108 ~ TALIBANa single one remained. Thus the Taliban's gender policies only worsenedan ongoing crisis. Within three months of the capture of Kabul, the Talibanclosed 63 schools in the city affecting 103,000 girls, 148,000 boys and11,200 teachers, of whom 7,800 were women. 5 They shut down Kabul<strong>University</strong> sending home some 10,000 students of which 4,000 werewomen. By December 1998, UNICEF reported that the country's educationalsystem was in a state of total collapse with nine in ten girls andtwo in three boys not enrolled in school. 6The Afghan people's desperate plight was largely ignored by the outsideworld. Whereas in the 1980s the war in Afghanistan attracted attentionand aid, the moment the Soviets withdrew their troops in 1989, Afghanistandropped off the radar screen of world attention. The ever dwindlingaid from wealthy donor countries, which did not even meet the minimumbudgetary requirements of the humanitarian aid effort, became a scandal.In 1996 the UN had requested US$124 million for its annual humanitarianaid programme to Afghanistan, but by the end of the year, it hadonly received US$65 million. In 1997 it asked for US$133 million andreceived only US$56 million or 42 per cent and the following year it Iasked for US$157 million but received only US$53 million or 34 percent. By 1999 the UN had drastically scaled down its request to justUS$113 million. In the words of scholar Barnett Rubin: 'If the situationin Afghanistan is ugly today, it is not because the people of Afghanistanare ugly. Afghanistan is not only the mirror of the Afghans: it is themirror of the world. "If you do not like the image in the mirror do notbreak the mirror, break your face," says an old Persian proverb.' 7When Kabul's women looked at themselves in the mirror, evenbefore the Taliban captured the city, they saw only despair. In 1996I met Bibi Zohra in a tiny bakery in Kabul. She was a widow wholed a group of young women who prepared nan, the unleavened bakedbread every Afghan eats, for widows, orphans and disabled people.Some 400,000 people in Kabul depended on these bakeries funded bythe WFP, which included 25,000 familes headed by war widows and7,000 families headed by disabled men. Zohra's mud shack was pockmarkedwith shrapnel and bullet holes. It had first been destroyed byrockets fired by Gulbuddin Hikmetyar's forces in 1993, then shelled bythe Taliban in 1995.With six children and her parents to support she had donated part ofthe tiny plot of land where her house once stood to WFP for a bakery.'Look at my face, don't you see the tragedy of our lives and our countrymarked all over it?' she said. 'Day by day the situation is worsening. Wehave become beggars dependent on the UN to survive. It is not theAfghan way. Women are exhausted, depressed and devastated. We arejust waiting for peace, praying for peace every minute of the day.'A VANISHED GENDER 109The plight of Bibi Zohra's children and other kids was even worse. Ata playground set up by Save the Children in the battered, half-destroyedMicroyan housing complex, rake-thin Afghan children played grimly onthe newly installed swings. It was a playground littered with reminders ofthe war - discarded artillery shell cases, a destroyed tank with a gapinghole where the turret once was and trees lopped down by rocket fire.'Women and children face the brunt of the conflict,' Save the Children'sDirector Sofie Elieussen told me. 'Women have to cope with no food andmalnutrition for their children. Women suffer from hysteria, trauma anddepression because they don't know when the next rocket attack willcome. How can children relate to a mother's discipline or affection whenthey have seen adults killing each other and mothers are unable to providefor their basic needs? There is so much stress that the children don'teven trust each other and parents have stopped communicating with theirkids or even trying to explain what is going on,' said Elieussen.A UNICEF survey of Kabul's children conducted by Dr Leila Guptafound that most children had witnessed extreme violence and did notexpect to survive. Two-thirds of the children interviewed had seen somebodykilled by a rocket and scattered corpses or body parts. More than 70per cent had lost a family member and no longer trusted adults. 'They allsuffer from flashbacks, nightmares and loneliness. Many said they felt theirlife was not worth living anymore,' said Dr Gupta. Every norm of familylife had been destroyed in the war. When children cease to trust theirparents or parents cannot provide security, children have no anchor inthe real world.Children were caught up in the war on a greater scale than in anyother civil conflict in the world. All the warlords had used boy soldiers,some as young as 12 years old, and many were orphans with no hope ofhaving a family, an education or a job except soldiering. The Talibanwith their linkages to the Pakistani madrassas encouraged thousands ofchildren to enlist and fight. Entire units were made up of kids as loadersfor artillery batteries, ammunition carriers, guarding installations and asfighters. Significantly a n\ajor international effort in 1998 to limit the ageof soldiers to 18, rather than the current minimum age of 15 met withresistance by the US, Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan. A 1999 AmnestyInternational report said there were over 300,000 children under 18enlisted as soldiers worldwide. 8 The plight of women and children wouldget much worse after the Taliban capture of Kabul.Every Kabuli woman I met during 1995-96 - and reporters could theneasily meet and talk to women on the street, in shops and offices — knewtheir precarious lives would only get worse if the Taliban captured Kabul.One such woman was Nasiba Gul, a striking 27-year-old single womanwho aspired to be part of the modem world. A 1990 graduate of Kabul
TALIBAN<strong>University</strong>, she held down a good job with an NGO. Dressed in a longskirt and high heels, she rarely bothered to cover her face, throwing justa small scarf over her head when she travelled across the city. 'The Tali-1ban just want to trample women into the dust. No woman, not even thepoorest or most conservative wants the Taliban to rule Afghanistan,' saidNasiba. 'Islam says women are equal to men and respect should be given Ito women. But the Taliban's actions are turning people against evenIslam,' she added. Nasiba's fears were justified, for when the Taliban capturedKabul, women disappeared from public view. Nasiba was forced to •]stop working and left for Pakistan.The Taliban leaders were all from the poorest, most conservative andleast literate southern Pashtun provinces of Afghanistan. In MullahOmar's village women had always gone around fully veiled and no girlhad ever gone to school because there were none. Omar and his colleaguestransposed their own milieu, their own experience, or lack of it, withwomen, to the entire country and justified their policies through theKoran. For a time, some aid agencies claimed that this was the Afghancultural tradition which had to be respected. But in a country so diversein its ethnicity and levels of development, there was no universal standardof tradition or culture for women's role in society. Nor had any Afghanruler before the Taliban ever insisted on such dress codes as compulsorybeards for men and the burkha.The rest of Afghanistan was not even remotely like the south. AfghanPashtuns in the east, heavily influenced by Pakistani Pashtuns, were proudto send their girls to school and many continued to do so under theTaliban, by running village schools or sending their families to Pakistan.Here aid agencies such as the Swedish Committee supported some 600primary schools with 150,000 students of whom 30,000 were girls. WhenPashtun tribal elders demanded education for girls, Taliban governors didnot and could not object. 9 In Afghan refugee camps in Pakistan tens ofthousands of Pashtun girls studied. Outside the Pashtun belt, all otherethnic groups vigorously encouraged female education. Afghanistan'sstrength was its ethnic diversity and women had as many roles as therewere tribes and nationalities.Afghanistan's cities were even more diverse. Kandahar was always aconservative city but Herat's female elite once spoke French as a secondlanguage and copied the fashions of the Shah's court in Tehran. Forty percent of Kabul's women worked, both under the communist regime andthe post-1992 Mujaheddin government. Women with even a smatteringof education and a job exchanged their traditional clothes for skirts, highheels and make-up. They went to the movies, played sports and dancedand sang at weddings. Common sense alone should have dictated that to;win hearts and minds, the Taliban would have to relax their gender policy •,A VANISHED GENDER 111according to the prevalent realities in the areas they took control of.Instead they viewed Kabul as a den of iniquity, a Sodom and Gomorrahwhere women had to be beaten into conforming with Taliban standardsof behaviour. And they viewed the northerners as impure Muslims whohad to be forcibly re-Islamicized.The Taliban's uncompromising attitude was also shaped by their owninternal political dynamic and the nature of their recruiting base. Theirrecruits - the orphans, the rootless, the lumpen proleteriat from the warand the refugee camps - had been bought up in a totally male society. Inthe madrassa milieu, control over women and their virtual exclusion wasa powerful symbol of manhood and a reaffirmation of the students' commitmentto jihad. Denying a role for women gave the Taliban a kind offalse legitimacy amongst these elements. 'This conflict against women isrooted in the political beliefs and ideologies, not in Islam or the culturalnorms. The Taliban are a new generation of Muslim males who are productsof a war culture, who have spent much of their adult lives in completesegregation from their own communities. In Afghan society, women havetraditionally been used as instruments to regulate social behaviour, and assuch are powerful symbols in Afghan culture,' said Simi Wali, the headof an Afghan NGO. 10Taliban leaders repeatedly told me that if they gave women greaterfreedom or a chance to go to school, they would lose the support oftheir rank and file, who would be disillusioned by a leadership that hadcompromised principles under pressure. They also claimed their recruitswould be weakened and subverted by the possibility of sexual opportunitiesand thus not fight with the same zeal. So the oppression of womenbecame a benchmark for the Taliban's Islamic radicalism, their aim to'cleanse' society and to keep the morale of their troops high. The genderissue became the main platform of the Taliban's resistance to UN andWestern governments' attempts to make them compromise and moderatetheir policies. Compromise with the West would signal a defeat that theywere wrong all along, defiance would signal victory.Hardline Taliban turned the argument of the outside world on its head.They insisted that it was up to the West to moderate their position andaccommodate the Taliban, rather than that the Taliban recognize universalhuman rights. 'Let us state what sort of education the UN wants. Thisis a big infidel policy which gives such obscene freedom to women whichwould lead to adultery and herald the destruction of Islam. In any Islamiccountry where adultery becomes common, that country is destroyed andenters the domination of the infidels because their men become likewomen and women cannot defend themselves. Anybody who talks to usshould do so within Islam's framework. The Holy Koran cannot adjustitlf to other people's requirements, people should adjust themselves to
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Abbas, Mulla Mohammed 22,61,100Abda
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INDEX - 270Hazaras (continued)burea
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INDEX ~ 274nF»r\/FaliViar» milita
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INDEX ~ 278Talibans (continued)Sunn