Wren, p. 83611. Ibid,12. Ibid,13. Mbiti New Testament Eschatology in an African Background p. 10614. Ibid, p. 10615. Ibid, p. 12016. healey, p. 41417. Ibid, p. 41418. Ibid, p. 41519. Ibid, p. 41920. Song, pp,. 152-15321. Mbiti new Testamnt Eschatology in an African Background p. 108.22. Aywald Shorte, African Chrstion Theology (London: Geoffrey Chapman 1975),p. 11523. Donald Baillie the Theology of the Sacraments New york: Charles Scribnersons 1057) p. 7024. Mark Glasswell and Edward w. Fashole-Luke eds. New testament Chrstionityfor Africa and the world London APCK, 1974), p 210108

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHYBachman, E. Theodore de, Luther’ Works American Edition,) Vol. 35 PhiladelphiaMuhlenberg press, 1960.Billie Donald. The theology of the Sacrament. New York Charles Scribner’s Sons,1957.Balthasard, Hans Rr. Life out of Death. Philadelphia Fortress press 1985.Bright John. A History of Israel Philadelphia Westminster press 1959.Cairns David. In Remembrance of Me. London Geoffrey Bless 1977Childs, Brevard S The Blood of Exodus. Philadelphia Westminster press, 1976. Memory and Tradition in Israel. London SCM press 1962.109

Chima Alex Africanizing the liturgy- where are we After twenty Years of Vatican IIAFER. Vo. 25, No. 5 Oct. 1983.Collier Encyclopedia Vo. 14 Ed. S. v. Tanzania by paril Jan Mohamed. New York:Macmillan Educational Company, 1981.Dictioner of the Biblical Theology ed. Xavier Leon-Dufour S.J New Youd DescleeCompany, 1962.Dundan, Charles Kilimanjaro and Its People London:Fisher Robert H. es. Luther Works American Edition) Vol. 37. PhiladelphiaMuhlenberg press, 1961.Gastr, Theodor, H. Passover – Its History and Traditions London: Abelard Schumann,1958Glass well, Mark and Edward W. Fashole-Luke eds. New testament Christianity forAfrica and the World. London: SPCK, 1974Irvin Kevin D. Liturgy prayer and spirituality, New york Paulist press 1984Healey, Joseph G. enculturation of Lityrgy and Worship in Africa Worship . Vol. 60 No5 1986.Jacob, Donald R. African Culture and African Church a New Look at Christianity inAfrican. GenevaL Geneval WSCF Books Vol, II, No. 2 Sr, 5 1972Jaeschke Ernst. Bruno Gutmann His life his thoughts and His work. Erlangen:makumira Publications Arusha Tanzania 1985._____________. Bruno Gutmann’s Legacy Africa Theological Journal Vol 10, No. 31981Jeremias Joachim the Eucharist Words of Jesus New York Macmillan Company, 1955.Jones Ray C. The Lord supper and the Concept of Anamnesis word and World. St.Paul Minnesota Luther Northwester Theological Seminare Fall 1986.Kibicho Samuel G. African Traditional Religion A New look at Christianity in AfricaGeneva WSCF Books vol. II No. 2 1972._______________Revelation in Africa Religion Africa theological Journal Vol.. 12,No. 3, 1983.Kibira Josiah M. Church Clan and the World. Uppsala: Almquist J. Wicksell, 1974.____________ Address to ELCT pastor meeting at EDM, Mororgoro June, 1981.King Noel O. Religious of Africa, New York Harper and Row publishers, 1969.110

Kraxberger Velyin. The Lord;s supper as a sacrificial meal B.D thesis WarthburgThelogical seminary , Dubuque, Iowa, 1953.Kweka Erasto N. Ripoti ya Mkuu wa dayosisi Mkutano Mkuu wa 19 machaeNkwarungo Jan. 13-19 1979 Umoja Toleo maalum), No. 28, Feb/March 1979.Kwiawon. Taryor Kya. The impact to the African Tradition on African Christianity.Chicago: the strugglers Community press 1985.Lema Anza Amen. The Impact of the elapsing Lutheran Mission on the people ofKilimanjaro 1893-1920. Ph,.D. dessertaion Md. University of Dar es Salaam, 1973.Leon-Dufour, Xavier ed., Dictionary of the Biblical Theology. New York DesclerCompany, 1962.Lyatuu, Daniel, Impact of the Chief and Missionary asReligious Leader, STM Thesis Wartburg Theological Seminary Dubuque Iow, 1983.Marealle Petro Itose Chief. Maisha ya machagga hapa Duniaon ja Ahera (The life of achagga here in Earth and After Death). Tanganyika Territory ,1947.Mbiti John S. Africn Religion as Philosophy. London praeger Publishers. 1969.___________ Concepts of God in Africa. London: praeger Publishers, 1970.___________. Introduction to African Religion. London Heinemann Educational BookInc. 1981.__________Love and marriage in African London Longman Group limited, 1973.___________ New Testament Eschatology in an African Background. London Oxforduniversity press, 1971.___________ The Encounter of Christion Faith and Afrianc Relion The ChristionCentury, Vol. 97, No, 27, August 27-3 September 1980.McCormick, Scott Jr. The Lord Supper. Philadelphia the Westminster press, 1966.Mick Marianne H. the Future Present. New York Seabury Press, 1970.Mitchell, Nathan. Cut and Controversy: the worship of the Eucharist outside mass.New York puebleo publishing company, 1982.Moltmann, Jurgen, the Crucified God. New York Harper and Row publishers, 1973.Moore Sally Fak. The secret of the Men (A fiction of Chagga initiation and its relationto the logic of Chagga symbolism), Africa journal of the International Africaninstiture, Vol, 46, No. 4 1976.Moyo Ambrose Mavingire, Faith and Culture African Theological Journal Vo. 12, No,2, 1983.111

Niwagila, Wilson. The Haya Tribe in Tanzania STM thesis, Wartburg TheologicalSeminary, Dubuque Iowa, 1972.Persaud, Weston D. Theology of the cross and marx’s concept of man with Referenceto the Caribbean Ph. D. Thesis, St. Mary’s College, University of St. Andrew,Scotland, 1980Raum, Otto F. Chagga Childhood. London Oxford University press, 1940.Richardson, Allan. An Introduction to the Theology of the New Testament NewYork: Haprer and Row Publishers, 1958.Rowell, Geoffrey, the liturgy of Christian Burial, Alcuin Club Collections No. 79,London SPCK, 1977.Sawyerr, Harry. The African Concept of Death A New look at Christianity in AfricanGeneva WSCF Books, Vol. I I No. 2, 1972.___________ Creative Evangelism towers a new Encounter with Africa LondonLutterworth press, 1968.Segal, J. B. The Hebrew Passover, London Oxford university press, 1963.Shao Martin F. Bruno Gutnann missionary Method STM thesis Wartburg TheologicalSeminary Dubuque Iowa, 1985.Shorter, Aywald. African Spirituality New York Orbis Books 1979.____________ African Cristian Theology. London Geoffrey Chipman. 1975.Song Choan Seng, Third Eye Theology. New York orbis Books 1979Swanson, Hjalmar S. Touring Tanganyika Rock, Island: Augustana Book Concern,1948.Taft, Tobert The frequency of th Eucharist throughout History in Beyond East andWest: Problems in Liturgical Understanding. Washingon, D. C. : the Pastoral press,1984.Tapper, Theodore ed. The Book of Concord Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1959.Tengbom Loverne., the Growth of the Church Among the people of Kilimanjaro STMThese, Luther Theological Semenary, St, Paul, 1962.Thurian Max. The Eucharistic Memorial part II . Richmond: John Knox press, 1961.Tillich, Paul Dynamics of Faith New York: harper and Row Publishers, 1957._____________ Systematic theology, Vol. I, Chicago: University of Chicago press,1951.Tumwabudu Mungu Wetu, (ELCT liturgy). Soni Vuga press, 1968.112

Von Rad, Gerhard. Old Testament Theology, Vol I. New York Harper and RowPublishers, 1962.Watt Stuart Eva, Africa Come of Mystery, London: Marshall Morgan ands Scott, Ltd,1930.WCC Baptism Eucharist and ministry Faith and order paper No. 111. Geneva WCCcommission on Faith and order, 1982.Wents, Abdel Ross ed. Luther Work America Edition) Vol. 36 Philadelphia Muhlenbergpress, 1959.Westermann Claus. Handbook of the Old Testament. Minneapolis. Augsburgpublishing House, 1967.Wiederaenders, Robert C. ed. In Remembrance of Ree. Dubuque, WartburgTheological Seminary Association, 1969.Wren, Brian. Justice and Liberation in the Eucharist. The Christian Century, Vol. 103,No, 28, Oct, 1, 1986.ABBREVI9ATIONSELCTELCT/NDLWFLWF/DCCIDMWCCEvangelical Lutheran Church in Tanzania.Evangelical Lutheran Church in Tanzania, NorthernDiocese.Lutheran World Federation.Lutheran World Federation, Department of ChurchCooperation.Institute of Development and Management.World Council of Churches.113

AMECEAAssociation of the Member Episcopal Conference inEastern Africa.VITAThe author, Aaron Zablon Urio was born April 19 1944. His hom villagee is MaranguSamanga in the town of Moshe, on the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro, Tanzania. Aaronwas baptized as a child June 8, 1944 at home because of illness, and was confirmedDecember 28, 1959. upon completion of his Teacher Training Education at MaranguCollege in 1963, he taught for one year, after which his home congregatio0n, Ashira,elected him to join Makumira Theologicla college in January, 1965. After interiningfor six monthes as a teachere at Mwika Bible School, and another six months inMoshe Town Lutherean church in 1968, he returned to Makumira to complete histheological studies. He was ordeained a pastor in 1970 and served his homecongregation as a senior pastor for severn years. He was married to Sophia October17, 1971 and has been blessed with two sons, Neechi and Kirama.In September, 1977, he joined Makumire again to pursue his undergraduate studiesin theology. He graduated with a B.D in December, 1979. He was called to be ateacher at the Lutheran Bible School Mwika and at the same time as a pastor of thedeaconess institution of the ELCT/ND, Ushirika wa Neema. In 1983 he moved fromMwika Bible School to become a full time pastor of Ushirika wa Neema. Besides hispastoral duties, Aaron has been involved in teaching religious instruction in varioushigh schools and colleges within the diocese(1971-1985). In August, 1985, he was granted a scholarship by the LWF to pursuehis graduate theological studies in the USA.He graduated and received the STM degree from Wartburg Theological SeminaryDecember 11,1986.Other than his pastoral duties in his dioces, Aaron has been an active member of theEastern Africa Research and Study Team on Doing Theology in African Context(sponsored by the Africa Desk of the LWF/DCC). Consequently he has been able toattend many theological meeting in African countries like Kenya Madagascar,Ethipia, Botswana, as well as in Israel and Europe.114