Yale University Press NEW HAVEN & 9 780300"089028 - Sito Mistero

Yale University Press NEW HAVEN & 9 780300"089028 - Sito Mistero Yale University Press NEW HAVEN & 9 780300"089028 - Sito Mistero

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140 TALIBANTaliban trait. As US pressure on the Taliban to expel Bin Laden intensified,the Taliban said he was a guest and it was against Afghan traditionto expel guests. When it appeared that Washington was planning anothermilitary strike against Bin Laden, the Taliban tried to cut a deal withWashington - to allow him to leave the country in exchange for USrecognition. Thus until the winter of 1998 the Taliban saw Bin Laden asan asset, a bargaining chip over whom they could negotiate with theAmericans.The US State Department opened a satellite telephone connection' tospeak to Mullah Omar directly. The Afghanistan desk officers, helped bya Pushto translator, held lengthy conversations with Omar in which bothsides explored various options, but to no avail. 25 By early 1999 it beganto dawn on the Taliban that no compromise with the US was possibleand they began to see Bin Laden as a liability. A US deadline in February1999 to the Taliban to either hand over Bin Laden or face the consequencesforced the Taliban to make him disappear discreetly from Kandahar.The move bought the Taliban some time, but the issue was stillnowhere near being resolved.The Arab-Afghans had come full circle. From being mere appendagesto the Afghan jihad and the Cold War in the 1980s they had taken centrestage for the Afghans, neighbouring countries and the West in the 1990s.The USA was now paying the price for ignoring Afghanistan between1992 and 1996, while the Taliban were providing sanctuary to the mosthostile and militant Islamic fundamentalist movement the world faced inthe post-Cold War era. Afghanistan was now truly a haven for Islamicinternationalism and terrorism and the Americans and the West were ata loss as to how to handle it.

11DICTATORS AND OILBARONS: THE TALIBAN ANDCENTRAL ASIA, RUSSIA,TURKEY AND ISRAELIn Ashkhabad, the capital of Turkmenistan, a massive new internationalairport was completed in 1996. The enormous, luxurious terminalbuilding, was built to meet the expected flow of Western airlinesto this oil- and gas-rich desert Republic, but it echoes with the sounds ofsilence. Within months, half of it was closed down, because it was tooexpensive to maintain and the rest - with only a few weekly flights arriving- was barely used even in 1999.In 1995 at Sarakhs, on the Turkmenistan-Iranian border, a spankingnew railway station with marbled walls and ticket counters was completed.The howling red sand and shifting dunes of the Karakum or BlackSand desert lapped the building and the heat was stifling. The station wasthe Turkmen end of a new railway line built by the Iranians, which connectsMeshad in north-eastern Iran with Ashkhabad - the first directcommunications link between Central Asia and Muslim countries to thesouth after 70 years of being cut off from each other. Yet with only twogoods and passenger trains arriving from Iran every week, the station isclosed for much of the week.Communication links with the outside world were a top priority for allthe Central Asian Republics (CARs) after they achieved independencein December 1991, but nearly a decade later it appeared that there wasmore camel traffic on the fabled Silk Route than today. These monumentsto extravagance, grandiose ambition and unrealized dreams were thehandiwork of Turkmen President Saparmurad Niyazov, who spends littleof his country's dwindling finances on the upkeep of his country's 4-2million people but much on his thriving personality cult. But these desertmirages also represent the still unfulfilled hopes of Turkmenistan becom-

11DICTATORS AND OILBARONS: THE TALIBAN ANDCENTRAL ASIA, RUSSIA,TURKEY AND ISRAELIn Ashkhabad, the capital of Turkmenistan, a massive new internationalairport was completed in 1996. The enormous, luxurious terminalbuilding, was built to meet the expected flow of Western airlinesto this oil- and gas-rich desert Republic, but it echoes with the sounds ofsilence. Within months, half of it was closed down, because it was tooexpensive to maintain and the rest - with only a few weekly flights arriving- was barely used even in 1999.In 1995 at Sarakhs, on the Turkmenistan-Iranian border, a spankingnew railway station with marbled walls and ticket counters was completed.The howling red sand and shifting dunes of the Karakum or BlackSand desert lapped the building and the heat was stifling. The station wasthe Turkmen end of a new railway line built by the Iranians, which connectsMeshad in north-eastern Iran with Ashkhabad - the first directcommunications link between Central Asia and Muslim countries to thesouth after 70 years of being cut off from each other. Yet with only twogoods and passenger trains arriving from Iran every week, the station isclosed for much of the week.Communication links with the outside world were a top priority for allthe Central Asian Republics (CARs) after they achieved independencein December 1991, but nearly a decade later it appeared that there wasmore camel traffic on the fabled Silk Route than today. These monumentsto extravagance, grandiose ambition and unrealized dreams were thehandiwork of Turkmen President Saparmurad Niyazov, who spends littleof his country's dwindling finances on the upkeep of his country's 4-2million people but much on his thriving personality cult. But these desertmirages also represent the still unfulfilled hopes of Turkmenistan becom-

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